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What is the harsh reality of being a 3rd tier college student?

The World is here ! Where are you?I am a 2nd year Btech-CSE student at Sharda University,Greater Noida and No matter how they advertise it on the TV or news- the world is definitely not here. The 1st year of my college life has been nothing short of hell.Even though I failed to crack JEE MAIN or BITSAT etc, I am not actually dumb per se. I have a better than average brain and plenty of skills. Physically too I am fit and energetic. And I am quite well at learning things easily. I have good command on PCM concepts. Just that I lack the ability to do hardwork that I ended up in this shit hole.True, it has a big campus and a good infrastructure overall but that does not make any difference to me. It’s definitely a Tier 3 college no matter how it boasts about itself via Ads. There are so many things wrong with Sharda that my answer will be too long to cover it. Still a few things -DUMBEST CROWD EVER- I am not exaggerating at all, during my school years, when I used to see stupid news about some student(s) talking about something like Bharat se Azaadi or that Tik-tok is the best or that MBA karloge toh engineers tumhare liye kaam karenge etc. I honestly used to think that these individuals are paid for some weird agenda. I could not believe that such dumb people could exist but then Sharda knocked them all right on my face the first day of joining. I discovered that these creatures do exist and do all the dumbest things with PRIDE as if they are doing something honorable. Leave PCM topics or Coding, these guys don’t know basic 9th class stuff like the direction of current in a circuit or ohm’s law, what a sulphuric acid is. In fact, once in electronics lab my classmate asked me what is a resistor because ma’am was taking viva. Matlab kya bolu ispe ( What should I say to this). This is engineering and he is not aware of something that was taught in class 8th, in fact, they told it again during classes. How these guys passed their school is a mystery to the world. Some think that students at such universities (Amity, Lovely or Sharda) are rich kids with loaded family. It’s so so far from the truth. I am from a Middle class family and is on the higher end of the crowd here. Most of these are from lower income groups, so they definitely don’t have a Dad’s business waiting for them after graduation. They all curse how Sharda is so bad ( which it is ) but forget to mention the core reason behind it. It’s the students themselves. 99% of these have a shallow and weak character, the kind who puts blame on everything but himself, always looking for excuses, and presenting themselves to be equivalent of the likes of IITians in terms of mental capacity. They would pretend that they know everything and would usually run behind girls all day or vice versa ( gender ratio almost 1:1). Blast music in classrooms during break or throw stuff at each other to look cool and try to lick faculties’ butt as much as they can or talk about there so called struggles. Sometimes when asked for an extempore or a mere intro in front of the class, they would talk about how Elon musk or Mark zuckerburg and how they aspire to be like them but that it’s all a facade for 15 mins, then they act total opposite of their speeches. 99% of them are so so so terrible in English and logical reasoning that I felt I was in a montessori class. Most importantly, they are too arrogant about their empty heads and do not wish to improve their knowledge which is equivalent to a 10 year old kid or even less. They think Companies are just dying to hire them as they reach the final year. Funny thing is that we probably have the easiest semester exams in whole world and I have not studied for even one of them and still have a GPA of around 9 in both sem which is like in top 10 of the whole batch of 350 students. Not a Single day of studying and still whereas they would mug around everything or pretend to and half the class has failed and has back in more than one subject. How can any of them possibly believe any company would want to hire them ? leave the likes of Amazon or Facebook. They don’t even deserve TCS !FACULTY - The faculty is no better, majority of them are super bad and are just teachers because they wish to earn and there’s no dedication towards their own subject. They may hold PhD’s or Masters but it’s just a stamp on a paper from god knows what university. They don’t know the basics of topics and more importantly the application of the concept in the real world which is a crucial part of info for an Engineer. They treats students as if they are studying history and that there’s nothing new or exciting about it. Excite no curiosity in the students. I have never ever felt asleep in any of the classes I have had all my life but I just cannot resist sleeping in these college lectures. I never thought this to be possible but hardly anyone can keep their