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How did you start your international career?

I trace my international career back to a 6th grade book report that I did on the depletion of the Amazon rainforest. It made me aware of environmental issues, which led me to international relations and, more specifically, international development. I realized that people wouldn’t and couldn’t protect the environment if they couldn’t provide food and security for their families. I got a bachelor’s degree in international relations and a master’s degree in International Peace and Conflict Resolution with a focus in Humanitarian Development. I started my career working for NGOs and now, for the past 13 years, have been a diplomat first with the State Department and later with the United States Agency for International Development. I love my international career and encourage others to pursue one — one of the reasons why I wrote Global: An Extraordinary Guide for Ordinary Heroes.Want an international career but don’t know where to start? Well, you’re in luck – because there are many different and varied ways to start down that path. The key is to just do it (thanks Nike!). Seriously, nothing is stopping you, but yourself. There’s a time to start responding to that little voice telling you to become an ordinary hero and that time is NOW. Where you start will depend on where you are in your career, your family and financial obligations, and other individual factors. Below are some suggestions that, no matter where you are in life, you should be able to pursue at least one of them. The key is to put yourself out there, keep on trying, and to be patient. Every opportunity builds upon itself and will one day result in you having a job that you find fulfilling and that lets you advance important social justice issues.1. Intern or volunteerIt’s never too early (or too late) to start volunteering or interning (providing your time for free to a cause or organization you care about). Internships are explicitly designed to give you hands-on professional experience, whereas people volunteer for all sorts of reasons (including meeting new people, or just doing something useful for the community on weekends). On the other hand, volunteering is a great way of demonstrating your civic engagement and strength of character, which any prospective employer would be glad to know about.So who should you intern for? Ideally, you would volunteer or intern at an international relations institution that you would like to work for one day. But any volunteering activity (especially when you’re less experienced) is a great résumé-builder. And you don’t necessarily have to ‘work’ with a specific organization in a defined internal role. You can support organizations that you want to be involved with by creating your own opportunities (even if that organization is located far away from where you live). For example, you can devise fundraising activities on behalf of an organization, such as holding a bake sale, a used book sale, or getting a part-time job and donating a portion of your income every week.If you do happen to live near an organization working in international relations that you would like to work with, call them to ask about volunteer and internship opportunities. Worried that your utter lack of experience will make them hang up the phone on you? Call anyway. The worst that they can say is ‘no’. If there are no international relations institutions near you, but you really want to get experience with an international organization, you could volunteer in another country during your vacation time off from school.Volunteering or interning with a domestically-focused organization is also helpful for getting experience and building your résumé. You’ll learn how to operate in a professional environment and help people at the same time. Better still, these sorts of opportunities are plentiful, and include homeless shelters, boys/girls clubs, elderly care facilities, food banks, or a domestic violence shelter. Don’t be afraid to ask for an internship at an organization you admire. If that is not an option, volunteer doing the type of work you want to do. Even if it is not internationally-focused, you can bolster your skills and learn new approaches. Even if it doesn’t seem to be related to what you want to do, when a chance comes along, take it. You never know where the road may lead!Bottom line - interning or volunteering are good for your resume as you’re embarking on your career in international relations. Also, it helps you figure out what you like working on. Are you passionate about diplomacy or human rights or climate change? Do you like doing research or managing projects or human resources? You can answer these questions by actually trying out different paths through internships. You also get connected with colleagues – these are excellent resources. They can serve as references on job applications in the future and can clue you in to job opportunities. So make sure to stay in touch with your colleagues even after your internship ends.Look at my list of websites below under #5 for internship/volunteer opportunities or, if you’re in school, contact your career center for suggestions. Already have a job or don’t live near an enticing opportunity? Volunteer virtually! Thanks to the fact that we’re living in the 21st century, nothing has to stop you from pursuing your passion for helping to make the world a better place.Here are a few virtual volunteer sites to check out:https://www.onlinevolunteering.org/enhttps://createthegood.org/articles/virtualvolunteeringhttps://www.internships.com/virtualhttps://virtualinternships.com/2. Go to CollegeDepending on where you are in life, one great way to embark on a career in international relations is to get a relevant degree. If you’re still just starting out, consider going to college for a degree relevant to international relations.College is a great time to lay a solid foundation for your future career, and you’ve got plenty of options in terms of where to go and what to study. You might opt for a general foundation, such as international relations or political science, and then pursue a graduate degree in a more specialized technical subject.On the other hand, if you want to specialize early, there’s nothing stopping you. Somewhere, there’s a program that fits your passions—whether this is in public health, education, gender studies or engineering. Or, you might choose a degree program that will equip you with the practical skills you’ll need to work abroad and manage complex programs—here I’m talking about language and business or management studies. One of my grad school friends even majored in religion in college, which just goes to show that all skills sets are welcome in the fight for global social justice.College will also serve up plenty of invaluable opportunities outside of the classroom. For example, you could volunteer as a research assistant for one of your professors, which will both expose you to new ideas and hone your research and writing skills. You might even get named as a co-author on a publication! Also make sure to sign up for your college study-abroad program. My study-abroad program in Japan was the first time I’d lived overseas, and the experience taught me a lot about myself and about how to navigate a foreign culture. Cultural sensitivity