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The North's primary revenue source textiles depended on slave grown cotton. Free or not the Blacks were needed to grow the White Gold on which New England depended.Jim Crow Laws were imposed on the South to supply Massachusetts Mill's with cotton DURING the Civil War by the Union Army. The most egregious lie told about Reconstruction is that Jim Crow was created by resurgent Confederates to suppress and dominate Black people. A close examination shows this not only to be incorrect, but almost diametrically the opposite of what really happened.John D. Winters wrote "Civil War in Louisiana" in chronological fashion, without categorizing the many social political military or economic issues that he addresses. If you want to get to the good parts you have to wade through a lot of bake sales and sewing. Writing for the Centennial, he doesn't moralize or justify motives. To find the story of the Louisiana slavery, one must read the whole thing, because you can never tell where it might enter the narrative. This first story takes from PG106-110. Mainly Winters is talking about US Admiral Farragut, US Capt Porter, CSS Arkansas and the affairs of Generals Butler and Williams with General Halleck. ."In compliance with orders from General Butler , on June 27th (62) General Williams began work on a cutoff canal a mile and a quarter long across a neck of land on the Louisiana side....Twelve Hundred Negroes rounded up from nearby Plantations were rounded up and set to work..The Negroes laughed and shouted at their work thinking they were earning their freedom...Press gangs sent out by General Williams ranged up and down the River, stripping the all the able-bodied Negro men to work on the Canal. The Negro men, lured by promises of Freedom, gladly left their wives, children and friends for a life of hard labor and short rations with only the tree for shelter at night...The Negroes were urged to work faster but the the more the men worked the faster the River fell....At last even Williams despaired of success... General Williams reneged on his promise of freedom and deserted his Negro laborers. On July 24th Farragut's fleet acompanied by William's departed for the lower River.The abandoned Negroes gathered on the levee; their shrieks rang out over the water as the boats mover away,"This comes from PGs 207-8."The Contraband problem proved troublesome for Banks.Several large contraband camps were located at Camp Parapet above NOLA in January 63.From time to time military details were sent up River to collect Negroes.. and bring them back....In all the Camps. at first. the Negroes were allowed freedom of movement. Women and children were kept in separate camps from the men... Negro men working working on the fortifications visited their women....consequently white sentries were at the Engineer Camp were order to shoot any negro who tied to leave without a pass....As the task of feeding and controlling so many Negroes became more difficult...Banks made radical changes...the Negro could choose on what plantation he wished to work, but once he made his choice he had to remain one yr. If he ran away he could be returned by force....This labor system caused US Treasury Agent George Denison to charge Banks with re-establishing slavery, but it restored the labor supply and the prospects of a good crop (cotton), in 1863, in the vicinity of NOLA became much brighter."PG 310-11 (After Vicksburg fell)"The Lessee system, which had been tried in South Louisiana and proven successful, was imported to Northeast Louisiana...The long line of plantations was then leased by the Army and Treasury agents to Carpet Baggers...Many of the lessees showed far less regard for their hired Negro laborers than the most negligent planter has shown for his slaves. In 1863 few lessees pd their labor except in food and clothing...at the end of the yr the Negro was told nothing was due him. Some lessees realized up to $80,000 profits, paid the labor nothing, and boasted about their ability to swindle the Negro....Negro Labor was often hard to control...withholding food and docking pay helped to stabalize the Negro, but it was not a cure-all....soldiers had to be called in to restore order.or make the Negroes go back to work."PG 313"In order to give colored troops the best leadership possible General Andrews...created a school for the White officers and personally supervised the instruction...Despite the careful screening and retraining...some of the older officers in the Negro units continued to give trouble. One such officer was Lt Colonel Benedict of the 4th Corps d'e Afrique. From August to December this sadistic officer ruled over his Negro like an omnipotent tyrant, freely administering cruel and unusual punishment upon his naive charges. One fellow officer reported that he had frequently seen him at Ft St Phillip strike men with his fists and kick them because their brass was not bright and boots weren't shined. On another occasion, for an equally minor offense a black soldier was stripped and spread-eagled on the ground with his hand and feet tied to stakes. Molasses