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Not for school, but for life, we learn. (Non scholae sed vitae discimus)-- SenecaAs someone highly “engaged” in the “democratic process” for decades, plus involved with education at all levels in a variety of ways, this question goes straight to my heart on many levels. Despite being an “infernal optimist,” as my father once dubbed my mother and me, a short, perky answer calling for a new program or approach doesn’t feel like a suitable answer to the sponsor-requester’s profoundly deep question, which is:How should the US education system best prepare students to engage in the democratic process?I would like to share some true stories from our school classrooms and from a former insider’s view of public service and policy that illustrate how US schools are both meeting this challenge and missing opportunities to do so. Let’s look at the framework within which we have to work so our expectations are realistic and the efforts worthwhile. (A TL;DR appears at the end.)1. What is “engagement”?A local university student knocked on a door to conduct a survey for a class project. Engagement! The discussion turned to what students thought of a local politician. The student said, “I’m not so sure about him myself, but a lot of my classmates like him and think he is cool because he’s often down at the bar drinking with them,” she said, adding this was not a basis upon which she forms an opinion of a candidate or an official.The drinking students are engaged in the process. They vote. Sometimes. Based on that university’s demographics, they are likely white, middle-class, and attended schools with civics classes, DAR and VFW essay contests, active student councils, Presidential Classroom, Girls and Boys State/Nation, Capitol Hill Pages and a slew of other programs – all the “right stuff” to prepare them for engagement in the democratic process.What does this story tell us? Is a class or a program a guarantee of engagement? What kind of engagement? Does it truly prepare us? Doesn’t the choice, the responsibility and the manner of engagement ultimately fall to us?2. Is there a one-size-fits-all answer to this question for all schools?There may be a US Department of Education, and there may be the Common Core curricula, but education primarily falls under the jurisdiction of the states. The states may get federal funding for education, but a large amount of capital and operational expenses come from state coffers and local property taxes. Is it any wonder that wealthier areas have better schools?In the ‘70s, a university children’s theater troupe went to an inner city school in Philadelphia. The stairwells reeked of urine. The third graders were rumored to carry knives. The room of first graders was rowdy. One boy jumped up and grabbed the breast of the young woman playing an alligator, yelling, “Is this a man or a woman?” The young female teacher remained seated and silent in the back of the classroom, looking terrified.What lessons about the democratic process would be meaningful in this school? Would the programs the drinking college students had access to in elementary school work here? Or do these students need a different focus that addresses deficiencies in both their school and daily life environments?3. Why are any of us engaged in the process, or not engaged?In a small city of 30,000, local election turnout was low. Everyone followed the hype and hoopla of the presidential election, but no one paid much attention to the people who decide police protection, local taxes, zoning, or other innumerable issues that affect daily life of the people in their own backyards. Voter turnout was lowest in the high-rental, high-crime neighborhoods, highest in those with home ownership.The reasons for this are not simplistic. People who struggle with poverty do vote. But high mobility and transiency means they seldom get to know what is going on, so many don’t vote. Others feel their voices don’t matter, so what is the point. For others, their time is spent trying to survive, so time to be “engaged” in any other activity is a luxury. Economics can have an effect on literacy rates and math skills needed to understand the process, access it, and be informed about it.Simply put, why do we get engaged? What motivates us? What are the obstacles to doing so? Can idealistic programs alone carry the day when so many factors after education come into play? We know that grassroots movements can unite even the most oppressed in action, but they face these obstacles, too. Can proactive engagement happen as well as reactive participation?4. What do our students tell us?I asked the sponsor’s question of three high school students:“Don’t just tell students to run for student council with them having no idea what the council does. After the popularity contest is over, they show up for a couple of meetings, then it all falls apart because no one knew what they were supposed to do,” said the 9th grader. (Key thoughts here: Relevant information for actual engagement with an understanding of responsibility and leadership qualities.)