is a crucial skill to develop, and it’s not one you can learn from a book.The State Department’s US Study Abroad Office (USA StudyAbroad) offers resources to help you find the right exchange program—which is especially important if your college doesn’t offer one. The office has information about international exchanges, including ones that are funded by the State Department—such as the Fulbright Program, the Benjamin A. Gilman International Scholarship Program and the Critical Language Scholarship Program. The office also has information on exchanges, scholarships, internships, teaching and research opportunities for high school students, undergraduate and graduate students, scholars, teachers and institutions. Check it out!3. Join the Peace CorpsPeace Corps is a US government agency that provides service opportunities “for motivated change-makers to immerse themselves in a community abroad, working side by side with local leaders to tackle the most pressing challenges of our generation.” For many people with careers in international relations, doing Peace Corps is the first time they gain fieldwork experience, and it is the stepping-stone for many people into international development.There is no upper age limit to being a Peace Corps volunteer, but you do have to be at least 18 years old to join Peace Corps and have a bachelor’s degree. Here’s a link to frequently asked questions: https://www.peacecorps.gov/faqs/applying.During its pre-service training, Peace Corps provides language, cross-cultural and technical training—and introduces development theories and concepts. I would suggest doing Peace Corps between college and graduate school (as most do), because having a bit of real-world exposure will help you decide which technical area you might want to specialize in. Of course, you can do Peace Corps at any point, but by the time you’re done with grad school, you might not be satisfied with the Peace Corps stipend compared to a paying job.That said, unlike most ‘job’ jobs in international affairs, the Peace Corps gives you the opportunity to live in remote rural areas, and often with a family. USAID, the State Department, the UN and most international NGOs have their offices in the capital city of a foreign country—or at least in a major city. Peace Corps, on the other hand, gives you the chance to integrate into a community, and get out of the capital city (although some volunteers get placed in the capital or bigger cities). It’s also a good opportunity to get experience managing projects, hone your language skills and develop your cultural sensitivity.Having international experience is also a bonus for grad school and job applications. Peace Corps is a great way in—and you could end up working for the US Government afterwards. Upon completion of service, you get ‘Non-Competitive Eligibility’ status for 12 months, which means you can be hired by the Executive Branch without going through the normal competitive hiring process. What’s more, your Peace Corps time can be added to your ‘time in service,’ which basically means you can retire two years earlier! While Peace Corps is a valuable professional experience, for many it is much more than that. It is about service and building friendships across countries.That said, if flying off to rural Benin isn’t how you want to spend the next two years, don’t fret: a career in international relations is still a good fit and within reach. This career path can take many forms, which means that you can find the one that matches your interests and abilities. The point about Peace Corps, interning, fellowships or volunteering is just to get experience. Experience to build your résumé, make connections and figure out what you do (and do not) like working on.Think Peace Corps is a good fit for you? Go ahead and check it out: https://www.peacecorps.gov/volunteer/is-peace-corps-right-for-me. It never hurts to plant several seeds and see what blooms. You can always turn down an opportunity, but you can never take an opportunity if you haven’t tried in the first place.4. Get a Master’s DegreeIf you’ve already started on a career in a different field, or even if you’ve started working in a job in international relations, getting a master’s degree in an area that you find interesting is an important part of becoming a global hero. If you’re fresh out of college, go for it too – if you know what you want to study, there’s nothing stopping you. Though it does seem like a lot of graduate schools in international relations prefer a student body that is a bit older. Students with a few years of real-life work experience under their belt bring a different depth to the classroom discussion and allow them to interpret what they’re studying based on firsthand experience. I had interned during college, but only had one year of real-life work experience before applying to graduate school. Luckily, one still accepted me – thanks School of International Service at American University!!!Graduate school allows you to take a deep dive into the issues you’re passionate about, and develop your technical skills. So it’s a time to figure out what you want to specialize in, right? Perhaps. Again, you don’t have to have the right major in grad school in order to have a career in international relations. I knew that I wanted to work on conflict issues and development, and that’s why I got my Master’s in International Peace and Conflict Resolution with a focus in International Development. I joined the Foreign Service as a Crisis, Stabilization and Governance Officer and I work for USAID, so in some ways what I studied in grad school did directly align with my career. But every career takes twists and turns. Today, I’m managing cross-sector teams on issues outside of my technical expertise. You’re never going to stop learning; you’re never going to stop growing; and you don’t need to know everything on the first day of your new job.Throughout my career, I’ve had the pleasure to work with many amazing people, many of whom turned to international relations late in life. I met people whose previous careers were a singer, an accountant, a lawyer, a doctor, even a beer-brewing monk! That’s why I say that you’re never too young (or too old) to pursue your passion of global social justice.As I mentioned, I did my grad work at the School of International Service at American University in Washington, DC. Other good international relations grad schools in DC are the School of Advanced International Studies (Johns Hopkins) and the grad programs at George Washington University, Georgetown and George Mason. In Boston, the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University is excellent and, in New York City, the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University is great. Over 80 percent of students at Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs receive full scholarships, which means that even a prestigious school can be financially within reach.The options don’t end there, and each school has its own strengths, so do your homework in terms of which is the best fit for your interests. For example, some universities are great in public health, others in public affairs. How should you sift through all the options? If you’re still in college, ask your career counselor or a respected professor to help you identify which graduate program is best