was then smeared on his face, hands and feet to at to attract ants. For two days this treatment was continued. On December 9...Benedict became angry with two drummer boys who had turned out without coats. He seized a mule whip and began to flog the two boys, The Negro troops watched the beating without moving, but as soon as Benedict left ...a shout went up ...and the men seized their weapons and began firing in the air, one man proposed to "kill all the damned Yankees" (Benedict survived as white troops rescued him)In my study of Louisiana Cavalry I found many instances of raids on the lessee plantations, Yankee accounts frequently lament the Freedmen being returned to slavery. But were they being captured or rescued?US Treasury Agent George Denison who earlier accused US General Banks of "re-instituting Slavery" reported that the delegates to the Unionist Constitutional Convention in 1864, "were making fools of themselves" in reference to voting themselves salaries and budgets, but also reported, "Prejudice against the colored people is exhibited continually-prejudice bitter and vulgar" and the whole policy respecting the Colored People is ungenerous and unjust." They did not even abolish slavery.Superintendent of the of the Freedmen's Bureau Thomas W Conway in Louisiana reported to US General Hurlbut in charge of Civilian affairs (after being removed in Memphis for his mishandling of military affairs in Tennessee, particularly at Ft Pillow) that the Bureau that there had been 1500 "Plantations under cultivation under military orders" and 50K Freedmen on the Plantations "managed by the Bureau." He further reported he, "found it necessary...in order secure payment of wages, to make seizures either of produce or other property" He seized over $22K.The Superintendent reported that the "Old Planters,...pd more promptly, more justly and apparently with more willingness, than the Lessees from other parts of the country." Governor Hahn,who instituted laws that prohibited Blacks from Voting, was elected to the US Senate and was replaced by Lt Governor J. Madison Wells in March 65, who promptly earned the enmity of US General Banks (Massachusetts) by appointing Southerners to office, Banks complained bitterly to Washington, but US General E.S. Canby, now in full military command replaced Banks and sided with Wells, because the Scalawags caused him less problem than the Carpet Baggers.Hulburt issued orders Feb 4 1865 that "All Freedmen being care for by the Government, who were able to work, be forced to sign labor contracts" All Labor contracts were to be supervised by the Freedmen's Bureau or his agents. The Lessees complained about the regulations and "Red Tape" taking up too much of their time "negotiating labor contracts" with Federal Agents" but "part of the delay was occasioned by the fact that the Negroes were dissatisfied with the payments of the last yr." On April 14th 1865 Alexander Pugh wrote, "I have agreed with the Negros today to pay them monthly, It was very distasteful to me, but i could do no better."Besides admitting to Orville Browning that the Blacks were not receiving the "desired benefit of Union occupation, " Lincoln was terribly concerned with the state of affairs in Louisiana and wrote General Canby, “Frequent complaints are made to me that persons endeavoring to bring in cotton in strict accordance with the trade regulations of the Treasury Department, are frustrated by seizures of District Attorneys, Marshals, Provost-Marshals and others, on various pretenses, I wish, if you can find time, you would look into this matter within your Department, and finding these abuses to exist, break them up, if in your power, so that fair dealing under the regulations, can proceed.”General Canby and Superintendent Conway did an excellent job trying to be fair to all, but Canby was removed in 1866, and there was little Conway could do alone with the dozen or so teachers who remained. Northern economic considerations trumped Black suffrage in the South, Jim Crow was born in a Massachusetts Cotton Mill."Reconstruction in Mississippi, 1865-1876"By Jason Phillips.This angry article is typical of the nonsense we read condemning the Ex-Confederates, but he slipped up and included this, without explaining it was AFTER the Unionist Government was enacted."In 1865 deep prejudice appeared in Mississippi’s notorious Black Codes enacted in late November by the newly elected Mississippi Legislature. One of the first necessities of Reconstruction was to define the legal status of former slaves. Instead of embracing change Mississippi passed the first and most extreme Black Codes, laws meant to replicate slavery as much as possible. The codes used “vagrancy” laws to control the traffic of black people and punished them for any breach of Old South etiquette.""Louisiana's Black Heritage" we learnthe American Missionary Society sent 20 teachers for the 50K Freedmen.Union General Banks promised to assist the 20 teachers, but reneged on his promises. The Gens de Couleur Libres provided the vast majority of what little education the Freedmen received."Louisiana's Black