Teacher Evaluation Form National English Honor Society: Fill & Download for Free

Do people in the Deaf community prefer the term “hard of hearing” to refer to people who have some hearing, as opposed to calling them Deaf?The best way to examine this is to acknowledge that labels have always been in flux, both within the community itself, and from without, by hearing people with varying levels of attachment to the community.When Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet[1] went to England and then France in 1814, in search of someone who would teach him any sign language in order to communicate with his neighbor’s daughter, Alice Cogswell,[2] he met Laurent Clerc,[3]a highly educated man who was a graduate of the Institution Nationale des Sourds-Muets à Paris, so named in 1791. In English: National Institution for the Deaf and Dumb in Paris. It is known today as Institut National de Jeunes Sourds de Paris, National Institute for the Deaf Children of Paris.This was the terminology that carried the day, as plainly seen by the establishment of the first permanent school for the Deaf, in 1817, by Clerc and Gallaudet. It was originally established as the Connecticut Asylum for the Education of Deaf and Dumb Persons.[4] A short time thereafter, it became known as the American School for the Deaf.Let’s fast forward a little to the establishment of what is now Gallaudet University,[5] in Washington DC. It was and is the world’s only liberal arts college and later university for the Deaf. In 1864, it was named the National Deaf-Mute College. In 1894, it was named Gallaudet College in honor of Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet, and the college’s ASL name at this point became Gallaudet’s own sign name that he had used when alive. In 1986, it became Gallaudet University.There is a certain irony in the fact that the infamous Milan conference[6]in 1880 saw fit to refer to Deaf people as Deaf people, given it represents a truly painful event in Deaf culture and education with repercussions that linger even now, and will continue to pollute the future. Known as the Second International Congress on Education of the Deaf, this all hearing (save one lone Deaf delegate) conference decided that manual education,[7] as widely practiced in America, the UK, France, and elsewhere, utilizing the local Sign Language, should be completely abandoned and banned, in favor of a completely oral[8] approach to Deaf education, without regard to this approach’s appropriateness, utility, or chances of success in life and in language acquisition.Also happening in 1880 was the establishment of the National Association of the Deaf,[9] which has been a champion of the American Deaf community from the beginning, and certainly they’ve always self identified as Deaf. George Veditz[10] was an early president of the association, and was one of the first people to emphasize the preservation and documentation of ASL. His 1913 film, Preservation of the Sign Language, is a 14 minute thing of beauty, and in it he uses careful formal ASL for clarity and readability. He emphatically refers to himself and the community as Deaf. It is now permanently hosted by the Library of Congress’s National Film Registry,[11] emphasizing its importance to Deaf history and history as a whole.Fast forward a little to after World War Two. While crude hearing tests were developed as early as 1879 and audiometers were developed in the 1920s, none were commercially produced until 1928.[12] Audiology itself as a modern discipline, as in the direct fitting of people with hearing aids, did not begin until 1946, when large numbers of WWII veterans with battle damaged hearing returned home. [13] It was roughly around this time that the concept of “hard of hearing” originated.This represents the point at which, really, Deaf people began to be evaluated, sorted, and labeled into categories of “hearing impairment”. Before this time, generally, if you were Deaf, you were Deaf. No one really cared how much anyone heard, what kind of deafness it was, and whether it was augmentable. If you were born Deaf, you were Deaf. Your schooling probably was highly suboptimal, unless you were lucky enough to attend a manual school, and/or went to Gallaudet. But the language thrived, and the Deaf culture carried on.In the 1960s, a hearing man working at Gallaudet, William Stokoe, proved that American Sign Language was in fact a language, using a grant from the National Science Foundation.[14] Imagine having to prove your own language is real.Before this time, all manual languages were seen as nothing more than pantomime. And yet. The 1970s were a fertile period in Deaf education for the invention of Manually Coded English[15] systems, of which no doubt Signed Exact English[16] is by far the best known. SEE sought to represent signs presented in English word order, with all prefixes and suffixes signed separately.This is where I come in to this story. I was diagnosed at two with “severe to profound bilateral sensorineural hearing loss” and placed in a hearing impaired self contained classroom program at the local school. Throughout my entire time at that school district, I was never identified as anything but hearing impaired.In 1980, my school district received its first soundproof booth and monofonator for the use of its “hearing impaired” program. My hearing was never good enough from the very beginning to hear human speech with or without augmentation, but nevertheless I was fitted with hearing aids that I was to wear outside the school and a FM unit in the classroom, and taught speech without regard for the fact I had no language.[17] It amuses me, by the way, that the newspaper article cited claims that my teachers taught sign language. The teachers used, at best, a few SEE signs while speaking verbally. It’s a recognized method called SimCom[18] and resulted in grievous gaps in understanding and language on the part of Deaf children who only had these few signs to go on as the entirety of their communication.How did all this emphasis on oralism, augmentation, mainstreaming, and the systematic lack of ASL affect Deaf self awareness?In 1988, two Deaf researchers, Carol Padden and Tom Humphries, in Deaf in America,[19] said:We use the lowercase deaf when referring to the audiological condition of not hearing, and the uppercase Deaf when referring to a particular group of deaf people who share a language – American Sign Language (ASL) – and a culture. The members of this group have inherited their sign language, use it as a primary means of communication among themselves, and hold a set of beliefs about themselves and their connection to the larger society. We distinguish them from, for example, those who find themselves losing their hearing because of illness, trauma or age; although these people share the condition of not hearing, they do not have access to the knowledge, beliefs, and practices that make up the culture of Deaf people.When I came to Gallaudet in 1995, I was not too popular for objecting to the idea that Deaf people were subdivided. I pointedly labeled myself small d Deaf, not because I was merely physically Deaf, an impossibility given my fluent ASL, my diploma from a Deaf high school, and certainly my attendance at Gallaudet itself. I did that because I wished to make the point that so many Deaf people by that time were denied language, culture, ASL, and certainly any knowledge that a Deaf community itself existed at all. I myself only learned that Gallaudet itself and ASL and a Deaf community existed at all in 1988, with the confluences of Gallaudet’s Deaf President Now[20] protest and my coming across my mama’s copy of The Joy of Signing.