for you. Or maybe someone you’ve met through your volunteering or interning might have advice. If you can’t get advice from a real live person, then you should do an internet research to find the right program.5. Learn from othersI’m here to tell you that you’re not alone. We’ve all been where you might be at today. At the start of our global careers, we were anxious and eager to contribute and have our skills and abilities utilized and recognized. I guarantee you – no global hero started right off the bat with an amazing job. We all built it slowly and steadily and we all took our own paths. That’s the cool thing about the career of an ordinary hero – there’s no straight line. So build on what you’ve already accomplished and learn from others. You don’t have to go down this path in isolation and I strongly encourage you not to. Most people I know in international relations are more than happy to share their advice and connections to help others move into this career field. Not only is it good karma, but it helps us bring in more folks into the fold to work on #teamjustice. Social justice issues require our best and brightest, so of course, we’d be willing to help you get into this field!Network – relationships are important and will help you along your way. Also you can learn from other’s experience. Reach out to people you know in international relations and pick their brains – these are called informational interviews. When I first started in my career, I cringed at the idea of doing informational interviews. I didn’t want people to think that I was using them to get a job or anything like that. But, now being on the other side of it, I understand that, if done with genuine interest in learning, it really doesn’t feel like being used. In fact, I regularly talk, email, and meet with individuals interested in joining a career in international relations. Honestly, it was part of my motivation for writing my book, Global: An Extraordinary Guide for Ordinary Heroes. I so often advise people interested in a career in international relations, I wanted to consolidate and expand my best career advice and my colleague’s best career advice. So if you want more than this answer offers, check out section three and annex 1 of the book: http://bit.ly/Globalthebook.Informational interviews are a great way to understand the path that other people took to where they are today and it helps to demystify that path. Also, people you have informational interviews with could give you great suggestions on how to pursue your interest in a career in international relations and they will most likely know of resources and options that can help you. In addition, informational interviews help to build your network. You never know who might actually have a job that you’re a good fit for. In your informational interview, ask for other professionals that the interviewee can put you in touch with – you never know where it might lead. And, of course, remember that once you’re more established in your global career, please be willing to pay it forward by giving informational interviews to people who reach out to you!Still can’t get onboard with informational interviews or don’t know where to start? You’re in luck! Again, technology is your best friend. Head on over to LinkedIn to reverse engineer the problem: find people with the jobs you want in ten years’ time and then see how they got there! What and where did they study? What jobs did they have? How long were they in each job? Do a little research on other’s experience and help it build your roadmap to your career as a global hero. And, if you’re feeling bold, reach out to some of these people and request a phone informational interview. The worse you will get is a “no”.6. Apply for JobsNow this might seem obvious or you might think I’m crazy for even suggesting it. Even if you don’t have a degree in international relations or previous work experience, you should still give it a try! Jobs come in every shape and size imaginable—my advice to the job-seeker is this: throw your net wide. You might have a ‘dream job’ in mind, but every job can be an important stepping stone, if you use it as a place to learn, grow your skills and network like a pro. And who knows? Your idea of what your ‘dream job’ actually is might just evolve once you get hands-on experience in the workplace.Don’t ever be discouraged that you’re not ‘qualified’ enough to apply for a job. I once heard some great advice from a woman who was a recruiter at an NGO. Her insight was this: job position announcements describe the ideal candidate, but no recruiter actually expects to find someone that ticks all the boxes. Really, they’re just looking for someone who ticks as many boxes as possible—and if someone does come along who fits the bill perfectly, great!Keep that insight in mind when you start applying for international jobs. It’s okay to fall short on having all the required qualifications. Who knows? You might have more of the required qualifications than anyone else applying, or there might be something else about your unique experience that is really relevant. So apply for the jobs you really want, not just the jobs you think you can get. Within reason of course! Don’t apply for a job that requires 20 years of senior management experience if you have zero management experience! But do put yourself out there and aim high.I’m especially talking to women here: research shows that women are much more cautious than men when they apply for jobs. In fact, women typically only apply for jobs they feel 100 percent qualified for, whereas men apply for jobs they feel only 60 percent qualified for. Think of it this way: when you’re young, jobs are supposed to be learning opportunities, and a chance for professional growth. If you’re 100 percent qualified for a job, how much can you really expect to learn on the job? So don’t ever be tempted to sell yourself short in the job application process. If you’re missing an essential requirement, then use your cover letter to talk about how a different skill you have might be as equally valuable to the position, or how you’re certain you can learn that particular skill on the job (and back up your point by talking about a time when you had to learn on your feet, and did so with aplomb).So, go ahead and do it! What do you have to lose? As I mentioned, planting the seeds are what counts – if you get it and it’s not the right fit, you can always not take it. Send out 20 resumes, send out 200! The more jobs you apply for, the greater your chance of getting one.As I’ve already mentioned, a long and helpful list of global job sites is in Annex 1 of my book, Global, and below are a few suggestions. Or find a specific organization that you want to work for and use LinkedIn again to set up job alerts for these organizations.https://www.devex.com/jobshttps://ngojobboard.org/https://www.linkedin.com/jobs/foreign-affairs-jobshttps://www.globaljobs.org/https://www.humentum.org/job-board/allhttps://www.usaid.gov/work-usaid/careers/foreign-servicehttps://careers.state.gov/work/foreign-service/officer/https://www.humanrightscareers.com/https://www.idealist.orghttps://unjobs.orghttps://www.daybook.com/

How has Vietnam coped with its war debt to the Russians from the war against the Americans and the South Vietnamese? Freighter ships full of weapons and ammo don't come cheap.