Heritage" published by the Louisiana State Museum, in 1979, was written and edited by Black Scholars, yet it qualifies for The Dunning School of historiographical thought regarding the Reconstruction period of American history (1865–1877), which we are assured by Wikipedia was guilty of "supporting conservative elements against the Radical Republicans who introduced civil rights in the South."PG 126 "free Colored Leaders first began discussing the question of Suffrage in the final months or 1862....L'Union Newspaper boldly announced "Our population, so respectable in many ways and composed largely of landholders who by their large taxes aid in the maintenance of the State and city, dares today, encouraged by its loyalty and patriotism, to claim its right ...to demand finally a place at at the banquet which the Unionists ...are now preparing." The editor made it clear that "our population included only free men of color and that Unionists were not being asked to grant political equality to slaves."PG 128The Unionist, like James MCkaye, answered "The Gens de Couleur Libres must "Get rid of their own prejudices against those of their race who had been slaves." Jordan Noble, who had fought in the Battle of New Orleans (1815),proceeded to lecture McKaye ...stating,"There were two classes introduced here, one, the slaves from the the wilds of Africa, an ignorant, degraded people and the other an intelligent, educated and wealthy class from the Caribbean."McKaye was persuaded. "Their case is a peculiar one," he wrote "and is to be judged on its own grounds. There is no other such body of people in the United States. The question of granting them political rights has nothing to do with the propriety of justice of conferring these right at once on the whole body of emancipated slaves. There is no parallel between them." Banks on the other hand was unconvinced and the state elections on February 22 1863 were restricted to White voters.Pg 129Barely two weeks later Jean B Roudanez and E. A. Bertonneau arrived in Washington. They brought with them a petition signed by a thousand Gens de Couleur Libres, including 27 veterans of 1815, which requested, "That all citizens of Louisiana of African descent, born free before the rebellion, may be, by proper orders, directed to be inscribed in the registers, and admitted to the rights and privileges of electors." Roudanez recorded "Lincoln was sympathetic, but said he could not aid us on moral grounds but only as a military necessity." Upon returning to NOLA they learned that the State Constitutional Convention (Unionist) ...of March 22 had not only refused to write free Colored suffrage into the the new Constitution but also prohibited the State Legislature from ever passing "any act authorizing free Negroes to Vote."PG 130James H Ingraham bitterly observed before a mass meeting of Free Blacks," We were never slaves until General Banks came here" Five days later L'Union suspended publication never to reappear. (Only one of 300 Newspapers closed by the Union Army for sedition)PG 153The Federal Army was the most insurmountable obstacle encountered by Black students ....In early January 1864 General Banks had cheerfully promised facilities, rations and shelter the teachers needed.... but promises made were more common than promises kept.... Planters (Unionists) opposed the plan and Banks capitulated to Planter pressure. Hubbs (Missionary association) complained that on the Plantations Blacks were "Maltreated and defrauded... abused by Northern men...murdered by our soldiers ...put in prison for entering complaints...and the robbed by the jailers who frightened them into silence."This all fits perfectly with Winters " The Civil War in Louisiana" 1963 which is disregarded by "Pious Cause Pseudo-Historians."From Rod O'Barr,Dr. C. Vann Woodward, former Professor of History at Yale, points out the following comparison between the Radical Republicans during Reconstruction and the old former slave owners:Regarding the Left leaning Radical Republicans whom he calls “false friends of the freedmen:”“They were false friends not only because of an error of judgement but also out of baseness of motive; for they had used their pretended friendship to advance selfish ends of party advantage and private gain.”Regarding the old slave owners after the war Woodward quotes the following 1879 editorial:“The old slave owner feels no social fear of negro equality... He feels no desire to maltreat and brow-beat and spit upon the colored man. He feels no opposition to the education and elevation of the black man in the scale of civilized life.” (The Strange Career of Jim Crow, p. 48, 49)Of relevance is the fact that Confederate V.P. Alexander Stephens paid the college tuition of one of his former slaves.Woodward represents yet another refutation of the mythical pejorative “Lost Cause School.” The claims of benevolent masters and good race relations in the antebellum South was NOT a Lost Cause myth. It was witnessed reality, and carried over into the post-Reconstruction years in spite of efforts by the Radical Republicans to destroy race relations in the South. As long as the