[21]I told people on campus about my childhood classmate James, who was crying one day in school because he was scared that he would die soon. Why? Because he had never met a Deaf adult and made the leap that this by definition meant that Deaf children didn’t grow up to become Deaf adults. James, despite longing for a Deaf community, was at that time labeled by others as a small d Deaf person who had rudimentary English and a few signs. He hadn’t made this choice for himself, and I had problems with this.This problem exploded anew in 2006, with Jane Fernandes,[22] a born Deaf person who had Deaf parents, but they had decided for her that she would be raised Oral, and had learned ASL as an adult, when she was appointed to replace the outgoing late deafened president, I. King Jordan. Protests roiled and she was removed because she was “not Deaf enough”. I was myself invited to a Gallaudet conference[23] in February 2007, where I discussed the ongoing problem of the stratification of Deaf identity in the Deaf world, especially the divisive and exclusionary problem of defining who was Deaf enough to be considered Deaf.Where are we in 2017? Inclusive. A lot more inclusive. At this point in time, small d deaf and big d Deaf are largely gone as divisive appellations. I am, obviously, now willing to proudly identify myself as Deaf. As a community, I think that we have learned some lessons from 2006, and the growing reluctance to accept the term hard of hearing is part of this. In practice, I accept whatever a Deaf person labels themselves, while reminding them that they are affirmatively a part of the Deaf world and can participate in it to any extent appropriate for them. I don’t do this to be an evangelist, I do this because the last 70 years of medicalization, augmentation, and stratification have left a mark on all of us.I hope you’re still with me. I have been privileged in this answer to tell what I often describe to hearing people as “the Deaf Christmas story”. Every year since I started at my Deaf school, I have attended Clerc-Gallaudet Week[24] events. Many years, I have recited it to Deaf children gathered together. Observed annually in December, it is a time for sharing the empowering stories of how Deaf education, language, culture, and identity formed. I enjoyed very much this opportunity to tell a version of it here this year. Thank you.Footnotes[1] Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet - Wikipedia[2] Alice Cogswell - Wikipedia[3] Laurent Clerc - Wikipedia[4] American School for the Deaf - Wikipedia[5] Gallaudet University - Wikipedia[6] Second International Congress on Education of the Deaf - Wikipedia[7] Manualism - Wikipedia[8] Oralism - Wikipedia[9] National Association of the Deaf (United States) - Wikipedia[10] George Veditz - Wikipedia[11] National Film Registry - Wikipedia[12] Audiometry - Wikipedia[13] Audiology - Wikipedia[14] American Sign Language Spoken Here[15] Manually coded English - Wikipedia[16] Signing Exact English - Wikipedia[17] Herald and Review from Decatur, Illinois on October 9, 1980 · Page 4[18] Simultaneous communication - Wikipedia[19] Deaf in America: Voices from a Culture: Carol A. Padden, Tom L. Humphries: 9780674194243: Amazon.com: Books[20] Deaf President Now - Wikipedia[21] http://The Joy of Signing https://www.amazon.com/dp/0685182452/ref=cm_sw_r_cp_api_2wFiAb3E58EYE[22] Jane Fernandes - Wikipedia[23] First-Ever Deaf B/Vlogging Conference[24] Celebrate Deaf History with Clerc-Gallaudet Week, December 3-9

Numerous times, I have seen people ask questions about entering one of the service academies and many have answered, both graduates and non-graduates. Personally, I have been a USMA admissions representative for the State of New Hampshire for 19 years and have seen candidates who I thought were shoo-ins not get in and others who I didn’t feel were as strong get in. What’s the secret to getting in? I’m about to tell you something right from “the horses mouth”.A few years ago, the Northeast Regional Commander sent all of the admissions reps in his area a letter titled “Tips fpr Getting Into USMA”. I’m going to share this with you now.The application process for West Point or any of the Service Academies can be daunting. There are 2 processes that you must negotiate simultaneously – The West Point Admission Process and the Nomination process. There are some overlapping requirements for both processes, but you must submit separately to each. The purpose of this paper is to assist you in getting the right requirements to the right place on time and to make you as competitive as possible for an appointment to West Point.West Point seeks the best candidates. WP internally ranks candidates using a Whole Candidate Score (WCS). The WCS comes from 3 areas: Academic, Leadership and Physical Fitness. 60% of your overall score comes from Academics with the focus on the national standardized test scores and your class standing, 30% on your leadership (extracurricular activities, leadership positions held and includes your participation in sports activities as well as Teacher Evaluations) and 10% on your Candidate Fitness Assessment (you must pass the CFA). I cannot stress the importance of doing well on your national test scores (more below). WP understands that there are only 168 hours in a week. Most is taken with the high school curriculum. So the rest of your week is important (the extracurricular activities); getting physically fit and maintaining a certain level of fitness is your responsibility and you are expected to prioritize getting yourself in shape.To be competitive for the leadership portion: You should participate in extracurricular activities that provide valuable leadership experiences and responsibilities. This will help you prepare for the leadership development training you will receive at West Point. The following high school experiences will develop and demonstrate your leadership potential:• Class, club, or student government position.• Awards in academic societies, such as the National Honor Society.• Participation and achievement in athletics. Team sports are better.• Varsity Letters and being the Captain of a Team.• Participation and success in public speaking and other nonathletic activities.• Participation and achievement in Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, Civil Air Patrol, or Jr. Reserve Officer Training Corps.• Membership and leadership in community or church organizations.• Boy’s State/Girls State (if your are not aware of this program, don’t miss this opportunity)The United States Military Academy considers it more valuable for you to achieve a leadership role and distinction in a specific activity rather than participation in a number of activities without any evidence of leadership achievement. If you have to work to provide financial assistance for your family, West Point views that working experience as a demonstration of your leadership potential even though it will limit participation in school activities.The last accepted SAT/ACT scores for your West Point Candidate file are the SATs taken late Jan, Mid December or early Feb ACTs. The Senators and Congressmen have different cutoffs depending on their interview schedules. Be aware of the dates required by each nominating source. If you have new scores after the congressional deadline, bring your new scores in an official form to the nomination board interview. They may allow the new scores to be included into their process.Steps to Success1. Start Admissions Candidate file by filling out the Candidate Questionnaire online at http://westpont.edu/admissions. You should do this in the early spring of the Junior year or as soon as possible thereafter. Candidate Questionsaires are open to Juniors mid January.2. Apply for a nomination to Congressional Representative, Senators, Presidential (if eligible) and JROTC/ROTC (if eligible) and Vice President. You should do this in the spring and summer of the Junior year or as soon as possible thereafter. For Congressional and Senatorial nominations, the process may vary slightly. Their process, deadlines and/or informational contacts are on their websites. All require letters of recommendation and an ACT or SAT score. Additionally, the candidate must submit resumes/list of accomplishments and a list of activities in which he/she has participated. All require the candidate to submit essays to questions they propose. Submit as early as possible and follow up to ensure submission of all required documentation by their deadline. For the military related nomination – the West Point candidate file software preprints a sample letter. The candidate must print, sign, and mail with the supporting documentation to WP. I encourage each of you to go online to the appropriate website and read the requirements and use the online application and print outs. Read the requirements carefully. Some want it paper clipped and some want it stapled while others don’t want you to do anything to it. “ATTENTION TO DETAIL”.IF YOU DO NOT HAVE A NOMINATION, YOU CANNOT GET INTO WEST POINT.3. I strongly encourage you to attend an Academy Day in your area. You are not required to attend, but information on all academies is available in one location. You will also get a chance to meet some of the congressional staff people that handle nominations. This is a great place to have your face associated with a name even though your meeting these people will have no bearing on the outcome of getting a nomination, but might make the communications between you and the congressional office a bit easier. The best information they will provide at this point will be a nomination packet and when their requirements are due.4 Go to the link below on occasion and see if there is an event scheduled that will give you an opportunity to ask questions about the admissions process.http://www.usma.edu/admissions (select the link to “Admissions Events in Your Area”)5. Complete ACT and/or SAT testing. List USMA as one of the colleges on the registration form as well as the Senators and Congressman (go to their websites and get their codes). West Point’s codes are 2976 for the ACT and 2924 for the SAT. I recommend taking both the SAT and ACT at least one time, but as many times as the schedule and budget will allow. Some students find the ACT test easier to take. Remember that if you take the ACT, you must sign up for the writing portion when you register. Also, each time you take one of the tests, WP will take your best score in each category. Studies show that the more times you take these tests; you usually improve by a few points. After 3 or so tests, your scores will level out. The best way (increase your individual test score by ~100 points) to improve is to take a one-on-one tutored prep course. A less effective alternative is to go to the bookstore and find a prep book for the ACT or the SAT with practice tests or take similar programs online, but the results are less dramatic (individual scores may be improved by ~30 points). Test dates are on the testing service website. Some candidates ask “what score is considered competitive by West Point”? Target standards derived from recent class profiles, indicate that a 650 in Math and 650 in Verbal are competitive scores. Significantly lower scores put chances of appointment at risk.6. Candidate Fitness Assessment (CFA). Must be completed and score submitted by February. Candidates can download a test form and instructions. A physical education instructor normally administers this test. Candidates should practice during the summer and take shortly after school starts. It is the candidate’s responsibility to schedule the test with an instructor. Most JROTC and ROTC cadre know how to administer the test. In some special cases, Field Force Reps. can administer the test. Practice each event separately and then start combining the events in the order you will have to perform them for the test. START EARLY!!7. Qualifying medical exam. When the admissions portal reopens (end of Jul) in the form of the Second Step Kit (SSK), and if the candidate is deemed competitive, he/she will receive instructions from the Department of Defense Medical Examination Review Board (DoDMERB) and will schedule an exam at an appropriate facility. West Point has been using the completion of the required SSK essays as a measure of your seriousness. No completed essays, no early DoDMERB authorization. If you can, get the medical done during the summer or early fall. If DoDMERB requires additional testing or copies of medical records, they will request them. Get completed as soon as possible or by their deadline. Getting medically “qualified” as soon as possible is recommended. Getting evaluated early permits the system the time to grant waivers of certain medical conditions that are not military service restrictive.8. Request for School Transcript. Ensure the contact information for the school official submitting transcripts to include transcripts for the 7th semester (1st semester Senior year) is complete in the candidate file. Candidate needs to make sure that transcripts are sent after the end of the Junior year and the first semester of the Senior year.9. Candidate Statement – These 3 essays need be completed online before your file will be evaluated. DO YOUR ESSAYS FIRST!! I recommend you do them in conjunction with writing your essays for the Congressional nominations. Instructions come with the opening of the SSK.10. School Official’s Evaluations. Four required – math instructor, English instructor, lab science (physics or chemistry), and Physical Education Instructor. Sometimes Biology will qualify, but ask for the variance before assuming it is OK. I recommend contacting the instructors during the 2nd semester of your Junior year and give them a heads up that USMA will contact them so they can complete the form online. You submit the email addresses for the 4 teachers through your candidate electronic file. West Point will send the evaluation link to each of the 4 teachers. The candidate should reconnect with the 4 instructors in the summer or early in the new school year and ask them to do it ASAP.11. Employer’s Evaluation. Candidates must print off from the website and fill out the top portion and give it to the employer to complete and submit. This will not be available until your SSK is open. If you work in the summer, have your summer employer fill out one evaluation. If you work in the school year, have that employer fill out an evaluation.12. Interview. You may be asked to have an interview if the Admissions Officer deems it necessary, but interviews are not required for an appointment. A cadet at Summer Leadership Experience (SLE) can do this if you attend. A Field Force Rep. can also do interviews. Contact me to schedule an appointment. Moms and Dads may attend. The first part of the interview will be with the family. The second part will be with the candidate only. I have access to your candidate file. I can see what you have completed and what is missing. WP is seeking those who have a burning desire to attend.13. Summer Leadership Experience (SLE) is a one-week session at West Point given in June (there are two sessions). If you apply, you may receive an offer based on your SAT or PSAT performance. This is a competitive selection process. Apply early, the deadline is April 1, but the offers usually go out in February and March. Going to SLE is not essential to receiving an appointment.14. Download a copy of the Admissions Timeline from the admissions website. Make sure you go to each Congressman’s or Senator’s website to get all of their requirements and to your candidate file to make sure you have completed everything. I have tried to simplify the process for you. The Admissions Timeline can be used as a checklist.15. Even if you have your West Point candidate file completed by 15 Sep, YOU ARE NOT DONE. I cannot over emphasize the importance of updating your file constantly. Every time you take a College Board exam, send the score. Every time you receive a special honor, send it to the NE Regional Commander in an email to be entered into your candidate file. If you start a new job, add it. If you obtain a new leadership position, add it. UPDATE, UPDATE, UPDATE UNTIL THE 28 FEB.16. Letters or Recommendation. They are not needed for your WP file. They are required by Congressmen and the Senators. Can you send letters of recommendation to WP? Yes. They will not count toward your overall candidate score, but if you are tied with another candidate or you are borderline acceptable for an offer of an appointment, they might help get you the appointment.17. West Point Admissions recommends that you do a