Q. How has Vietnam coped with its war debt to the Russians from the war against the Americans and the South Vietnamese? Freighter ships full of weapons and ammo don't come cheap.A. Unlike the material and weapons supplied by China – which demanded deferred payment – most Russian assistance was supplied as aid rather than loans. Over the course of the war the money donated to the Vietnamese cause was equal to $2 million a day.Vietnam War: The critical role of Russian weaponsBy the spring of 1967, a river of aid was flowing from Russia into North Vietnam.By the late 1960s more than three-quarters of the military and technical equipment received by North Vietnam was coming from Moscow. Sergei Blagov writes in Asia Times that Moscow contributed weapons essential to North Vietnamese defence capabilities against the American air war, including radar systems, anti-aircraft artillery, surface-to-air missiles (SAMs). “Without this materiel, Vietnamese air defence would have been hardly feasible,” he says.Russia military supplies completely transformed the nature of the war. Unlike what they show you in Hollywood movies, the Vietnamese did not fight with just cunning and camouflage, they hit the Americans with firepower on a staggering scale. Their arsenal included 2,000 tanks, 7,000 artillery guns, over 5,000 anti-aircraft guns and 158 surface-to-air rocket launchers.The new weapons – although not the latest in Moscow’s arsenal – were more advanced than the American ones, leading to many battlefield routs of US military forces. American aircraft ran into skies streaking with SAMs and thick with ack-ack salvoes.T 34Entire waves of American aircraft were blasted out of the skies because the Vietnamese fired ceaseless barrages of SAMs, knowing more Russian supplies were on their way. “In August 1965, the first SAMs were fired at four F-4 Phantoms over Vietnam, shooting down three. This marked the first time that US planes were attacked by SAMs,” writes Blagov.US strategic bombers tumbled out of the skies after being hit by Russian-supplied SAMs (the granddaddies of today’s S-300 and S-400 missiles). Russian crews fired SAMs at the B-52 bombers, which were the first raiders shot down over Hanoi. A Soviet rocketeer told Russian Radio: “After our arrival in Vietnam, American pilots refused to fly.” (However, after 1966, no Soviet troops directly participated in combat because the Vietnamese forces had been trained to handle the Soviet equipment, the Russian magazine Eko Planety – Echo of the Planet – says.)Jets that survived these brutal knockouts were picked out by Vietnamese Air Force aces flying MiG-17s and MiG-21s; these combat aircraft were vectored towards their targets by Russian-supplied radars.To give you an idea of just what the Vietnamese were up against, in 1965 just 30 MiGs were doing combat against 660 American aircraft. And yet the Americans lost 46 F-4 fighters, of which 13 were downed by MiGs.The odds were evened soon. In 1966 the Vietnamese Air Force started receiving the latest MiG-21 interceptor. On July 7, two MiG-21s shot down an F-105 with a Russian Atoll air-to-air missile, creating panic in the US Air Force.By now the Vietnamese pilots were growing more familiar with their Russian jets. Roger Boniface writes in MIGs Over North Vietnam: “The MiG-17 pilots started to indulge in dogfights with American aircraft; the former were growing in confidence all the time as they could constantly turn inside the faster F-4s and use their cannon to lethal effect from close range. The MiG-21 would use their superior speed and dive on the Americans from higher altitudes. The VPAF would use both the MiG-17 and MiG-21 against the Americans, using their techniques in unison by catching the Americans in what can only be described as a diving and turning “sandwich”.The American pilots became so scared of encountering the Vietnamese air aces that they in several cases they fled the scene of combat at full speed.North Vietnamese MiG-21 ace pilot Nguyen Van Coc, in his flight helmet and combat gear North Vietnam’s Leading Ace ‹ HistoricWings.com.Early warning by Russian military intelligence saved countless Vietnamese lives. Truong Nhu Tang, a senior North Vietnamese official, writes in A Viet Cong Memoir that Russian ships in the South China Sea gave vital early warnings to Vietnamese forces. Russian ships would pick up American B-52 bombers flying from Okinawa and Guam. Their airspeed and direction would be noted and then relayed to Vietnamese political and military headquarters. The Vietnamese would then calculate the bombing target and vector their fighters into attack trajectories. These advance warning gave them time to move out of the way of the bombers and while the bombing runs caused extensive damage, because of the early warnings from 1968-1970 they did not kill a single military or civilian leader in the headquarter complexes.Russia also supplied Vietnam with medical supplies, food, oil, machinery and spare parts. And unlike the material and weapons supplied by China – which demanded deferred payment – most Russian assistance was supplied as aid rather than loans. Over the course of the war the money donated to the Vietnamese cause was equal to $2 million a day.In late March 1965, Leonid Brezhnev announced that his government had been receiving "many applications" from Soviet citizens offering to serve as volunteers in Vietnam. However, Russian freelancers were not really needed. From July 1965 to the end of 1974, around 6,500 officers and generals, as well as more than 4,500 soldiers and sergeants of the Russian armed forces visited the country as ‘advisors’. In addition, Russian military schools and academies trained more than 10,000 Vietnamese military personnel. Just 13 Soviet citizens lost their lives in the entire conflict, says Eko Planety.Soviet 'military experts': The Bigfoot sightings of the Vietnam War | SOFREPThe Rise of North Vietnam’s Air DefensesBY CARL O. SCHUSTERJUNE 2016 • HISTORYNET, VIETNAM, VIETNAM POINT OF VIEWOn Aug. 5, 1964, U.S. Navy aircraft struck four North Vietnamese torpedo boat bases and the fuel depot at Vinh, about 160 miles south of Hanoi. Two of the 64 aircraft were lost to anti-aircraft fire. Launched in retaliation for a torpedo boat attack on a U.S. destroyer in the Gulf of Tonkin on August 2, Operation Pierce Arrow had the ostensible political purpose of demonstrating America’s strength to the North Vietnamese to deter further aggression and additional support for the insurgency in South Vietnam. But Hanoi’s leaders concluded the relatively small-scale response showed that American intervention would be constrained, not decisive. More important, it energized and unified Hanoi’s political leadership behind new party leader Lê Duẩn, who had taken power in January by marginalizing the Communist Party moderates led by Ho Chi Minh and General Võ Nguyên Giáp at a party meeting in December. Le Duan immediately ordered “resumption of armed struggle in South Vietnam” and requested assistance from North Vietnam’s two major allies, China and the Soviet Union. He put the military on a wartime footing on July 6 and mobilized all components of society for the coming war. That mobilization and support from other Communist countries enabled North Vietnam to build what would become the world’s strongest integrated air defense at the time.Beijing rushed aid to North Vietnam in early 1964. China’s backing came at a time of Sino-Soviet competition for leadership of the global