eyes open at all. This is how boring they make they subjects. They should work as Nannies and not professors of Engineering Grads.CODING CULTURE- Simply Non-Existent. No guidance what-so-ever by any senior because they are themselves clueless and dumb. No one even talks about coding as if it’s a taboo.The highest level they go is “ Write a program to find factorial of n numbers “. Stuff like GitHub, App or Web development, Competitive Coding, Codechef, hackerrank, LinkedIn, ICPC, GSOC or any hackathon etc are totally non-existent. Like you go there and mention Git then you’ll see faces so blank you might even write getch() on their face. P.S - if you know what I meanLABS- They have a dozen labs. For CSE there are like 3–4 maybe more even. All running windows XP and the beloved Turbo C. Other labs like electronics or chem look worse than what I had in my school. All the possible junk is kept there for display. Mindless cycle of taking observations, writing on files, having them signed on time and then throwing it in the dustbin. Also the usual arrogance of the Lab Assistant and constant nakhre (drama) on using lab equipments. Once the period is over then exit the lab and no focus on the research area.ATTENDANCE- Minimum 75% attendance criteria because that’s the first step towards success and not being able to maintain that means you are not even eligible to sit for the exams. Also the extra classes on Saturday. Coordinators are such fan of 75% that they sing this song in all classes everyday, “Beta 75% se kam overall or individually in any subject attendace hui toh paper nahi dene denge” *smug face*. Basically what they are saying is that we won’t give you proper education even after charging such hefty fees and also not give you the time to acquire such education on your own.INTERNSHIPS- They force students to take internship at the end of the first year only when they barely know anything at all and the industrial exposure is absolute zero. Their idea of internship is just another money making scheme. They charge students around 1000 rupees and 5k extra if they come from bus which they had already paid for. Invites a guest faculty who teaches you to make calculator in android studio over a period of one month. This too has 75% attendance criteria, failing to which you won’t be allowed to sit for the End sem exam. This year due to lockdown they forced students to study online to acquire certificates on topics like how to use wordpress or machine learning and data science. Topics that ate either straight useless and unrelated to CSE or just too high level for our current stage.PLACEMENTS - Mass recruiter sabka Masiha ! (Mass recruiter - Every grad’s saviour ). TCS, Wipro, TechMahindra come in Sharda the same way I go to market to buy Aloo (Potato). Does n’t matter what size or shape, I will simply weigh and buy. Just like TCS who mass recruit from all departments with 7 GPA cutoff or even less. The remaining ones are handed over to the BPOs. After a lot of talking around I came to know that Amazon did come once or twice but students were not even able to a pass the technical round. This year too (2019) during placement drive, 254 students sat out of which around 230+ made a restaurant management system as the final year project. You can definitely relate to my frustrationALUMINI NETWORK- It’s simply terrible, the student intake was poor already and further degraded with stupid attendance criteria and the outdated syllabus. The weak faculty and no industrial exposure led to very poor placements and the entire Alumuni is sitting in TCS or BPOs and not connected with the college at all.I am sorry this answer is long but I am really frustrated since I came here and to be honest I spent the first year studying for JEE but it was difficult since I wake up around 5:45 AM to get the college bus and only reach home around 7:30 PM. I hardly had time for sleeping, eating or studying with all the tiredness. The nuances of Sharda really takes a toll on me everyday and I have to do my best to just keep my sanity. I have 6 friends and I only talk to them because they have common sense and literally no one in the remaining 294 does.I have a huge guilt and it feels like Sharda is a punishment for all my lack of hardwork and constant procastination. I am scared actually as to what future holds for me as I certainly do not belong among these morons. I had lost all hope from Day 1 but since lockdown came, I did some research and found many people who were able to pull themselves out from situation same or worse than mine which really gave me a boost. I was finally able to acquire some constructive advice and guidance like practicing DSA, Competitive coding etc. I like coding even though I am quite new to it. I only started learning since the lockdown. I want to work hard and have a successful career and I will not let Sharda hold me down !

I have X% in 10th, Y% in 12th and Z% in Undergrad, what should be my CAT score to make it to an IIM?