one-page resume that covers all that you have done in grades 9-12. West Point will provide you with a simple format. This resume can be a tiebreaker and also tell things about you that are not part of the application process. Do the resume with others, like your parents. They will remember things that you think are insignificant.This is information that I provide to all of my candidates who have opened a file at USMA by February of their Junior year. I send them this information by e-mail. Try to guess how many of them have read it by the time I contact them for an interview in the fall? Not many.What are the issues I encounter? I’ll tell you……None of the essays have been submitted. These are the first things you should do. Everything follows from the essays.Lower than average SAT/ACT scores. With all the practice books and classes you can obtain on how to prep for these exams (it isn’t cheating), it’s inexcuseable for a candidate not to pursue them. Whenever I talk to a candidate with lower than average test scores, I ask them if they’ve prepped for the exam. To a person, they say no. BTW, take both exams. The SAT tests a student’s potential for higher learning. The ACT tests what you know. Some do better on one than the other.Constantly update your file. USMA wants you to show them some love. Keep in close contact with them regularly. I provide the name and contact information for the Northeast Regional Commander to all of my candidates. I encourage them to contact him and to stay in touch. HE WILL BE THE ONE WHO EVALUATES YOUR FILE! Ask for the one who covers your area from your admissions rep. Inactive files that are not constantly updated are closed. You’re dead in the water!I have never had candidates who had asthma get in. It’s a killer. DODMERB will give you a DQ (disqualified) status. When I heard the word “inhaler” in the question, I started to cringe.Try to go to Boys/Girls State. You’d be surprised how many candidates don’t even consider attending it and it can be a big plus for your file.If you’ve stuck with me a read this far, I’m going to give you one last bit of truth you may not want to hear. Like many colleges, USMA has a “quota system” of sorts. They want the Corps of Cadets to reflect the composition of the people they will be leading. This doesn’t mean that they will accept people who are not qualified. The academics are too rigorous for that. It means that they want candidates from every state and every type of ethnic group to represented in the Corps.

First, don’t read the secondary sources from the New York Times or other publications. These are inaccurate descriptions of the relationship between the two. There is an attempt to create a rivalry between the two that misrepresents their relationship. Were they best friends that went drinking together? No.However, Mao respected Stalin and after Mao proved himself Stalin trusted Mao. They also shared a common purpose—Marxism Leninism and socialism. Stalin helped Mao in many ways to develop China after 1949. As the more senior party controlling a more powerful nation, Stalin regarded himself as more of a senior figure. However, there is no indication of Stalin being especially rude to Mao or Mao being rude back to Stalin. But there were things Stalin did that Mao was angry about.Below is the transcript of their meeting in 1949. You see from it that Stalin is trying to consider the international implications of how the USSR and China get along, while trying to be of assistance to Mao to shore up some internal and external domestic matters. Stalin had more experience as a world leader and diplomat compared to Mao at this time. So naturally Stalin is going to take more of a lead.December 16, 1949Source: Cold War International History Project (Smithsonian Institution)Conversation between Stalin and Mao, Moscow, 16 December 1949[Classification level blacked out: "NOT SECRET" Stamped]RECORD OF CONVERSATION BETWEEN COMRADE I.V. STALIN AND CHAIRMAN OF THE CENTRAL PEOPLE'S GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA MAO ZEDONG on 16 December 1949After an exchange of greetings and a discussion of general topics, the following conversation took place.Comrade Mao Zedong: The most important question at the present time is the question of establishing peace. China needs a period of 3-5 years of peace, which would be used to bring the economy back to pre-war levels and to stabilize the country in general. Decisions on the most important questions in China hinge on the prospects for a peaceful future. With this in mind the CC CPC [Central Committee of the Communist Party of China] entrusted me to ascertain from you, comr[ade]. Stalin, in what way and for how long will international peace be preserved.Comrade Stalin: In China a war for peace, as it were, is taking place. The question of peace greatly preoccupies the Soviet Union as well, though we have already had peace for the past four years. With regards to China, there is no immediate threat at the present time: Japan has yet to stand up on its feet and is thus not ready for war; America, though it screams war, is actually afraid of war more than anything; Europe is afraid of war; in essence, there is no one to fight with China, not unless Kim Il Sung decides to invade China?Peace will depend on our efforts. If we continue to be friendly, peace can last not only 5-10 years, but 20-25 years and perhaps even longer.Comrade Mao Zedong: Since Liu Shaoqi's return to China, CC CPC has been discussing the treaty of friendship, alliance and mutual assistance between China and the USSR.Comrade Stalin: This question we can discuss and decide. We must ascertain whether to declare the continuation of the current 1945 treaty of alliance and friendship between the USSR and China, to announce impending changes in the future, or to make these changes right now.As you know, this treaty was concluded between the USSR and China as a result of the Yalta Agreement, which provided for the main points of the treaty (the question of the Kurile Islands, South Sakhalin, Port Arthur, etc.). That is, the given treaty was concluded, so to speak, with the consent of America and England. Keeping in mind this circumstance, we, within our inner circle, have decided not to modify any of the points of this treaty for now, since a change in even one point could give America and England the legal grounds to raise questions about modifying also the treaty's provisions concerning the Kurile Islands, South Sakhalin, etc. This is why we searched to find a way to modify the current treaty in effect while formally maintaining its provisions, in this case by formally maintaining the Soviet Union's right to station its troops at Port Arthur while, at the request of the Chinese government, actually withdrawing the Soviet Armed forces currently stationed there. Such an operation could be carried out upon China's request.One could do the same with KChZhD [Chinese Changchun Railroad, which traverses Manchuria], that is, to effectively modify the corresponding points of the agreement while formally maintaining its provisions, upon China's request.If, on the other hand, the Chinese comrades are not satisfied with this strategy, they can present their own proposals.Comrade Mao Zedong: The present situation with regard to KChZhD and Port Arthur corresponds well with Chinese interests, as the Chinese forces are inadequate to effectively fight against imperialist aggression. In addition, KChZhD is a training school for the preparation of Chinese cadres in railroad and industry.Comrade Stalin: The withdrawal of troops does not mean that Soviet Union refuses to assist China, if such assistance is needed. The fact is that we, as communists, are not altogether comfortable with stationing our forces on foreign soil, especially on the soil of a friendly nation. Given this situation anyone could say that if Soviet forces can be stationed on Chinese territory, then why could not the British, for example, station their forces in Hong Kong, or the Americans in Tokyo?We would gain much in the arena of international relations if, with mutual agreement, the Soviet forces