Communist movement, and Moscow felt compelled to provide higher-technology sensors, better weapons and a larger training package than the Chinese were offering. The Soviets also sent more than 8,000 military advisers and technicians, who wore Vietnamese uniforms to hide their nationality. At the same time hundreds of Vietnamese were placed in Soviet military training schools. Additionally, Moscow shipped radars, anti-aircraft artillery and coastal defense equipment to Hanoi. Not to be outdone by its rival, Beijing accelerated the training program for the 30 North Vietnamese pilots who were being trained on Soviet-donated Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-17s at China’s Son Dong Airfield since early 1963. China also donated training aircraft to Hanoi and initiated a training program for about another 200 pilots. Those pilots, however, were not expected to be ready for combat operations before late 1964 or early spring 1965.The Chinese and Soviet aid was vital for North Vietnam’s air defense forces. Although Hanoi had been improving its air defenses incrementally since 1957, the system was still grossly inadequate against a modern bombing campaign. To simplify air defense command and control, Hanoi combined the Air Defense Force, which managed ground-based anti-aircraft systems, and the North Vietnamese Air Force into one command on Oct. 23, 1963.Lyndon B. Johnson in March 1964At that time, Hanoi’s air defenses consisted of 22 search radars and a single Wurzburg fire-direction radar that Beijing had supplied in 1954 to control 16 batteries of World War II–era German 88mm anti-aircraft guns, supplied by the Soviets. The country’s 600 light anti-aircraft guns did not have radar fire control. Additionally, the air force had neither fighter interceptors nor qualified jet fighter pilots.The North Vietnamese Air Force, established in March 1956, had been constructed from literally nothing. Not many Vietnamese had even seen an airplane before the pilot training program began that year (indeed less than 10 percent had even seen a car). Hanoi sent 110 flight candidates to the Soviet Union that month and a similar number each year through 1962.The program initially suffered a high accident rate. Fewer than 1 in 5 trainees completed the basic instruction course in the Soviet Union, and only 30 achieved basic pilot qualification by late 1958 after two years of training. Hanoi also began to send small numbers of pilot candidates to China for training. Before 1962, however, most of the Chinese-trained pilots only qualified on transport or utility aircraft.By December 1959 Hanoi had 90 qualified pilots, although only about 40 were capable of flying jets. Hanoi established its first domestic flight training school that month, using Yak-18 aircraft. A year later, Hanoi had more than 140 qualified pilots, and it picked 82 for advanced jet fighter training—52 went to the Soviet Union and 30 to China.North Vietnam also lacked runways and maintenance support for air operations. It had only a handful of airfields, and a 1959 study found that just two could handle jets. In response, party leader Ho Chi Minh ordered an airfield expansion program that would construct 44 airfields by 1965. It was a massive project that employed more than 30,000 people, required over 200,000 cubic meters of concrete and involved moving nearly 1 million tons of earth.Like the pilot training program, the maintenance and logistics organization had to start from scratch. The country had only a dozen aircraft “technicians,” and their experience was limited to piston engines on World War II–era airframes. None qualified on jet engines. The first 200 aviation maintenance technicians were sent to Moscow for training in 1956 and became qualified on cargo and training aircraft by 1959. The best of those received additional training to work on jets.Despite North Vietnam’s commitment to pilot training, Hanoi never graduated more than 40 jet pilots a year, and the pilots didn’t receive their first fighters until February 1964. But those who completed the program were a highly motivated, deeply committed and hard-working group. One of the early fighter pilots, Nguyen Van Be, got the North Vietnamese Air Force’s first aerial kill while flying a former Laotian North American T-28—essentially an armed primary trainer—when he downed a South Vietnamese Fairchild C-123 Provider over Laos on Feb. 16, 1964.The Soviet Union had delivered the first 36 MiG-17 fighters, along with four MiG-15 UTI two-seat trainers, just 13 days earlier. Hanoi assigned them to its first fighter unit, the 921st Sao Dao Fighter Regiment, formed at Phúc Yên Air Base, also called Noi Bai Air Base, near Hanoi. The pilots immediately began familiarization training and the equivalent of Western aerial combat maneuvering exercises. A second fighter regiment, the 923rd, was forming in China and would arrive in September 1965, equipped with Soviet-built MiG-17s the pilots had trained on in China.Air defense command and control remained a problem even after the North Vietnamese Air Force had been incorporated into the combined air defense–air force organization. North Vietnam had no centralized air defense system. It possessed some World War II air-search radars—American-made for the anti-Communist Nationalist Party Chinese and then taken by the Communists after China’s 1949 revolution. But they were unreliable, short-range and almost useless during the frequent heavy rains. The primary air defense detection sensor was a network of 40 visual lookout posts that reported their observations to a “filter center” in Hanoi. The information was then sent to each district headquarters that controlled anti-aircraft weapons. The transmission method was telephone or Morse code.In November 1963 North Vietnam lacked the technological and industrial capacity to withstand a concentrated American bombing campaign. To alter that equation, Le Duan dispatched thousands of North Vietnamese to the Soviet Union to train on Soviet communications, electronics and weapons systems.Meanwhile, the country’s academics were pressed to learn everything they could about America’s culture, media, political system and military. English speakers were conscripted to teach the language to the most promising students. The program’s scale was immense, the instruction intense and demanding. By 1969 the very best were good enough to intrude into American communications and create convincing fake radio calls. Military intelligence pursued every possible source, both open and covert, to research America’s political processes and “way of war,” from military equipment to tactics and operations. Party officials and sympathizers were directed to make contact with Western media outlets and spokesmen.Le Duan also built upon Ho Chi Minh’s extensive effort to develop secure communications systems, ciphers and signals-monitoring equipment. He expanded research and production programs, pursued low-cost solutions to air defense problems and developed deception plans to complicate U.S. force deployment, targeting and battle damage assessment. To minimize the effects of American bombing, thousands of North Vietnamese were mobilized and trained, with Chinese assistance, to rapidly rebuild damaged roads, bridges and infrastructure.Recognizing that political warfare would play a critical role in the coming conflict, Le Duan incorporated it into air defense planning. He developed a strategy to not only reduce a U.S. bombing campaign’s