“Have a real civics class required to graduate, one that shows you how all this really works, how we fit into it, instead of just history with dates and battles to memorize,” said the senior. (Key thoughts here: Relevant, “actionable” information, usable in life, with a mandatory component.)“Teach students how to recognize real information, especially on the Internet, to not just regurgitate what they hear from parents, peers and clickbait headlines,” the junior said. (Key thoughts here: Literacy and critical thinking skills, the ability to discern media messages and act/not act upon them.)These were advanced students, but what would the middle or bottom tiers of students say? Over and over, I hear in the classrooms in which I volunteer and substitute, “Yeah, like I am ever going to use this in real life.” Relevance is important to them.Let’s go back to Seneca’s statement.Unlike me, Seneca said in a few words what education is for. It is to give us the tools we need to live our lives. From sea to shining sea, the US has a number of schools doing this, including preparing our students to be involved in the democratic process – if they choose -- from the tiniest of ways to lives devoted to service. Other schools, for reasons touched upon, are failing miserably at this.Rather than try to create “the best way” for our “US education system” to better prepare students for engagement in the democratic process, I think there is a smorgasbord of opportunities from which to choose and to apply to schools as their individual needs demand – some of which would work well at all schools, but not necessarily with the same pedagogical methods. Rather than create another mandate to send teachers screaming out the doors, let us give them the tools with which to better do their jobs.1. A focus on literacy.As I often tell students in the classes for which I substitute teach, if you can read well, if you can comprehend and analyze, you can teach yourself anything. You can also protect yourself from those trying to “sell you” on messages, becoming an informed consumer of ideas, products and services. Conversely, you can become an influencer and do so ethically. Therefore, in executing the teachers’ lesson plans, I try to attach everything we read and analyze, regardless of subject, to #2 and #3 below. (Yes, I do include important math skills and science understanding under the umbrella of literacy, but language starts those processes flowing, too.)2. Relevance.When I subbed in a middle school US government/history classroom, the students were trying to memorize the steps for how a bill becomes a law. They were to creatively and colorfully sequence the steps on paper (draw steps, flowers in an order, cars sequential on the road, etc.) Even with this visual, mnemonic exercise, they struggled to keep it straight until I used an example of a simple law their parents might want to support or oppose. It was almost a game as we bounced the bill from house to house, committee to committee, presidential veto or not. They had heard their parents talk about taxes and traffic, so the example made the process “real.”3. Integration in all studies and activities.Do students see the democratic process already happening in their classrooms? Let’s help them see that it exists. When do students have a say? When do they not and why? Do they understand that football teams have democratic and non-democratic processes? How do they select officers for their clubs? Do they get asked questions like, “What would you do if the county zoning board wants to change a zoning law so that a fish-packing plant gets put next to your home?” STEM courses are integrated to complement each other. Courses like “Theory of Knowledge” ask questions like what impacts does X have on the environment, but do we ask them how they would go about dealing with these issues, particularly in their daily lives?Believe it or not, these students, especially older ones, want to understand how taxes affect their lives, how to pay them, how to “fight city hall,” how to invest, how to run a business. Some drama club students, for the first time, got to see meeting minutes, make motions and seconds to approve or amend them, and learn that this is how bills are voted upon, how actions are taken in a boardroom, etc. They need to examine what qualities of leadership are and make the choice for themselves how to weigh things like charisma or the lack of it. Woven into daily studies, such critical thinking and self-expression becomes habit instead of a separate course to