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Since I was a2a, one can become obsessed and develop a paraphilia (to include pedophilia). Any paraphilia is a mental disorder (an orientation that interferes with one’s life). It can begin with premature sexual exposure, wherein a critical period in cognitive development is affected by exposure to experience the brain is insufficiently developed to process in a “normal” fashion. Repetitive fantasy followed by repetitive behavior creates numerous neural connections reinforcing deviation from “normal” behavior (with normal in parenthesis since the range of normal is broad and some deviation does not necessarily become a problem). The problem is that such behavior tends to become increasingly deviant over time, and the longer it progresses, the more likely either the individual or another will be adversely affected.CR531 Criminal ProfilingProfessor Comments Week 4These comments concern paraphilias in general, and pedophilia specifically. The final section reports a Canadian child abduction and murder, wherein the perpetrator, who had reportedly never offended previously, indicated that Internet child pornography fueled his imagination and apparently had an effect on his behavior.Paraphilia, Pedophilia, and Child MolestationD.L. RobbParaphilia, as a psychopathology, is an important aspect of criminal profiling. As Holmes and Holmes (2002) stated, profiling is "more efficacious in cases in which an unknown perpetrator has displayed indications of psychopathology" (p. 3). This essay will primarily attempt to differentiate child molestation and paraphilia, and secondarily will provide an introduction to paraphilia.The American Psychiatric Association Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th Edition, Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR), defined paraphilia as therecurrent sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors generally involving 1) nonhuman objects, 2) the suffering or humiliation of oneself or one's partner, or 3) children or other nonconsenting persons that occur over a period of at least 6 months. ... For some individuals, paraphilic fantasies or stimuli are obligatory for erotic arousal and are always included in sexual activity. In other cases, the paraphilic preferences occur only episodically (e.g., perhaps during periods of stress), whereas at other times the person is able to function sexually without paraphilic fantasies or stimuli. (DSM-IV-TR, 2000, p. 566)The proclivities induced by paraphilia can range from the relative harmlessness of fetishes, characterized by sexual arousal involving inanimate objects, to sexual sadism, where injury to a partner can range from simulation to serious physical injury (DSM-IV-TR, 2000).Lanning (2001) indicated that the primary indicators of an abused child are age inappropriate sexual knowledge and behavior. Along those lines, Healey (2006) proposed an etiological model indicating two primary groups of precipitators of paraphilic behavior. One group indicates that the paraphilia resulted from exposure to deviant stimuli during sexual development, and the other indicates that paraphilia results from physical and/or psychological abuse. In males, it is common that behavior associated with the paraphilia begins in the mid-teens. Included below is a theoretical developmental pathway for sexual offending that attempts to depict how mediating factors (e.g., social intervention, like counseling; intimate relationships; and, social acceptance) disrupt the causal elements and may account for the known fact that not all abused children become offenders as adults.(Alley, 2006, p. 23)Englander (2003) opined that universal health care for children could help mitigate adult violence, specifically with regard to attention to head injuries in children. Prevention of criminal behavior in general could incorporate parenting education, health care, education, job training, and so forth. So, at least from a sociological perspective, there may be interventions that could interrupt the progression toward adult criminality. But, for the more serious serial crimes (e.g., rape, homicide) that are pathologically driven, there probably is little that could be done, recognizing the ease with which some serial killers tend to not stand out from the crowd (e.g., Dennis Rader/BTK).As a further comment on why some individuals with an abusive childhood history become serial killers and some do not, there is existing theory. Robb (2002) summarized Sampson and Laub’s age-graded life-course perspective that indicates continuity and change exist throughout life, and that individuals commonly modify their behavior in response to experiences or social circumstances. These experiences or circumstances can include emotional attachment (e.g., to a job or marriage), which can interrupt a progression into a criminal lifestyle. An excerpt from Chapter 2 of Robb follows.Such interruptions of criminal behavior can extend into