effectiveness but also undermine confidence in that campaign. The ultimate goal was to diminish public support for it—in the international community as well as in the United States.Sino-Soviet aid accelerated after Operation Pierce Arrow. Anti-aircraft guns and ammunition constituted the bulk of the early Chinese and Soviet air defense assistance, a mixture of heavy (85-130mm), medium (57mm) and light (23mm) artillery with associated search and fire-control radars. The heavy artillery would harass the incoming flights, and the medium and light artillery would concentrate on the lead aircraft as the American planes approached their target. Hundreds of men and women, even high school students, entered air defense training in what the Vietnamese and their allies feared was a race against time.VA-146 A-4Cs from USS Constellation a week after Operation Pierce Arrow.But a massive U.S. attack after the Gulf of Tonkin incident wasn’t on the horizon in early 1964. It was an election year, and President Lyndon B. Johnson was worried that a comprehensive bombing campaign would hurt his re-election chances. He was also concerned about the conflict’s effect on his envisioned “Great Society” legislation establishing anti-poverty, civil rights and other domestic programs. Johnson left the planning for the bombing campaign to his key aides. His only guidance: Keep the costs down.President Johnson as he signs the resolution on August 10, 1964As Defense Secretary Robert McNamara interpreted the president’s instructions, the bombing missions should be conducted with the minimum forces required to persuade Hanoi to stop its aggression. McNamara placed little value on the recommendations of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, feeling the military didn’t have the imagination to envision anything other than a total war. It did not help that each of the individual service chiefs favored a different tactic. Among the civilian leaders, Secretary of State Dean Rusk shared McNamara’s view and National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy favored an incremental approach, limiting the strikes at first to show Hanoi that the United States “was serious.”The deeply divided group presented Johnson with three choices: Option A, a large-scale campaign that would devastate North Vietnam; Option B, a short but intensive campaign of “swiftly yet deliberately applied” strikes on key targets to deliver a “hard knock” that would demonstrate the United States was serious; and Option C, a start-small, incremental approach. The president chose Option C on Dec. 1, 1964. The plan called for a series of strikes, starting against targets in Laos, then expanding into southern North Vietnam and finally going farther north if Hanoi did not cease its support to the Viet Cong.After the Viet Cong’s Feb. 7, 1965, attack on Pleiku in South Vietnam’s central region, Johnson at first responded with a limited retaliatory attack and then on February 24 approved what would become Operation Rolling Thunder , a three-year bombing campaign against North Vietnam. Fearful of triggering a world war or Chinese intervention, McNamara insisted on limiting where and when U.S. forces could attack various targets in specified geographic areas, and the president insisted that the civilian leadership control the selection of targets. The U.S. Pacific Command in Hawaii nominated the targets. Then the Joint Chiefs culled them and selected the list that went to the president’s “Tuesday Cabinet,” a group of Johnson’s most trusted civilian advisers (McNamara, Rusk, Undersecretary of State George Ball, National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy, State Department adviser Walt Rostow and press secretary Bill Moyers). The Joint Chiefs chairman and the CIA director also attended. The target reviews initially took place daily but were changed to weekly by the summer of 1965.The operational planning went smoothly, although the intelligence support faced challenges. With concurrent demands to monitor Communist activities in Cuba and Eastern Europe, the intelligence community had few resources available to collect information about North Vietnam. Unlike Hanoi, Washington made only a small, primarily military-focused effort to learn about the enemy it was planning to engage. Publicly accessible and academic materials were all but ignored.The primary sources for U.S. knowledge of North Vietnam before 1965 were long-haul signals-intelligence monitoring, aerial reconnaissance flights and ship-borne electronics signal collection. The signals-intelligence personnel who deployed to South Vietnam in 1964 were drawn from European posts and augmented with South Vietnamese English speakers, some of whom later proved to be Viet Cong agents.Even with those problems and limited human sources in North Vietnam, all three major American intelligence agencies—the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department’s Intelligence Bureau—issued assessments that bombing would not break Hanoi’s political will. After some weather-caused delays, Rolling Thunder began on March 2, 1965, with a strike on Xom Bang Ammunition Depot just north of the Demilitarized Zone. Five American aircraft were shot down. The number of enemy anti-aircraft weapons and the effectiveness of their fire came as a shock. American aircrews were not aware of North Vietnam’s air defense buildup.North Vietnam had spent the final months of 1964 stepping up its preparations for the American bombers. China delivered four Shenyang F-4s (MiG-15s) built under license from the Soviets) and 36 F-5s (MiG-17s) to Phuc Yen Air Base in late August 1964. China and North Vietnam also established a joint air warning system in September 1964, enabling Hanoi to monitor and identify air traffic over the Gulf of Tonkin and Laos. Hanoi had asked Moscow for surface-to-air missile systems, operators and trainers, and in September 1964 the Soviets agreed to provide the SAMs and personnel. The Soviets again wore Vietnamese uniforms to give Moscow plausible deniability about their presence in North Vietnam. The new arrivals operated the Soviet-supplied systems and trained Vietnamese air defense crews, radar operators, technicians and officers.By December 1964 North Vietnam had discarded all the World War II–era equipment and more than doubled its anti-aircraft batteries and radars. The number of radar and weapons sites was nearly double the amount of radars and weapons available to put in them. That enabled the air defense forces to move units, equipment and “dummy weapons” among the sites to complicate the targeting efforts of U.S. attackers. Gaps in the country’s radar coverage were shrinking rapidly as the number of radars increased and older radars gave way to modern ones.Hanoi completed the integration of its domestic air defense networks in January 1965, establishing their headquarters at Hanoi’s Bach Mai Airfield in a building near the air force headquarters. It originally contained two sections: the Air Situation Center, which received and processed air defense information, and the Air Weapons Control Staff, which resolved tracking ambiguities and coordinated the Air Defense Force’s engagement of enemy aircraft. The senior controller determined which air defense center would engage which targets. The signals-intelligence system fed critical information to the center about enemy aircraft activity and intentions. Fighter pilots were on alert to scramble when approaching enemy aircraft were