take with a final exam.These are already happening in many of our schools and classrooms, but certainly not all. The above three concepts can be bolstered in a variety of ways, from tips for teachers to letting students develop peer education programs, as well as a host of other methods.Bonus item:If I had to add one “pie in the sky” approach, it would be to develop different funding mechanisms for supporting our schools, one that doesn’t drag down the high achieving schools, but definitely levels the playing field for schools in poorer and less affluent areas, giving those students access to higher quality education and their teachers sufficient tools with which to teach. Again, if we teach/learn for life, not just school (or a job), preparing for engagement in the democratic process is just another facet falling under that umbrella.TL;DR:The democratic process is all around, not just in governmental affairs. In a few words, Seneca’s quote tells us the purpose of education. To be prepared to take part in, shape and respond constructively to the democratic process in the US, our education system needs to give us tools for life. We, then, as individuals, must choose, with responsibility, how to engage (and to what extent) in the democratic process. It doesn’t exist in a vacuum.To me, this means an emphasis in education on three things: Literacy, Relevance and Integration. As a bonus, rethinking how we fund education is an important and weighty task to undertake.As adults, we have much to impart to students based on our experiences of what they need to succeed in life. However, our knowledge and our experience are only part of the learning picture. New ideas and innovation come from curiosity, experimentation and questions. What if? Why does? Why not?Wouldn’t it be beautiful and beneficial to ask them every day, “What do you want to learn?” A teacher in Mexico did this and the results were reported to be astounding (A Radical Way of Unleashing a Generation of Geniuses). We can both impart what we feel is necessary and take our cues from our children. It needn’t be either/or. Right now, my favorite teachers are my own children.

Here's an interesting account of the Korean War that might throw some light on it for you:“The Korean War itself grew out of U.S. refusal to allow a genuine self-determination process to take root. The Korean people were exuberant in August 1945 with their new freedom after being subjected to a brutal 40-year Japanese occupation of their historically undivided Peninsula. They immediately began creating local democratic peoples’ committees the day after Japan announced on August 14 its intentions to surrender. By August 28, all Korean provinces had created local peoples’ offices and on September 6 delegates from throughout the Peninsula gathered in Seoul, at which time they created the Korean People’s Republic (KPR).“The United States had a different plan for Korea. At the February 1945 Yalta conference, President Roosevelt suggested to Stalin, without consulting the Koreans, that Korea should be placed under joint trusteeship following the war before being granted her independence. On August 11, two days after the second atomic bomb was dropped assuring Japan’s imminent surrender, and three days after Russian forces entered Manchuria and Korea to oust the Japanese as was agreed to avoid further U.S. casualties, Truman hurriedly ordered his War Department to choose a dividing line for Korea. Two young colonels, Dean Rusk (later to be Secretary of State under President’s Kennedy and Johnson during the Vietnam War) and Charles H. Bonesteel, were given 30 minutes to resolve the matter. The 38th parallel was quickly, and quietly, chosen, placing the historic capital city of Seoul and 70 percent, or 21 of Korea’s 30 million people in the "American" southern zone. This was not discussed with Stalin or any other political leaders in the U.S. or among our allies. Surprisingly, Stalin agreed to this "temporary" partition that meant the Russians already present in the country would briefly occupy the territory north of the line comprising 55 percent of the peninsular land area. On August 15, the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) was formed and on September 8, 72,000 U.S. troops began arriving to enforce the formal occupation of the south.