Look its simple, there is no fixed or rigid system on which IIM’s and other top institutes admit their students. Most of them have cutoffs and even if some of them have rigid criterias then it is not known to general public and is an internal assessment unit. So its simple decision you cannot change your Class Xth 12th and undergrad CGPA/Percentage.But what you can do is work on the future, get the highest percentile you can and work on getting internships and work experience. If I were to tell you that with your 90% in 10th and 95% in 12th and lets say 9 cgpa in college you need like 94 percentile so what would you do? Would you just attempt the CAT exam for 94 percentile only? NO you will give it your best and that is what I simply want you to do.Dont waste time calculating your chances in different universities, the correct time to do that is in Januaray ie after you get your CAT score and then and only then you will have a clear picture of what you can get in the current marks etc.Also it is very important to note that your marks in subsequent classes are not the only parameters on which you are judged in front of the admissions committee there are several criteria’s which you need to fullfill in order to get admission into these colleges.The process of selecting a candidate is not very transparent and hence no can surely say anything looking at a personalized profile, but they can always tell the probability of you getting into a college.Many colleges put higher weight age towards your 10th marks while some dont even consider them or the consideration is negligible.Along side your CAT score there are some important things that can overshadow your under performance in 10th and 12th but not your college CGPA,some of them are listed below;1.Research Work/ Published work : This basically include everything that is related to research and development. If you have written or co written any paper on relevant subject then you have a fair chance to get selected give you surpass every other cutoff.2.Work Experience: Work experience is the one thing that excite the admission committee the most a whole purpose of education and especially MBA degree is to give the student a useful insight to the real business world and hence any prior knowledge is appreciated and recorded. But it is very important to know that many of the students applying there already have pretty decent work ex record, and hence IIM’s have their internal rating system on which they rate one’s work ex profile. So it is very important to note what post you held in your Job and what your job profile was all about. Recommendation letters from your bosses are certainly a boost.3. Extra activities : These include anything and everything that makes you distinctive, it could be PC gaming (Achievements) or it could be place in your college committees and what not

What are the main reasons behind the outstanding results of BJP in West Bengal?

The eight pillars of BJP’s rise in West BengalThe eight pillars of BJP’s rise in West Bengal 11. Identity –Organisation interface. 22.Primordial identity beyond political identity: 33. Governance issues and absence of participation: 44. People’s disgust with Corruption: 45. Governmentality of fear. 56. BJP’s Organisation, Temples and money: 57. BJP as a new saviour. 68. Internal sabotage within TMC: 6Suman NathBharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has shown a radical surge in Parliamentary election 2019 in West Bengal. While many find this rise as unexpected and shocking, this article with the help ethnographic research in Rural Bengal since 2008 shows the possible reasons for such a rise. It appears that in recent past excepting 2016 when CPIM and Congress had alliance, BJP’s vote share is rising rapidly in the state. If one compares the 2016 Assembly election it is an astronomical figure in favour of BJP (Figure 1). I have been doing fireworks in different places in West Bengal since 2006. Based on such field experiences and available scholarly works in this article I explore some of the major reasons that has escalated BJP's rise in West Bengal, a state which was relatively immune towards Hindutva sentiments until now.Figure1Vote percentage share of different political parties in West Bengal since 2006 (Source: IndiaVotes | India's largest election database and news paper reports)1. Identity –Organisation interfaceWhile, the three decades of left rule was successful to install an interesting form of public transaction through ‘party society’ that undermined every other competing channel, it changed drastically in post left Bengal. There has been a surge of state sponsored festivals (both secular and religious) that permanently altered the political landscape of West Bengal once and for all. West Bengal is one of the soft targets for identity polarisation given the partition history and repeated riots and state's failure since independence to 1970s when Left Front took up the office. In my fieldwork sessions since 2006, I have been to places where Riot like situation was created during the Left’s tenure because of a) misunderstanding between the communities (e.g. a cow's leg was found in some temple, but it was carried by a bunch of jackles not by the Muslims), b) purposive attempt (to polarise) and, c) a mix of the two. These were managed effectively by the party society. Usually, a school teacher, or a govt employee would have informed the local party cadres to mitigate the tension even before it was formed. Whenever an inter-caste or inter-religious marriage took place, or for that matter any familial crisis arose, it took little time to become partisan. Booth Committee – Branch Committee – Local Committee has been champions of quick and easy fixing of a wide range of