about 90 miles from Hanoi.Outnumbered by a technologically superior opponent, the North Vietnamese Air Force intended to fight the equivalent of an aerial insurgency. Prolonged dogfights were to be avoided. Instead, pilots would intercept isolated U.S. aircraft when there was an opportunity for successful attack and escape. In the preferred tactic, an “intercept flight” of North Vietnamese planes attacked, while a similar-size “covering flight” protected the interceptors from American fighter escorts. The MiGs were prohibited from flying into designated anti-aircraft or SAM engagement zones, a rule that proved very hard to obey in the fast-moving tactical environment.Hanoi’s allies and intelligence services were structured to give the country’s air defenders the best possible battle space awareness. Covert intelligence agents were to infiltrate American air bases in South Vietnam, while observation and listening posts were positioned near U.S. air bases in Thailand and Laos to report flights crossing into Laos. Beijing and Moscow also agreed to provide intelligence about U.S. carrier aircraft operations in the South China Sea. North Vietnamese signals sites were directed to report key allied aircraft communications via land line to the Air Filtering Center and appropriate ground-control intercept stations. The goal was to ensure North Vietnam’s pilots had all the information they needed to execute their hit-and-run intercept tactics.The North’s intelligence preparations were much better than the support planned for the first American aircrews to fly over North Vietnam. American signals intelligence coverage, particularly electronic intelligence, was limited to a handful of Air Force Douglas EB-66B Destroyer light bombers, the Marines Douglas EF-10 Skynight fighters and the Navy’s Douglas EA-1 Skyraider attack aircraft and EA-3 Skywarrior bomber. The only American radar coverage of North Vietnamese air space for most of Rolling Thunder’s first year came from Monkey Mountain just outside Da Nang, Navy ships and carrier-based Grumman E-1 Tracer airborne early warning planes.Monkey Mountain’s radar and signals-intelligence coverage was limited to about 80 miles north of the Vietnamese Demilitarized Zone. The Navy’s radars, designed for detecting targets over water, were not effective in tracking low-flying targets that were moving over jungle or had mountainous terrain in the background. The radar coverage reliably penetrated only about 35 miles inland. Lacking the sophisticated radars of today, U.S. Navy and Air Force planes operating over North Vietnam had only the eyes of their pilots and crew. They were on their own.The U.S. Air Force had two ground-based signals intelligence intercept sites at Da Nang, South Vietnam -- one at the air base and another, pictured here, on nearby “Monkey Mountain” (Sơn Trà Mountain).Meanwhile, Hanoi’s leaders had mobilized their entire nation for a war effort that incorporated the conflict’s political as well as military dimensions. North Vietnam’s air defense plans, operations and tactics were an integral component of that war effort. Recognizing that it could neither prevent nor defeat an American bombing campaign militarily, Hanoi assigned key objectives to its Air Defense Force in accordance with Lê Duẩn’s strategic vision: thwart U.S. plans for using air power to force Hanoi to abandon its goal of conquering South Vietnam, and disrupt American bomb runs to decrease their accuracy while inflicting losses sufficient enough to undermine America’s political will.As Johnson’s January 1965 inauguration approached, North Vietnamese leaders felt they were a year away from being ready to withstand a major American bombing campaign. Much remained to be done. Pilots and ground-based controllers that guided the fighters to their targets were just beginning to practice their tactics. The support procedures for signals intelligence were only then being worked out. The anti-aircraft gun crews were honing their skills on the newly arriving weapons, and Soviet air defense personnel were starting to arrive in-country. The soon-to-be-famous SA-2 SAM had been selected but were weeks away from delivery and months away from being operationally ready. Air defense equipment and weaponry was arriving daily but the training program was far from complete. North Vietnamese leaders were particularly worried about the potential American deployment of Boeing B-52 Stratofortress bombers in the campaign because they had no weapons systems that could engage them, though their Soviet allies and media reports indicated that their concern was misplaced.SA-2 SAMNorth Vietnamese leaders entered 1965 confident in their preparations and strategy. Ten years later their military would enter Saigon and take complete control of South Vietnam. The air war strategy was a major contributor to that success. VCarl O. Schuster is a retired Navy captain with 25 years of service. He finished his career as an intelligence officer. Schuster, who lives in Honolulu, is a teacher in Hawaii Pacific University’s Diplomacy and Military Science program.List of aircraft losses of the Vietnam War - Wikipedia

What happened with the USA? How come there is so much hate between the Democrats and Republicans? Was there a trigger or is it something that was already going on for a long time (but due to social media it's more widespread and visible)?

In 1990 media began propagating a narrative of political polarization.“Insurgent presidential candidate Pat Buchanan notably declared a culture war for the soul of America in his speech at the 1992 Republican national convention, and although that election showed few signs of such conflict, later developments made him appear prescient.” http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jcampbel/documents/AnnualReviewFiorina_000.pdfThe congressional session than followed the 1994 election was truly the beginning, though. Newt Gingrich was elected Speaker of the House and served as such from 1995–1998. Prior to that he had been the Minority Whip from 1989–1994. The 1994 Congressional Election is colloquially known as the “Republican Revolution” or the “Gingrich Revolution”. Republicans won control of the House for the first time since 1952. http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jcampbel/documents/AnnualReviewFiorina_000.pdf Notes that this shocking electoral outcome was attributed in the media and by political scientists to “economically insecure ‘angry white males’ lashing out at abortion, affirmative action, gay rights, gun control, Hillary Clinton, immigration, and other cultural provocations.” It is important to note that Gingrich had always been a very divisive figure, but after his promotion to Speaker in 1994, he took great glee in undermining political decorum and hastening polarization.From that point onward, things have escalated. Gingrich’s actions in the second half of the 1990s spurred intense political dislike between the 2 parties.Some of Gingrich’s notable divisive accomplishments as Speaker include:The Contract With AmericaThe 1997 Welfare Reform and Capital Gains Tax Cut, which massively widened the wealth gap in America.Several historic government shutdownsThe party-line impeachment of Bill ClintonHe was officially reprimanded by congress for ethical violations in 1998, which led to his resignation in early 1999Tying Christian Conservatism to the Republican PartyGingrich is considered one of the most influential figures in modern USA history. For