old antebellum Southerners were alive, the detrimental introduction of the Northern Black Codes into the South were to a large degree restrained.Part 2: I am currently taking another look at a book I had read years ago. C. Vann Woodward, Professor of History at Yale, wrote THE STRANGE CAREER OF JIM CROW, a series of lectures he delivered in 1954. The first thing that strikes me is how honest and frank he was able to be at a time before the PC thought police overran our institutions of higher learning! He could not write the same book today without jeopardizing his career as a professional historian. The holier-than-thou would not permit such credible history to expose their false narrative.In a prior post on my current re-read, I pointed out some interesting comments he made about Reconstruction. Perhaps the most important takeaway from that topic is his frank admission that, “One of the strangest things about the career of Jim Crow was that the system was born in the North and reached an advanced age before moving South in force.” He points out that its first introduction in the South came at the hands of the provisional Reconstruction governments.Tonight I re-read chapter two. He deals with the period in the South after Northern troops pulled out in 1877. Here are some fascinating takes:He first mentions a couple of writers, one from the North and the other British, who toured the South to see how blacks were now being treated. In 1878 Northerner (former militant abolitionist) Col. Thomas Higginson, a writer for the Atlantic Monthly, toured three Southern States expecting to find the blacks horribly treated with the absence of Federal troops. Higginson was quite surprised by what he found. “He compared the tolerance and acceptance of the Negro in the South... with attitudes in his native New England and decided that the South came off rather better in comparison.” It was better “in granting rights and privileges to the colored race.”In 1789 Parliamentarian Sir George Campbell traveled a large part of the South to study race relations. “He was impressed with the freedom of association between whites and blacks, with the frequency and intimacy of personal contact, and with the extent of Negro participation in political affairs...’on terms of perfect equality, and without the smallest symptom of malice or dislike on either side.’”Woodward presents testimony after testimony of others experiencing the same racial harmony. One black Boston newspaper writer states, “I think the whites of the South are really less afraid to have contact with colored people than whites of the North... I can be more politely waited on than in some parts of New England.” Woodward also reveals two former Confederate soldiers who wrote books during 1885 and 1889 calling for the equal treatment of all their black neighbors, one stating, “In all things and in all places he (blacks) must, unless we wish to clip his hope and crush his self-respect, be treated precisely like the whites, no better, but no worse.”Woodward adds, “A frequent topic of comment by Northern visitors was the intimacy of contact between the races in the South, an intimacy sometimes admitted to be distasteful to the visitor... white babies suckled at black breasts, white and colored children playing together, the casual proximity of white and Negro homes... The same sights and stories had once been topics of comment for carpetbaggers and before them abolitionists, both of whom expressed puzzlement and sometimes revulsion.”Then Woodward concludes with the following frank admission: (emphasis mine)“WHAT THE NORTHERN TRAVELER OF THE ‘EIGHTIES TOOK FOR SIGNS OF A NEW ERA OF RACE RELATIONS WAS REALLY A HERITAGE OF SLAVERY TIMES, OR, MORE ELEMENTALLY, THE RESULT OF TWO PEOPLES HAVING LIVED TOGETHER INTIMATELY FOR A LONG TIME...”Indeed once the yankees had given up on Reconstruction and left, race relations returned to the more harmonious norm that characterized the South before Lincoln’s war and subsequent Reconstruction. As long as the old antebellum Southerners were still alive, those egregious Northern Black codes introduced during the war and Reconstruction would be held at bay by a heritage of caring for all men regardless of color. A heritage rooted in a Christian ethic that permeated Southern culture. One can only imagine how much better race relations would have been in the long run without Northern interference in the South.There is no way Woodward would be allowed to expose these historical truths today, because they do not fit the Righteous Cause narrative, or the Marxist style analysis that needs victimization as leverage for Leftist political power. The PC thought police would destroy him.”Part 5: More from Harrison Berry in his book SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM, AS VIEWED BY A GEORGIA SLAVE. Here he contrasts black subordination in the North to black subordination in the South. You want find this information in UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. Yet CABIN, written by a white woman who had never witnessed slavery first hand, is preferred in academia to a book written by a