“The Korean People’s Republic officially formed just two days prior to the first arrival of U.S. forces was almost immediately shunned by the U.S. who decided its preference was to stand behind conservative politicians representing the traditional land-owning elite. The U.S. helped in the formation on September 16 of the conservative Korean Democratic Party (KDP), and brought Syngman Rhee to Korea on General MacArthur’s plane on October 16 to head up the new party. Rhee, a Korean possessing a Ph.D. from Princeton (1910) and an Austrian wife, had lived in the United States for more than 40 years. To his credit he had detested the Japanese occupation of his native country, but he hated the communists even more. Just before Rhee arrived to begin efforts to consolidate his power in the south, long-time resistance fighter Kim Il Sung returned from exile to begin his leadership in the Russian occupied north. As a guerrilla leader Kim had been fighting the Japanese occupation of China and Korea since the early 1930s.“Rhee and his U.S. advisers quickly concluded that in order to build their kind of Korea through the KDP they must definitively defeat the broad-based KPR. While Kim, with the support of the Russian forces in the north, was purging that territory of former Japanese administrators and their Korean collaborators, the USAMG was actively recruiting them in the south. In November the U.S. Military Governor outlawed all strikes and in December declared the KPR and all its activities illegal. In effect the U.S. had declared war on the popular movement of Korea south of the 38th Parallel and set in motion a repressive campaign that later became excessively brutal, dismantling the Peoples’ Committees and their supporters throughout the south.“In December 1945 General John R. Hodge, commander of the U.S. occupation forces, created the Korean Constabulary, led exclusively by officers who had served the Japanese. Along with the revived Japanese colonial police force, the Korean National Police (KNP), comprised of many former Korean collaborators, and powerful right-wing paramilitary groups like the Korean National Youth and the Northwest Youth League, the U.S.Military Government and their puppet Syngman Rhee possessed the armed instruments of a police state more than able to assure a political system that was determined to protect the old landlord class made up of rigid reactionaries and enthusiastic capitalists.“By the fall of 1946, disgruntled workers declared a strike that spread throughout South Korea. By December the combination of the KNP, the Constabulary, and the right-wing paramilitary units, supplemented by U.S. firepower and intelligence, had contained the insurrections in all provinces. More than 1,000 Koreans were killed with more than 30,000 jailed. Regional and local leaders of the popular movement were either dead, in jail, or driven underground.With total U.S. support Rhee busily prepared for a politically division of Korea involuntarily imposed on the vast majority of the Korean people. Following suppression of the October-December insurrection, the Koreans began to form guerrilla units in early 1947. There were sporadic activities for a year or so. However, in March 1948, on Korea’s large Island, Cheju, a demonstration objecting to Rhee’s planned separate elections scheduled for May 1948 was fired upon by the KNP. A number of Koreans were injured and several were tortured, then killed. This incident provoked a dramatic escalation of armed resistance to the U.S./Rhee regime.“The police state went into full force, regularly guided by U.S. military advisors, and often supported by U.S. military firepower and occasional ground troops. On the Island of Cheju alone, within a year as many as 60,000 of its 300,000 residents had been murdered, while another 40,000 fled by sea to nearby Japan. Over 230 of the Island’s 400 villages had been totally scorched with 40,000 homes burned to the ground. As many as 100,000 people were herded into government compounds. The remainder, it has been reported, became collaborators in order to survive. On the mainland guerrilla activities escalated in most of the provinces.“The Rhee/U.S. forces conducted a ruthless campaign of cleansing the south of all dissidents, usually identifying them as "communists," though in fact most popular leaders in the south were socialists unaffiliated with outside "communist" organizations. Anyone who was openly or quietly opposed to the Rhee regime was considered suspect. Therefore massive numbers of villagers and farmers were systematically rounded up, tortured, then shot and dropped into mass graves. Estimates of murdered civilians range anywhere from 200,000 to 800,000 by the time the hot war broke out in June 1950.The hot war allegedly began at Ongjin about 3 or 4 A.M. (Korean time) June 25, 1950. Just how the fighting started on that day depends on one’s source of information. It is mostly irrelevant, since a civil and revolutionary war had been raging for a couple of years, with military incursions routinely moving back and forth across the 38th parallel”.The Korean war was a rehearsal for the Vietnam war in almost every respect, except that we hung onto the South in Korea and have been able – at the point of 37,000 US guns – to control the narrative there. We lost the war in Vietnam