were to be withdrawn from Port Arthur. In addition, the withdrawal of Soviet forces would provide a serious boost to Chinese communists in their relations with the national bourgeoisie. Everyone would see that the communists have managed to achieve what [Nationalist Chinese leader] Jiang Jieshi [Chiang Kai-shek] could not. The Chinese communists must take the national bourgeoisie into consideration.The treaty ensures the USSR's right to station its troops in Port Arthur. But the USSR is not obligated to exercise this right and can withdraw its troops upon Chinese request. However, if this is unsuitable, the troops in Port Arthur can remain there for 2, 5, or 10 years, whatever suits China best. Let them not misunderstand that we want to run away from China. We can stay there for 20 years even.Comrade Mao Zedong: In discussing the treaty in China we had not taken into account the American and English positions regarding the Yalta agreement. We must act in a way that is best for the common cause. This question merits further consideration. However, it is already becoming clear that the treaty should not be modified at the present time, nor should one rush to withdraw troops from Port Arthur.Should not Zhou Enlai visit Moscow in order to decide the treaty question?Comrade Stalin: No, this question you must decide for yourselves. Zhou may be needed in regard to other matters.Comrade Mao Zedong: We would like to decide on the question of Soviet credit to China, that is to draw up a credit agreement for 300.000.000 dollars between the governments of the USSR and China.Comrade Stalin: This can be done. If you would like to formalize this agreement now, we can.Comrade Mao Zedong: Yes, exactly now, as this would resonate well in China. At the same time it is necessary to resolve the question of trade, especially between the USSR and Xinjiang [Sinkiang], though at present we cannot present a specific trade operations plan for this region.Comrade Stalin: We must know right now what kind of equipment China will need, especially now, since we do not have equipment in reserve and the request for industrial goods must be submitted ahead of time.Comrade Mao Zedong: We are having difficulties in putting together a request for equipment, as the industrial picture is as yet unclear.Comrade Stalin: It is desirable to expedite the preparation of this request, as requests for equipment are submitted to our industry at least a year in advance.Comrade Mao Zedong: We would very much like to receive assistance from the USSR in creating air transportation routes.Comrade Stalin: We are ready to render such assistance. Air routes can be established over Xinjiang and the MPR [Mongolian People's Republic]. We have specialists. We will give you assistance.Comrade Mao Zedong: We would also like to receive your assistance in creating a naval force.Comrade Stalin: Cadres for Chinese navy could be prepared at Port Arthur. You give us people, and we will give you ships. Trained cadres of the Chinese navy could then return to China on these ships.Comrade Mao Zedong: Guomindang [Kuomintang] supporters have built a naval and air base on the island of Formosa [Taiwan]. Our lack of naval forces and aviation makes the occupation of the island by the People's Liberation Army [PLA] more difficult. With regard to this, some of our generals have been voicing opinions that we should request assistance from the Soviet Union, which could send volunteer pilots or secret military detachments to speed up the conquest of Formosa.Comrade Stalin: Assistance has not been ruled out, though one ought to consider the form of such assistance. What is most important here is not to give Americans a pretext to intervene. With regard to headquarters staff and instructors we can give them to you anytime. The rest we will have to think about.Do you have any assault landing units?Comrade Mao Zedong: We have one former Guomindang assault landing regiment unit which came over to join our side.Comrade Stalin: One could select a company of landing forces, train them in propaganda, send them over to Formosa, and through them organize an uprising on the isle.Comrade Mao Zedong: Our troops have approached the borders of Burma and Indo-China. As a result, the Americans and the British are alarmed, not knowing whether we will cross the border or whether our troops will halt their movement.Comrade Stalin: One could create a rumor that you are preparing to cross the border and in this way frighten the imperialists a bit.Comrade Mao Zedong: Several countries, especially Britain, are actively campaigning to recognize the People's Republic of China. However, we believe that we should not rush to be recognized. We must first bring about order to the country, strengthen our position, and then we can talk to foreign imperialists.Comrade Stalin: That is a good policy. In addition, there is no need for you to create conflicts with the British and the Americans. If, for example, there will be a need to put pressure on the British, this can be done by resorting to a conflict between the Guangdong province and Hong Kong. And to resolve this conflict, Mao Zedong could come forward as the mediator. The main point is not to rush and to avoid conflicts.Are there foreign banks operating in Shanghai?Comrade Mao Zedong: Yes.Comrade Stalin: And whom are they serving?Comrade Mao Zedong: The Chinese national bourgeoisie and foreign enterprises which so far we have not touched. As for the foreigners' spheres of influence, the British predominate in investments in the economic and commercial sectors, while the Americans lead in the sector of cultural-educational organizations.Comrade Stalin: What is the situation regarding Japanese enterprises?Comrade Mao Zedong: They have been nationalized.Comrade Stalin: In whose hands is the customs agency?Comrade Mao Zedong: In the hands of the government.Comrade Stalin: It is important to focus attention on the customs agency as it is usually a good source of government revenue.Comrade Mao Zedong: In the military and political sectors we have already achieved complete success; as for cultural and economic sectors, we have as yet not freed ourselves from foreign influence there.Comrade Stalin: Do you have inspectors and agents overseeing foreign enterprises, banks, etc.?Comrade Mao Zedong: Yes, we have. We are carrying out such work in the study and oversight of foreign enterprises (the Kailan [?] mines, electric power plants and aqueducts in Shanghai, etc.).Comrade Stalin: One should have government inspectors who must operate legally. The foreigners should also be taxed at higher levels than the Chinese.Who owns the enterprises mining wolfram [tungsten], molybdenum, and petroleum?Comrade Mao Zedong: The government.Comrade Stalin: It is important to increase the mining of minerals and especially of petroleum. You could build an oil pipeline from western Lanzhou to Chengdu [?], and then transport fuel by ship.Comrade Mao Zedong: So far we have not decided which districts of China we should strive to develop first - the coastal areas or those inland, since we were unsure of the prospects for peace.Comrade Stalin: Petroleum, coal, and metal are always needed, regardless of whether there be war or not.Comrade Stalin: Can rubber-bearing trees be grown in southern China?Comrade Mao Zedong: So far it has not been possible.Comrade Stalin: Is there a meteorological service in China?Comrade Mao Zedong: No, it has not been established yet.Comrade Stalin: It should be established.Comrade Stalin: We would like to receive from you a list of your works which could be translated into Russian.Comrade Mao Zedong: I am currently reviewing my works which were published in various local publishing houses and which contain a mass of errors and misrepresentations. I plan to complete this review by spring of 1950. However, I would like to receive help from Soviet comrades: first of all, to work on the texts with Russian translators and, secondly, to receive help in editing the Chinese original.Comrade Stalin: This can be done. However, do you need your works edited?Comrade Mao Zedong: Yes, and I ask you to select a comrade suitable for such a task, say, for example, someone from CC VKP/b/ [All-Union Communist Party of bolsheviks].Comrade Stalin: It can be arranged, if indeed there is such a need.Also present at the meeting: comrs. Molotov, Malenkov, Bulganin, Vyshinskii, [Soviet translator N.T.] Fedorenko and [Chinese translator] Shi Zhe /Karskii/.Recorded by comr. Fedorenko.