black man who was an actual slave. It makes you wonder why the latter is suppressed and the former championed? Is the historical narrative being distorted? Hear from Harrison as he writes to his fellow slaves about abolitionists:“But, perhaps, some of you may say, that, in case they should succeed in getting off with you, you would be free. Just let me say to you, that as soon as you were landed on free soil, your pretended friend would have nothing more to do with you. He would tell you to go to work; but after you had tried in vain to get something to do, and failed, you would, perhaps, hunt him up, and tell him that you were without money, and could not get anything to do. He would point out some other place, and send you there; but after you had tried all over that neighborhood, and were told that they did not employ negroes while there was so many white men, with families, needing work; and that you had better go back to the man that brought you there; then you would begin to think that you had better staid where you had some one to give you plenty of work to do, and plenty of victuals to eat. And, more especially, would you feel the truth of what I say, when you went back to the man that had decoyed you off, and he being tired of your troubling him, mightbring you a piece of meat and bread to the door, and handing it to you, drive you away from his house. Such treatment might do for those poor colored people there, who never knew any better, but it would not do for a Slave of the South, accustomed to being treated as a human being. So, whenever one talks to you about being free, tell him that you had rather stay where some one is compelled to take care of you, than to go where no one is, and where you are equally as subordinate as you would be where you had some one to protect you. In fact, I hold that the subordination of the poor colored man North, is greater than that of the Slave South.”Harrison BerryA serious study of Blacks from the Civil War era such as H. Ford Douglas, Harrison Berry, George Washington Williams, Mississippi Legislator J F Harris, US Senator Revels, The Publishers of L'Union Newspaper, Antoine Metoyer and Frederick Douglass, make it clear that the North invaded for cotton and tariffs not to do Blacks any favors.Intelligent and insightful Blacks are either ignored or heavily edited to present a version of events that deifies Lincoln to forward the Pious Cause Political agenda. Slaves in the North were still slaves, but free Blacks in the North did not have a fraction of the economic opportunity Southern Free Blacks had.I have been accused of saying Slaves in the South were better off than Free Blacks of the North, I never said that. I have said as a group all Blacks in the South had more legal protection than any Black in the North. But Mr Berry, who was there, then, suggests that Slaves were better off than Free Blacks in the North. Slavery is morally reprehensible compared to Citizenship and equality, but compared to expulsion and the elimination suggested by Abolitionists, it looks pretty good.From Kev Flynn,African American Abolitionist John Rock.The Liberator,” published 2/14/1863 by the radical abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison.John S. Rock was born in Salem Massachusetts. He provided some insight to the differences between the North and the South regarding race. I have made summary comments for those who will not take the time to read them. If you would like to read the speech in its entirety, go here:http://fair-use.org/the-liberator/1862/02/14/the-liberator-32-07.pdfIn this he points out that the “deep and cruel prejudice” is more abundant in the North than in the South. He says it is found in the higher and lower classes of the North, and among the poor in the South. Northern rich see abolition as a threat to their livelihood in that it would dry up the Southern slave produced staples that supply his business. Now we know why no major political party called for emancipation. There was too much profit being made off of Southern slavery. The major concern was keeping slavery out of the territories so that agrarian minded citizens would not populate the territories and swing the balance of political power South. This was coupled with a Northern racism that wanted to preserve the territories for whites only. The Northern and Southern poor hate the free black because he is competition for jobs. He concludes, “The rich and poor are both prejudiced from (self) interest, and not because they entertain vague notions of justice and humanity.”Here he begins to chastise Lincoln and his cronies who “advocate emancipation as a military necessity.” The question then becomes “what is to be done with the slave, if he is set at liberty.” This question was echoed in Northern newspapers of the day, “What shall we do with the negro?” Lincoln and most in the North had long planned on colonization. Rock fires back that this hypocrisy is why the North is frowned on in Europe. He points out the North takes “away the rights of those whose color differs from your own.” He indicts the Northern businessman who, if he cannot profit