conflicts which could potentially spread and instigate further violence and counter violence. Such a mechanism of public transaction was completely wiped out by the TMC since 2011. After their landslide victory first, they assumed control over several Left Front’s party offices and then as an obvious political mechanism they sidelined the ‘party line’ of control. As an alternative to the organisation based system TMC depended on a handful of locally powerful elites. In several villages these elites are often the persons who had to give away land during the Land Reform movement and had considered the left to be their class enemy. This section had money and assumed control over a significant section of the rural youth. TMC used this mechanism and exercised control through a new form of party machinery which was unknown to the people of West Bengal. Over time, the individual dependent organisation structure started to show crippling chain of command, role confusion, area confusion and ultimately dreadful factions. When the Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee depended on a significant number of film and like personalities instead of her dedicated party workers for giving tickets to the Parliamentary Elections in 2014, TMC’s inability to manage faction was clear.As Political Society and Party Society got weathered away (as theorised by Partha Chatterjee 2004 and Dwaipayan Bhattacharyya 2009, 2016), TMC tended to depend more on the ‘cultural’ and ‘representational’ issues which Suman Nath theorised as ‘Cultural Misrecognition’. Nath (2018: 99) in Economic and Political Weekly shows that TMC “Instead of bypassing or substituting existing channels of public transactions, the TMC is inviting existing channels of public transactions to take place but within the templates provided by them.” Hence, while TMC undermined and dismantled the party society invited traditional Identity based mobilisations ranging from Shalishi Sabha to the rise of Religious festivals and religiousity. Although, with most of the TMC state level leaders’ association with Durgotsav, it is not surprising to see such an inclination towards identity-festival-TMC nexus after they assumed political control in the State Assembly.As the party began to focus more on the festivals (one instance is the allocation of funds to the Ministry of Information and Culture from Rs. 61 Crores in 2010-2011 to Rs. 300 Crores in 206-2017), politico-identity issues began to surface from 2013 onwards. If one sees the number of riot like violence of the state it shows a steep rise from 2012 onwards (see figure 2).Figure2Number of riot like conflicts in West Bengal, Source State data provided to the Parliament2012-2013 onwards two major policy linked events happened, a) provision of a monthly allowance to the Imams and Muezzins which was considered as an instance of Muslim appeasement by the state and b) Not allowing Durgotsav procession to go during the Muharram to avoid communal clashes. Moreover, organising Durgapuja Carnival has often been seen as a balancing act from the TMC. Ram Navami rallies started to spread rapidly since 2015-2016 and became aggressive over the years. AAMRA Ek Sachetan Prayas Forum, an organisation doing serious conflict studies in West Bengal had documented and Published several reports on the detailed nature of such conflicts and how these are connected to a) religious festivals including Ram Navami, Muharram and Durgotsav, and b) hoax faceboook posts in different parts of the state.Once, the identity faultline was opened up, BJP capitalised on it by consolidating the Majority vote including that of erstwhile Left Cadres.2.Primordial identity beyond political identity:From the extent of vote share it appears that the reduction in Left vote from 23% to 6% and rise in BJP from 18% to 40% is self explanatory, but it would be a gross generalisation if one makes such a streamline conclusion that Left people simply voted for the BJP. In my ethnographic works, especially in places where active identity mobilisation has taken place since 2013, I have seen the proliferation of Rashtriya Swayamshebak Sangha (RSS) led organisations like Bajrang Dal, Durga Shakti, and Hindu Samhati which has a cross party appeal. In a couple of articles published in 2019 at International Journal of Conflict and Violence (IJCV) and at the Journal of Indian Anthropological Society Suman Nath and Subhoprotim Roy Chowdhury write on the ways in which these organisations are pulling people from across the political spectrum in the name of “saving the Hindus”! There are workers belonging to TMC, Left and Congress who did not hesitate to say that party comes next to the Identity/Community. Such a divide has been percolating and tearing apart the public sphere through a variety of mechanisms that range from circulation of videos and texts via social media to tangible experiences of riots. If one observes the geographical dimension of the riots it appears that once there is a communal tension at one place, its adjacent places are affected within months. Among several instances we can imagine the recent conflicts in Naihati-hajinagar-Chandannagar and Baduria-Basirhat. While in the first instance a mix of population is notable (Nath and Roy Choudhury in IJCV article) which includes people from other north Indian states in the second instance significant minority presence is noted. As one of the TMC worker in Basirhat says “Nusrat has got votes because of her identity only, who knows her to be a party worker?... earlier it was the Didi factor, she could make anyone win, but now its Hindu-Muslim factor!”While the popular film actress Nusrat won the Basirhat seat allegedly because of her identity, TMC lost with its veteran Dinesh Trivedi to Arjun Singh