[signature illegible 31/XII][Source: Archive of the President, Russian Federation (APRF), fond (f.) 45, opis (op.) 1, delo (d.) 329, listy (ll.) 9-17; translation by Danny Rozas.]https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111245.pdf?v=82b33f27c589224c9c16c6a5539859aa This link provides the transcript of another meeting between Stalin and Mao, along with Molotov and Zhou En lai“December 21 of this year is Comrade Stalin’s sixtieth birthday. It can be anticipated that this birthday will call forth warm and affectionate congratulations in the hearts of all those people in the world who are aware of this event and who know suffering.“To congratulate Stalin is not merely doing something to observe the occasion. To congratulate Stalin means to support him, to support his cause, to support the cause of the Soviet Union, to support the victory of socialism, to support the orientation he points out for humanity, and to support our own close friend. Today in the world the great majority of humanity is suffering and only by following the orientation pointed out by Stalin, and with Stalin’s aid, can humanity be rescued from disaster.“We Chinese people are now living in a time of profound calamity unprecedented in history, a time when help from others is most urgently needed. The Book of Poetry says, ‘Ying goes its cry, seeking with its voice its companion.’ We are precisely at such a juncture.“But who are our friends?“There is one kind of so-called friends who style themselves our friends, and some among us also unthinkingly call them friends. But such friends can only be classed with Li Linfu of the Tang dynasty. Li Linfu was a prime minister of the Tang dynasty, a notorious man who was described as having ‘honey dripping from his tongue and a sword concealed in his heart.’ These friends today are precisely friends with ‘honey dripping from their tongues and swords concealed in their hearts.’ Who are these people? Part of those imperialists who say that they sympathize with China.“There is another kind of friends who are different; they have real sympathy for us, and regard us as brothers. Who are these people? They are the Soviet Union, and Stalin.“Not a single country has renounced its special rights and privileges in China; only the Soviet Union has done this.“At the time of the Northern Expedition, all the imperialists opposed us, and the Soviet Union alone assisted us.“Since the beginning of the anti-Japanese war, not a single government of any imperialist country has really helped us. The Soviet Union alone has helped us with its great resources in men, materiel, and money.“Is this not clear enough?“To the cause of the liberation of the Chinese nation and the Chinese people, only the socialist country, the socialist leaders, the socialist people, and socialist thinkers, statesmen, and toilers are truly giving assistance. Without their help, it is impossible to win final victory.“Stalin is the true friend of the Chinese nation and of the cause of the liberation of the Chinese people. The Chinese people’s love and respect for Stalin, and our friendship for the Soviet Union, are wholly sincere. Any attempt, from whatever quarter, to sow dissension by rumor-mongering and slander will be of no avail in the end.”—“Stalin Is the Friend of the Chinese People” (Dec. 20, 1939), MRP7, pp. 307-308, in full. A different translation is available in SW2, pp. 335-6.Source: Mao's Evaluations of StalinIn the above paragraph Mao shows his thanks to Stalin for the support given to China, and how the USSR has been a good friend to China, while others have sought to take advantage.“I believe we should do things honestly, for without an honest attitude it is absolutely impossible to accomplish anything in this world. Which are the honest people? Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin are honest, men of science are honest. Which are the dishonest people? Trotsky, Bukharin, Chen Tu-hsiu and Chang Kuo-tao are extremely dishonest…”—“Rectify the Party’s Style of Work” (Feb. 1, 1942), SW3, p. 44. Id.Mao continued his respect for Stalin, and considered him a partner who had acted in good faith.[Excerpt from Uncertain Partners: Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War quoting Mao’s private reaction to the first of two telegrams Stalin sent him urging him to personally go to Chongqing (Chungking) for negotiations with Chiang Kai-shek.]“In the first cable (dated August 22 [1945]), Stalin said that China must hold to the road of peaceful development, that he believed the Nationalists and the Communists should reach a peace accord because a civil war would destroy the Chinese nation, and that, accordingly, he thought both Zhou [Enlai] and Mao should go to Chongqing. After receiving Stalin’s cable, an angry Mao remarked, ‘I simply don’t believe that the nation will perish if the people stand up and struggle [against the Nationalist government].’”—UP, p. 7. Ed. note: Later on (in early 1948) Stalin admitted that he was wrong in initially opposing the Chinese revolution in the period after World War II. Milovan Djilas reports him as saying: “True, we, too, can make a mistake! Here, when the war with Japan ended, we invited the Chinese comrades to reach an agreement as to how a modus vivendi with Chiang Kai-shek might be found. They agreed with us in word, but in deed they did it their own way when they got home: they mustered their forces and struck. It has been shown that they were right, and not we.” [Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, p. 182.] Later still, on July 27, 1949, as the Chinese revolution was on the verge of complete victory, the authors of Uncertain Partners say that while speaking to a CPC delegation in Moscow Stalin “admitted that he was not ‘too well versed’ in Chinese affairs and may have caused obstacles in the Chinese revolution.” [UP, p. 73.] Id.Stalin and Mao had disagreements about strategy sometimes. When Stalin recognized he had been mistaken he admitted he was wrong. He was not acting in bad faith or to play games with Mao.[The authors of UP writing:] “In the late 1940s and well into the 1950s, Mao and other Chinese Party leaders repeatedly contended that Mikoyan [in his secret visit on Stalin’s behalf to Mao in early 1949] had recommended that the PLA not cross the Yangtze. That advice they charged up primarily to three reasons. First of all, the Soviets had simply erred in their estimate of the PLA and believed it could not defeat the Nationalists. Marshal Nie Rong-zhen comments that Stalin, lacking confidence in the military power of the Chinese Communists, ‘was somewhat like the ancient man of Qi who was worried that the sky might fall anytime.’ Fear that the crossing would raise the danger of U.S. armed intervention was the second reason, and, third, Stalin wanted to split China in half, creating conflicting ‘Northern and Southern Dynasties,’ the better to control the Communist half. [UP, p. 42. The UP authors go on to suggest that they have doubts about the truth of this story, but provide the following references in support of it:][The UP authors continuing in a footnote on p. 306:] “Mao’s first known statement on the ‘Northern and Southern Dynasties’ was made in the spring of 1949, when he said: ‘Some friends abroad half believe and half disbelieve in our victory. [They are] persuading us to stop here and make the Yangtze River a border with Chiang, to create the “Northern and Southern Dynasties.”’ … In 1954, Zhou Enlai told Liu Xiao, the new ambassador to the Soviet Union, that Stalin had ‘sent a representative to Xibaipo [i.e., Mikoyan’s secret visit in Jan.