good information you can read America's Congress, a book by a prominent political science professor at Yale.Gingrich is widely credited with playing a key role in undermining democratic norms in the USA as well as hastening political polarization and partisan prejudice. You can read about that in Uncivil Agreement or The Polarizers or The Gingrich Senators or It's Even Worse Than It Looks or How Democracies Die or American Amnesia or Appropriations to the Extreme: Partisanship and the Power of the Purse or Taking Incivility Seriously or Let’s Play Hardball or ASYMMETRIC CONSTITUTIONAL HARDBALL - Columbia Law Review or Red Fighting Blue by David A. Hopkins or many other sources.On Newt Gingrich - Wikipedia, it says “According to Harvard University political scientists Daniel Ziblatt and Steven Levitsky, Gingrich's speakership had a profound and lasting impact on American politics and health of American democracy. They argue that Gingrich instilled a ‘combative’ approach in the Republican Party, where hateful language and hyper-partisanship became commonplace, and where democratic norms were abandoned. Gingrich frequently questioned the patriotism of Democrats, called them corrupt, compared them to fascists, and accused them of wanting to destroy the United States.” Ziblatt and Levitsky wrote an widely accredited and influential book which came out in 2018 together, How a Democracy Dies. You can read it and/or read this NPR article 'How Democracies Die' Authors Say Trump Is A Symptom Of 'Deeper Problems' or this Harvard Gazette article The rising pressures on American democracy .In Red Fighting Blue by David A. Hopkins , Hopkins writes about how Gingrich helped to nationalize American politics in a way where Democratic politicians on the state and local level were increasingly tied to the national Democratic party and President Clinton. Hopkins notes that Gingrich's view “directly contradicted the conventional wisdom of politics... that parties in a two-party system achieve increasing electoral success as they move closer to the ideological center... Gingrich and his allies believed that an organized effort to intensify the ideological contrast between the congressional parties would allow the Republicans to make electoral inroads in the South. They worked energetically to tie individual Democratic incumbents to the party's more liberal national leadership while simultaneously raising highly charged cultural issues in Congress, such as proposed constitutional amendments to allow prayer in public schools and to ban the burning of the American flag, on which conservative positions were widely popular – especially among southern voters.” He writes that Gingrich’s controversial view was vindicated by the 1994 election, and that "More than any speaker before or since, Gingrich had become both the strategic architect and public face of his party." Wikipedia puts it well when it says “One consequence of the increasing nationalization of politics was that moderate Republican incumbents in blue states were left more vulnerable to electoral defeat.” This meant that politicians were forced to become more conservative, and therefor more polarized, if they wanted to retain their elected positions.It’s important to note that while he did not become speaker until 1994 or even minority leader immediately, Gingrich had quite a lot of influence throughout his entire career in Congress. Gingrich was first elected to the House in 1978. A 2011 studying the Journal of Politics by 2 prominent political science professors [PDF] The Gingrich Senators and Party Polarization in the U.S. Senate | Semantic Scholar stated that “almost the entire growth in Senate party polarization since the early 1970s can be accounted for by Republican senators who previously served in the House after 1978”. One of the authors of that study wrote the book The Gingrich Senators, in which he writes about how Gingrich had profound influence on other Republican politicians, especially those in the House around him. These politicians adopted Gingrich’s obstructionist tactics.Gingrich’s time as Speaker of The House cannot be understated though, Wikipedia mentions that “Gingrich consolidated power in the Speaker's office. Gingrich elevated junior and more ideologically extreme House members to powerful committees, such as the Appropriations Committee, which over time led to the obliteration of internal norms in the committees. Term limits were also imposed on committee chairs, which prevented Republican chairs from developing a power base separate from the Republican Party. As a result, the power of Gingrich was strengthened and there was an increase in conformity among Republican congresspeople.”Since his resignation after the 1998 election, Gingrich has remained a prominent figure in national politics and political policy debate/discussion. He has written several books. I would encourage you to read his Wikipedia page which I have linked above, as I cannot possibly explain to you the extent to the damage he did to US Politics.Political Polarization further escalated in 1998 with the Monica Lewinsky scandal and subsequent impeachment of President Clinton.http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jcampbel/documents/AnnualReviewFiorina_000.pdf (which is a very useful resource on this subject that I encourage you to read) says that “After the 2000 Election [of Bush], political commentators gave the polarization narrative a visual representation: the notorious red-blue map of the United States, generally interpreted as the reflection of a fundamental division between the God-fearing, Bush-supporting states of the South and heartland on the one hand, and the godless, Gore-supporting states of the coasts and the declining Great Lakes industrial area on the other. And when the 2004 election almost reproduced the 2000 map, belief in the polarization narrative peaked as social conservatives gloated about the purported importance of “values voters” for the re-election of President Bush, and liberal commentators bitterly accepted that interpretation. One op-ed piece asked: ‘Where else [but in the red states] do we find fundamentalist zeal, a rage at secular- ity, religious intolerance, fear of and hatred for modernity? . . . We find it in the Mus- lim world, in Al Qaeda, in Saddam Hussein’s Sunni loyalists. (Wills 2004)’ Another writer proclaimed that the election constituted a historical turning point: ‘In the wee small hours of November 3, 2004, a new country appeared on the map of the modern world: The DSA, the Di- vided States of America. . . . [N]ot since the Civil War has the fault lines [sic] between its two halves been so glaringly clear. . . . It is time we called those two Americas some- thing other than Republican and Democrat, for their mutual alienation and unforgiving contempt is closer to Sunni and Shia, or (in Indian terms) Muslim and Hindu. How about, then, Godly America and Worldly America? (Schama 2004).’ A map widely circulated on the internet after the 2004 election labeled the red states ‘Jesusland’ and combined the blue states with our northern neighbor to form the ‘United States of Canada.’”The 2008 landslide election of President Obama sparked racial tensions in the USA and created a Republican movement known as the “Tea Party”. This led to the subsequent election of a Republican Congress in 2010 which kicked off the more recent batch of political polarization.

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