of BJP who recently left TMC. It has something to do with consolidation of Hindu votes in the region. Similarly, Assembly by-poll at places like Bhatpara is won over by BJP defeating experienced TMC leader, Sarada Scam accused Madan Mitra because of Identity polarisation.3. Governance issues and absence of participation:The discursive sphere of West Bengal since 2018 had one issue in common: the disgust of the people who could not volte in the Panchayat election. Three District Panchayats in West Bengal are won over by TMC uncontested. Additionally as the Election Commission of India data shows about 34% of all the seats from different tiers are won over by the TMC uncontested. Panchayat election has been one of the bloodiest elections that the state has witnessed in recent times. West Bengal has always witnessed high poll percentage, especially in Panchayat elections. In fact in a Bengali book entitled Shreni’r Drishtite Gram Panchayat, (Panchayat, seen through the Class) written by CPIM leader Dr. Surya kanta Mishra voting percentage is shown as one of the achievements of politically conscious vibrant public sphere. Indeed, as written by Raghabendra Chattopadhyay, Bhaskar Chakrabarti and Suman Nath in 2010 in Commonwealth Journal of Local Governance, even though there is a falling percentage of attendance to the annual Gram Sabha meetings over the years, Gram Sabha continues to occupy an important position in the Rural West Bengal. With DFID sponsored Strengthening Rural Decentralisation, during the last phase of the Left ruled West Bengal has seen special emphasis on the Gram Sabha led Annual Action Plan preparation. With the advent of TMC’s rule and onslaught of World Bank sponsored Institutional Strengthening of Gram Panchayat Programme (ISGPP) there is a parallel shrinking of space for participation in decentralised governance. Consequently, even though a number of schemes have actually catered the needs of the rural poor along with the improvement of rural connectivity and livelihoods support base, people got alienated from the Gram Panchayat. It is important to note that Gram Panchayats are not only an institution of governance, but it is an institution that entangled itself with the social fabric of rural West Bengal. For instance, a Pradhan (chef of a Gram Panchayat) is not only the office bearer but also a guardian of the region. He is called up to resolve family issues and often given a lot of respect in different ritualistic performances.While, on the one hand the party society was dismantled, sphere for people’s participation in democratic functioning of Gram Panchayat was also reduced significantly. In a 2017 article published in Critical Asian Studies, Subhasish Ray and Mohan J Dutta show how in Junglemahal (the forested western part of the state) Gram Panchayat decisions are being implemented bypassing the elected wing of the Panchayat. They argued that this form of “hyper development” has alienated people from the development initiatives. Clearly, People’s inability to vote and stopping people from filing nomination in 2018 election have backfired.4. People’s disgust with Corruption:In a 2017 Economic and Political Weekly article entitled “Everyday Politics and Corruption in West Bengal” Suman Nath showed how the corruption charges against TMC especially that of Sarada Scam and Narada bribery could not give any electoral dividend to the opposition. He further argued that people are quite habituated to become involved in the corrupt transactions in their everyday life. Starting with empanelment to employment generation schemes to getting houses, everywhere party demands money and people are usually willing to pay a certain amount if that speeds up the process. Such an everydayness of corruption made the corruption charges virtually insignificant. This scenario, however, has changed over the last few years. Allegedly, a large number of people bribed to get employment at variety of positions. News reports of such incidents made headlines every other day. While corruption charges are not new in West Bengal, last few years have seen complete open discussion of such bribery and corruptions in the public sphere. It was well known informally who were asking money for what. The chain of command was open and sometimes there were conflicts regarding the percentage share of the money among the party cadres of different layers. When, BJP came with an alternative form of corruption free governance system, it got immediate appeal to people at large.5. Governmentality of fearCPIM led Left parties had a powerful trade union among the government employees. For clerks and officials it was Coordination Committee and for other people occupying relatively higher echelons had a variety of associations. Transfer to distant places happened to be the most feared punishment to anyone getting involved in anything which party doesn’t approve. There were competing associations belonging to non-left parties, but they were weak and hardly had any command over how does the government function or make the decisions. Since 2011 these associations were dismantled through a variety of mechanisms and slowly administrative wing took over the welfare issues of the workers. While, it helped bringing back the much needed “work culture” of the offices, a large sections of the employees disheartened to see the rights to protest and participate in strikes were dealt with stringent action. A government employee for last few years is supposed to come not only on the day a strike is called but also the day before and the day after. Additionally, there are grievances related to significant difference in Dearness Allowance and delay in implementation of the Pay Commission benefits. It is said that based on the calculation