-Feb. 1949 —Ed.] principally for the purpose of understanding the situation in the Chinese revolution and the points of view from our side…. The Soviet Union was dissatisfied [with our intention to liberate all China] and demanded that we “stop the civil war.” In fact the Soviet Union attempted to create the “Northern and Southern Dynasties,” namely two Chinas.’ … Mao referred to this same issue on April 11, 1957.”[However, a cable from Stalin to Mao in April, 1949, just before the PLA crossed the Yangtze, shows that Stalin did not at that time oppose the crossing, though he still urged caution. On the other hand, not long before sending that cable Stalin was apparently still trying to mediate an end to the civil war and keep China divided. See UP, pp. 43-44.] Id.“We must not put on bureaucratic airs. If we dig into a subject for several months, for a year or two, for three or five years, we shall eventually master it. At first some of the Soviet Communists also were not very good at handling economic matters and the imperialists awaited their failure too. But the Communist Party of the Soviet Union emerged victorious and, under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, it learned not only how to make the revolution but also how to carry on construction. It has built a great and splendid socialist state. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is our best teacher and we must learn from it.”—Ibid., p. 423. Id.Mao was a very wise person. He was not arrogant and he knew there were things he simply did not know. Instead of putting on airs he devoted himself to learning from Stalin as China was the little brother to the USSR, its socialist older brother who had collectivized and industrialized first.Differences between the two“They [the Soviets] did not permit China to make revolution: that was in 1945. Stalin wanted to prevent China from making a revolution, saying that we should not have a civil war and should cooperate with Chiang Kai-shek, otherwise the Chinese nation would perish. But we did not do what he said. The revolution was victorious. After the victory of the revolution he next suspected China of being a Yugoslavia, and that I would become a second Tito. Later, when I went to Moscow to sign the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Alliance and Mutual Assistance, we had to go through another struggle. He was not willing to sign a treaty. After two months of negotiations he at last signed. When did Stalin begin to have confidence in us? It was the time of the Resist America, Aid Korea campaign, from the winter of 1950. He then came to believe that we were not Tito, not Yugoslavia.”—Speech at the Tenth Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee of the CPC (Sept. 24, 1962), CMTTP, p. 191. (Most of this passage is also in TMT, pp. 146-7.) Id.Stalin was a very anxious person. He suffered from many fears, including flying, dying in his sleep, being poisoned, and being betrayed. Stalin was eventually betrayed by Tito of Yugoslavia, who became independent of the USSR in many ways and Stalin was unable to reign him in. Stalin had his reservations about Mao Zedong and China. He didn’t know which way Mao was going to go. Stalin preferred a divided China with Chiang Kai Sheik still keeping part of mainland China. Stalin figured this would be geopolitically more stable and safer for the USSR as the power would be more divided. Stalin was also nervous about irritating the imperial powers and causing another war, so he was reticent to do things that might provoke the West. Mao went ahead conquered the mainland anyway. Later Stalin would agree to assist China with different things like industrialization, technology, etc. But Stalin also imposed some terms that Mao felt were unfriendly, and more like something an imperialist nation would impose. This angered him. Mao had his differences with Stalin that he would later vocalize, such as disagreeing with Stalin’s use of repression against fellow comrades. Mao was not one to use repression against his own people. He believed in rehabilitating people. When Mao would have someone purged they would be given an opportunity to learn about the error of their ways, work with the proletariat, learn self-criticism and then rejoin the party. He felt this was part of the process of Marxism Leninism. This was the embrace of contradictions, of trying to understand the never ending role of class struggle within already socialist nations. He believed that Stalin had failed in engaging the masses of the people to fight counterrevolutionaries and capitalist roaders within the party. Mao demonstrated this later with the Cultural Revolution. This was to be done by the people themselves, the students and the peasants, not by the leadership itself. Mao believed that Stalin relied too heavily on cadres within the party to deal with these elements instead of relying on the people.Khrushchev gave his “Secret Speech” in which he denounced Stalin and scapegoated him for all the problems in the past. He had the statutes of Stalin removed, had his body buried, and moved away from Stalinism, trying to embrace more reforms. The effect of these changes would pave the way for the eventual demise of the USSR. It had a huge demoralizing effect on the public and the members of the Party. Mao discussed this frequently. It destroyed the narrative that held together the Soviet society. Mao was disgusted by this. Mao said that Stalin was 70 to 80% right. Mao saw the scandal and negative effects within the CCP as well. Many comrades were disturbed by Khrushchev's actions. Mao continued to honor Stalin and refused to remove the giant portrait of him in Tienanmen Square. Khrushchev's arrogant and condescending attitude toward Mao would also lead to a rift between the USSR and China that would change the course of the future. Eventually Mao would agree to an alliance with the U.S., and this led China to a level of stability against invasion from the US. and the removal of sanctions, which helped China develop economically compared to Cuba and North Korea, which have been subject to crippling sanctions for decades.“This Comrade Stalin of ours had something of the flavor of the mandarins of old… In the past, the relations between us and the Soviet Union were those between father and son, cat and mouse.”—April, 1958. Quoted in TMT, p. 154. Id.Stalin died in 1953. Mao discusses the sometimes paternal, and sometimes difficult relationship between the two. Reading the conversations between them you get that sense, too.“When Stalin was criticized in 1956, we were on the one hand happy, but on the other hand apprehensive. It was completely necessary to remove the lid, to break down blind faith, to release the pressure, and to emancipate thought. But we did not agree with demolishing him at one blow. They do not hang up his picture, but we do. In 1950 I argued with Stalin in Moscow for two months. On the questions of the Treaty of Mutual Assistance, the Chinese Eastern Railway, the joint-stock companies and the border we adopted two attitudes: one was to argue when the other side made proposals we did not agree with, and the other was to accept their proposal if they absolutely insisted. This was out of consideration for the interests of socialism. Then there were the two ‘colonies’, that is the North-East and Sinkiang [Xinjiang], where people of any third country were not allowed to reside. Now this has been rescinded. After the criticism of Stalin, the victims of blind faith had their eyes opened a bit. In order that our comrades recognize that the old ancestor [Stalin] also had his faults, we should apply analysis to him, and not have blind faith in him. We should accept everything good in Soviet experience, and reject what is bad. Now we are a bit more skilful in this, and understand the Soviet Union a bit better, and understand ourselves.—Ibid., p. 101. In the 1950 treaty Stalin insisted on the creation of joint-stock companies in Xinjiang to develop oil and metal production. This continued the Soviet economic exploitation of the area that had already begun under the Nationalist regime. The USSR also kept control, for a time, of two important military bases in Manchuria and de facto control of the Chinese Eastern Railway which (among other things) was used to transport military supplies to those bases. A secret protocol to the 1950 treaty prohibited the Chinese from allowing citizens of any third country to participate in trade or industry in Xinjiang or Manchuria. —Ed. Id.Further, Mao felt that there were times when he had been treated poorly by Stalin.