and have found it more difficult to control that narrative.I moved into the men's graduate student dorm in the Winter of 1967. I was warmly hosted at many of the student's families' homes. Most parents were upper middle class, since Korea was still far too poor to afford the educational opportunities available today. Street beggars were everywhere.My student friends would have been 10-12 years old when the war ended, yet their accounts jibed with their parents': they regarded the Northern troops as liberators and spoke with horror of the USAF firebombing of their homes and the rapes and murders we perpetrated.: See A Forgotten Holocaust: US Bombing Strategy: http://www.japanfocus.org/-Mar.... WE may have forgotten the holocaust, thanks to our media's filter system, but the Koreans certainly have not.For an accurate, well-documented account of that war, read 'The Hidden History of the Korean War, 1950-1951, by IF Stone. http://www.amazon.com/Hidden-H.... Stone was the pre-eminent investigative reporter of that era and his research is impeccable.To understand how this narrative has been sustained for over 50 years read 'The Propaganda Model: An Overview, by David Cromwell', free at Page on www.chomsky.info.Like Vietnam: "For most Vietnamese — in the South as well as the North — the end was not a time of fear and flight, but joy and relief. Finally, the much-reviled, American-backed government in Saigon had been overthrown and the country reunited. After three decades of turmoil and war, peace had come at last. The South was not united in accepting the Communist victory as an unambiguous “liberation,” but there did remain broad and bitter revulsion over the wreckage the Americans had brought to their land. Indeed, throughout the South and particularly in the countryside, most people viewed the Americans not as saviors but as destroyers. And with good reason. The U.S. military dropped four million tons of bombs on South Vietnam, the very land it claimed to be saving, making it by far the most bombed country in history. – Christian Appy, Professor of history at the University of MassachusettsDuring the Korean War of 1950-53, the U.S. dropped 635,000 tons of bombs and 32,000 tons of napalm, mostly on North Korea.7 And from 1961 to 1972, American aircraft dropped approximately one million tons of bombs on North Vietnam, and much more on rural areas of South Vietnam -- approximately 4 million tons of bombs, 400,000 tons of napalm, and 19 million gallons of herbicides.8 On a per capita basis, Laos, with its much smaller and dispersed population, may have suffered a yet higher rate of aerial bombardment during 1964-73 – “nearly a ton for every person in Laos,” according to the New York Times.9 The late Fred Branfman, who learned Lao and worked with refugees displaced in the country in 1967-69, was one of the first to publicize the human toll of that secret U.S. bombing, in his 1972 Voices from the Plain of Jars: Life under an Air War. Branfman’s book was reprinted in 2013, with a foreword by Alfred W. McCoy that terms the Laos campaign “history’s longest and largest air war.”.But in 2000, just as High did for Laos eight years later, the Phnom Penh Post reported a new Cambodia total, a dramatic upward revision: “The [data] tapes show that 43,415 bombing raids were made on Cambodia dropping more than 2 million tons of bombs and other ordinance.”14 This figure had significant implications for the continuing work to clear the Cambodian countryside of the still widespread, deadly unexploded ordnance (UXO), as well as for a historical understanding of the wartime humanitarian and political impact of the US carpet bombings.Our 2006 article, “Bombs over Cambodia,” using the same database and analysis, calculated a figure of 2.7 million tons dropped on Cambodia in 1965-75.15 Our estimate, published in the Canadian magazine The Walrus, and in 2007 in The Asia-Pacific Journal, was widely quoted.16 – Making More Enemies than We Kill? Calculating U.S. Bomb Tonnages Dropped on Laos and Cambodia, and Weighing Their Implications 我々は殺すよりも多くの敵を産み出してきたのだろうか ラオス、カンボジアに投下された爆弾のトン数とその意味を考える | The Asia-Pacific JournalBrian WillsonPosted August 23, 2010 at 9:16 am | PermalinkBibliography sourcing Korean history and US Intervention:Alexander, Col. Joseph H., Don Horan, and Norman C. Stahl. The Battle History of the U.S. Marines: A Fellowship of Valor (New York: Harper Perennial, 1997).Arbuthnot, Felicity. “Allies Deliberately Poisoned Iraq Public Water Supply in Gulf War,” Sunday Herald (Scotland), Sunday, September 17, 2000.Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986).Bamford, James. Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency From the Cold War Through the Dawn of a New Century (NY: Doubleday, 2001).Bard, Mitchell G. 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