of postal ballot which is issued mostly to the government employees who were involved in election, BJP wins about 39 out of 42 sits in West Bengal.In my ethnographic works in different government offices it is found that there is an ambiance of fear among the employees everywhere primarily because of two reasons. First, the stringent action taken against those failed to appear on the days strikes are called. Second, public image of the government employee has been affected by statements made against such employees by several political leaders. In consequence, there is an ambiance of fear of becoming subjected to public and media trial which is anything but a biased and often with heinous consequences. Government employees are not isolated from the society, rather they are important nodes to the web of society. Their disgust had dreadful consequences to TMC’s vote share and perhaps gave confidence to the BJP.6. BJP’s Organisation, Temples and money:It might sound unreal to people who know the political landscape of West Bengal if I say BJP has its organisation strength in West Bengal. However, throughout my fieldwork in different districts of West Bengal I have encountered BJP’s organisation in a variety of names. It includes pro-Hindu new organisations like Hindu Samhati, Durga Shakti and Bajrang Dal long with several existing temple, sacred grove based local organisations which get funding from Viswa Hindu Parishad and RSS. Apart from these, several places like North and South 24 Parganas, Hoogly, Bankura, Paschim Medinipur, Purba Medinipur, Paschim Bardhaman BJP in the name of BJP has earned popularity. There were already existing workers who earned confidence with regular visits by central leaderships and state level leaderships. There happens to be a silent movement “Meri booth sabse Majboot” (my booth is the strongest) among the BJP players. In several rural places in addition to identity polarisation and statement like “Hindus are in danger” they also popularised the notions that people need jobs and self reliance. They also campaigned based on the Panchayat level corruption and lack of democratic practices at the Panchayat. I remember before the election in several places there were saffron flags along with BJP flag hoisted in the paddy fields – something symbolically state the extent of political percolation in rural sphere.With the rise of BJP’s popularity and cadre base, TMC local leaders in many places panicked. They panicked primarily because of the relatively chaotic organisation and confusing chain of command within their party network. Additionally, allegedly there was a huge fund flow along the line of establishing political control. During poll two BJP workers were arrested carrying one crore of rupees in a railway station which is symptomatic to the nature of illegal money flow during the election.7. BJP as a new saviourI have encountered several Left Front supporters and cadres in rural West Bengal who took help from the BJP cadres to come back to their villages and to fight against the alleged false cases registered against them by TMC. These are localised and extremely significant findings to actually show the reasons behind the left’s support to BJP. Additionally, a simple calculation of enemy’s enemy is a friend has been playing a background score. In this situation in addition to the identity issue and Hindu vote accumulation, Left’s vote consolidation under BJP’s banner is nothing but natural and instinctive.8. Internal sabotage within TMC:TMC has a practice of nominating people with little known political career behind them. These are the popular faces from the silver screen who managed to win in 2014 election but many of them failed to do so in 2019. As already discussed it was a master stroke of TMC supreme to deal with the internal and factional conflicts within the party where it became inevitable that nominating one would make the other angry. Instead, someone fresh, someone having enough “symbolic capital” earned from other field (like film and television, theatre, etc.) got the nomination. This strategy made internal alienation of the workers and leaders who toiled to curve out political space from the Left and now compete with the BJP. Consequently, before the parliamentary election several TMC leaders held open disagreement with TMC’s chain of command. Sabyasachi Dutta exemplifies one of those leaders who held significant difference in terms of TMC’s decisions. It is highly likely that there were internal agreements with the opposition forces in many places in exchange of money and/or promise of ministership etc.There are several other individual and microscopic reasons for such an astonishing rise of BJP in West Bengal. Those require thorough studies. To conclude that the entire Left vote has changed its camp and got accumulated to BJP would always entail oversimplification to a much complex and detailed story. Each of the districts will reveal a different story of the rise of BJP, however, it is needless to mention whatever issues they have taken up the major axis of BJP’s rise is on identity mobilisation. A dimension which has been fuelled since 2011 and BJP being champion of it excelled and steered the benefit in their favour.About the author:Suman Nath, PhD, teaches anthropology in Dr. A. P. J. Abdul Kalam Government College, New Town, Kolkata. He is doing research on development governance and politics in West Bengal since 2006. He regularly publishes scholarly and popular articles in journals like EPW and news papers like Anandabazar Patrika. His book People-Party-Policy Interplay in India is due to release from Routledge, New York this year.For more such posts follow my blog: WORLDS AND WORDS

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