[Stuart Schram writing:] “When he [Mao] visited Moscow for the second time, in November 1957 to attend the conference of Communist and workers’ parties, Mao remarked that he still had a ‘belly full of pent-up anger, mainly directed against Stalin’, though he would not elaborate on the reasons, because it was all in the past. He then proceeded, in characteristic fashion, to do precisely that: ‘During the Stalin era, nobody dared to speak up. I have come to Moscow twice and the first time was depressing. Despite all the talk about ‘fraternal parties’ there was really no equality.’ Now, he said, we ‘must admit that our Soviet comrades’ style of work has changed a lot.’”—Nov. 1957. Quoted in TMT, p. 152. Id.Mao had many deep reservations about how Stalin’s legacy was handled.“Incidentally, let me talk a bit here about where our opinions differ from those of the Soviet Union. First of all, on the question of Stalin, we have contradictions with Khrushchev. He made Stalin appear so terrible! We do not agree with that, because he was made to appear so ugly! This is not a matter for their country alone; it is a matter that concerns all countries. We hang Stalin’s portrait outside our Tiananmen; this is in accord with the wishes of the laboring people of the whole world, and it demonstrates our basic differences with Khrushchev. As for Stalin himself, you should also give him [an evaluation of] 30 per cent [bad] and 70 per cent [good]. Stalin’s achievements count for 70 per cent; his mistakes count for 30 per cent. Even this may not be accurate; [his] mistakes may only be 20 per cent or perhaps only 10 per cent, or perhaps a little more than [20 per cent]. In any case, Stalin’s achievements are primary while his shortcomings and mistakes are secondary. On this point we and Khrushchev hold differing opinions.”—Speech at the Conclusion of the Third Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee (Oct. 9, 1957), version I, WMZ2, p. 707.Mao was more democratic minded than Stalin. He disagreed with Stalin’s inability to accept criticism. He also felt that Stalin was too conservative at times and needed to be more bold.“To affirm everything we did, without analyzing it—this thing is wrong. The dogmatists of the past were just like that. Rákosi was like that, and so was Stalin. Can you say Stalin was entirely dogmatist? No, you can’t say that. This man, he did a lot of things, but he did have [some] dogmatism. This dogmatism of his influenced China, making us fail in our revolution during a certain period. If we were to do things as he bade us, we would not have been able to carry out the revolution in the later stage, and we wouldn’t be holding a meeting here. Who built the building? Not us. We wouldn’t have had the opportunity [to hold this meeting] because it would still be the government of the Kuomintang [and the] imperialists [running things in China]. Stalin had [things on] both sides; he also had [some] dogmatism—[wanting us to] transplant the [experience of the] Soviet Union in everything. We must learn from the Soviet Union. The things of the Soviet Union, both the mistakes and the achievements, are very worthy of being learned from. The slogan that we propose now is to learn from the Soviet Union’s advanced experiences. We didn’t say that we should learn from their backward experiences. When did we ever propose such a slogan? However, even though it was not proposed, some things like that came over with the [good ones] all the same, [especially] in the last seven years. Nonetheless, in general, we can’t say that we weren’t selective at all … because we have been critical of dogmatism, and the source of dogmatism comes from Stalin.”—Ibid., p. 401. Mátyás Rákosi was the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Hungary at the time of Hungarian Uprising in 1956. For another translation, see SSCM, pp. 287-8.“It is good to have criticism. It would not be good to have no criticism, or to suppress criticism. It is this mistake that Stalin committed. Stalin did a lot of good things, but he also did some bad things. He confused the two; he used the methods that are for dealing with the enemy to deal with the people, with contradictions among the people. He wouldn’t let people say bad things about the government, or about the Communist Party; if you said anything bad or if there were any rustling in the air, any movement in the grass, he would say that you were a spy and have you arrested.”—Speech at [a] Conference of Members and Cadres of Provincial-Level Organizations of [the] CPC in Shandong (March 18, 1957), WMZ2, pp. 419-420. For a different translation, see SSCM, p. 308. Id.“Stalin was 70 percent a Marxist, 30 percent not a Marxist. [He] was 30 percent bourgeois, 70 percent Marxist.”—Ibid., SSCM, p. 173.“How [should we] look on the criticism of Stalin? We [humans] are also commodities of dual character. [This is an allusion to Marx’s comments about how commodities have the dual characteristics of use value and exchange value. –Ed.] The criticism of Stalin has a two-sided nature. One side has real benefit; one side is not good. To expose the cult of Stalin, to tear off the lid, to liberate people, this is a liberation movement; but his [i.e., Khrushchev’s] method of exposing [Stalin] is incorrect; [he] hasn’t made a good analysis, clubbing [him] to death with a single blow. On the one hand, this provoked the worldwide currents of the latter half of last year; on the other hand, it later also provoked the Hungarian and Polish incidents. But he [Stalin] had his incorrect side; although our published articles have not pointed at the [CPSU] Twentieth Congress, in fact [we’ve] talked about it. What have we discussed with the Soviet comrades face to face? About how the Stalin problem has not been handled appropriately; [we] discussed our great-nation chauvinism….”—Ibid., SSCM, p. 178. Id.Mao was much more compassionate to counterrevolutionaries than the USSR:“The problem of eliminating counterrevolutionaries is a problem of the first type of contradiction [i.e., between the enemy and ourselves]. Speaking comparatively, in the last analysis how has our country handled the work of eliminating counterrevolutionaries? Poorly or well? In my view there have been shortcomings, but in comparison with other countries we have done relatively well. Better than the Soviet Union, better than Hungary. The Soviet Union was too leftist, Hungary was too rightist. We have drawn a lesson from this; it’s not that we’re especially clever. Because the Soviet Union has been too left, we have learned something from that experience. We ourselves have committed leftist excesses, too. During the period of the southern base areas, when we were still rather ignorant, we suffered losses and every base area without exception used the same Soviet method. Later [we] put things right, and only then did we gain experience. In Yan’an [we] finally enacted some rules. Not a single person was to be killed and the bulk [of offenders] were not to be arrested. Once in Beijing [i.e., after the 1949 Communist victory] there were some improvements, though naturally there are still shortcomings, errors. Still, by now progress has been made. Compared with the Soviet Union, it is two lines [i.e., two different lines on this were followed. –Ed.] (this refers to the past, not the present, namely the time when Stalin was in power; he did things badly). There were two sides to him. One side was the elimination of true counterrevolutionaries; that was the correct side. The other side was the incorrect killing of numerous people, important people.”—“On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People” (Speaking Notes), (Feb. 27, 1957), SSCM, pp. 141-2, and footnote 11. An alternate translation of some of this passage is given above. Id.