from the slave, “you will banish him!”Here he begins to chastise Lincoln and his cronies who “advocate emancipation as a military necessity.” The question then becomes “what is to be done with the slave, if he is set at liberty.” This question was echoed in Northern newspapers of the day, “What shall we do with the negro?” Lincoln and most in the North had long planned on colonization. Rock fires back that this hypocrisy is why the North is frowned on in Europe. He points out the North takes “away the rights of those whose color differs from your own.” He indicts the Northern businessman who, if he cannot profit from the slave, “you will banish him!”Next he points out that Southern “slaveholders are not the men we dread. They do not desire to have us removed. The Northern pro-slavery men have done the people of color ten-fold more injury than the Southern slave holders.” He contrasts Southerners with Northerners by saying, “There is no prejudice against color among the slaveholders.” He believes they are only motivated by money. Root then makes the point that if the slaves were emancipated, they would want to remain in the South because they are more valued in the South. He echoes Northern travel writer Frederick Olmsted regarding how much better free blacks are treated in the South, “Many of you are aware that Southerners will do a favor for a free colored man, when they will not do it for a white man in the same condition in life.”He asks incredulously, “Why is it that the free people from all other countries are invited to come here, and we are asked to go away?” He then continues in a heartbreaking and credible point of how the black man has earned a right to be here just as much as the white. And then answers why the North wants him gone, stating that “because the nation has robbed us for nearly two and a half centuries, and finding that she can no longer do it and preserve her character among nations, now out of hatred, wishes to banish, because she cannot continue to rob us.” This is yet another indictment of the kind of abstract anti-slavery motive we see in Lincoln. For so many in the North the a motive was not a humanitarian concern for the well-being of the slave. The concern was how America would look to the eyes of the world when proclaiming the right to “liberty” while keeping the black enslaved. Lincoln hated the idea of living with blacks, and his anti-slavery was driven by this racist attitude coupled with the abstract notion of slavery as a violation of liberty that stained America’s reputation. The problem then was what to do with blacks once freed? The answer for Lincoln up until the week he died was colonization. Rock then concludes this clipping by refuting the other Anti-slavery solution. There were Northern voices like Ralph Waldo Emerson who believed if cut off from the welfare of the master the black man would eventually “die out.” This threat was used as a means to persuade free blacks to colonize out of a country that is to them an inhospitable climate. Rock refutes this claim, “The free people of color have succeeded, in spite of every effort to crush them, and we are today a living refutation of that shameless assertion that ’we can’t take care of ourselves’ in a state of freedom.”Here Rock points out that in the Northern mind the the negro is tolerable as long as he is a slave. He can live in close intimacy with the master in the South, but as soon as he is free, he is “fit only to be colonized... eternally banished from the presence of all civilized beings.” Rock points out that it isn’t the Southern slave that the North wants to colonize, rather “it is the emancipated slave and the free colored man whom it (the North) is proposed to remove.” He concludes, “this country and climate are perfectly adapted to negro slavery; it is the free black that the air is not good for.”In this clip Rock points out that “a great many simple-minded” colored folk have been persuaded to leave the North for Liberia and Hayti. But the “more intelligent“ black folk will choose to remain here. Why? He continues with a scathing indictment of a Lincoln idea that the “negroes have Natural Rights, although they cannot enjoy them here.” Lincoln said the black man can only exercise his natural rights “upon his own soil” in Africa. To this Rock exclaims, “not because we prefer being oppressed here to being freemen in other countries, but we will remain because we believe our future prospects are better here than elsewhere.” Rock’s article is an excellent treatise on what was meant by anti-slavery in the North. The term was devoid of any moral content, and would better be stated as “anti-black” than “anti-slavery.” Spending time in the primary sources will reveal this suppressed truth.http://fair-use.org/the-liberator/1862/02/14/the-liberator-32-07.pdfJohn Rock, (October 13, 1825 – December 3, 1866) was an American teacher, doctor, dentist, lawyer and abolitionist. Rock was one of the first African-American men to earn a medical degree. In addition, he was the first black person to be admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court of the United States.