adulthood. It is possible that Dennis Rader’s (BTK, a lust murderer) cessation of killing may have involved elements of Sampson and Laub’s theory. It is possible that receiving enough emotional stimulation from his employment (pedantic and/or enthusiastic enforcement of city codes in a supervisory role), familial bonds (wife and two children), and possibly a reduction in testosterone level with age, contributed to the end of his killing spree. He resurfaced many years later, and apparently wanted credit for his expertise in killing."The vast majority of researchers and clinicians who work with rapists tend to classify rape as a paraphilia," and some have criticized the exclusion of rape from the DSM (McAnulty, Adams, & Dillon, 2001, p. 752). Purcell (as cited in Healy, 2006) proposed the Integrated Model of Paraphilia Development, that includes sexual sadism, biastophilia (sexual arousal from raping an unwilling person), and erotophonophilia (Lust Murder). “Purcell’s model is a combination of the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Sexual Homicide Motivational Model and Hickey’s Trauma Control Model” (pp. 62-63). In this model, experiences in early childhood and biological factors that affect psychological adjustment throughout life, when combined with traumatic events, may result in paraphilias. The child experiences low self-esteem and personal failure, resulting in a downward spiral of lesser social bonding. This lack of meaningful relationships leads to creation of a fantasy life as a substitute, and rejection of the society that rejected that individual. As fantasies or daydreams progress they may become more erotic and violent. Repetition of fantasy, leading to masturbation and orgasm as a child, leads to aberrant conditioning and loss of “normal” function. Drugs and alcohol, when introduced in this process, may also contribute to the dehumanization of victims and lowering of offender inhibitions.One point that should be stressed in a course on criminal profiling theory is the difference between situational child molesters, who have a primary sexual attraction to adults, and paraphiliacs identifiable as pedophiles, who have a primary attraction to children (Holmes & Holmes). This means that if they (situational molesters) molest children, it is not necessarily as the result of a paraphilia (pedophilia); or to state it another way, it is not merely behavior that leads to a diagnosis of paraphilia (see the diagnostic criteria for pedophilia below). Also, one may be a pedophile and never molest a child. Moreover, not all of those that can be diagnosed as a paraphiliac are pedophiles, they may be hebephiles, those fixated sexually on children past the age of puberty but are considered a child (generally those older than 13 but younger than 18).Holmes and Holmes (2002) provided a somewhat garbled discussion of the relationship between pedophilia and child molestation, which has been consistent across multiple editions of the text. "Holmes and Holmes (1996) used the terms pedophile and child molester interchangeably in their typology of pedophiles. Note that whereas the term child molester connotes an illegal act has been committed, the (DSM-IV-TR) ... definition of pedophilia requires no such act" (Hicks & Sales, 2006, p. 30).When citing Holmes and Holmes, it is important to note the statement, "Some (pedophiles) wish only to hold and fondle the child" (2002, p. 159). This is consistent with the Holmes and Holmes cite of the DSM-IV-TR definition (referring to fantasy, which falls short of behavior), since a "wish" is not an executed behavior. Holmes and Holmes (2002) also stated, “Burgess, Groth, and Holmstrom (1978) report a topology (sic, should be ‘typology’) of child molesters. The initial distinction is made between ‘situational’ and ‘preferential’ child abusers” (2000, p. 161), with respective subtypes [see Holmes and Holmes (2009) for these subtypes].Holmes and Holmes (2002) stated that a preferential child molester is one who prefers children as sexual partners or victims. And, situational child molesters generally have a sexual preference for adults; in addition, they are opportunistic, and sexually assault children or vulnerable adults when they are available. However, Lanning (2001) identified the child molester typologies as possibly being best described as a motivational continuum between situational and preferential, with an offender potentially presenting a combination of traits.I believe the significant elements in the DSM-IV-TR definition of pedophilia (included below) that support the contention that pedophilia and child molestation should be viewed separately is that this paraphilia involves "recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, OR (emphasis added) behaviors involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child. … The person acted on these sexual urges, OR (emphasis added) fantasies caused marked distress or interpersonal difficulty" (as cited in Litton, 2006, p. 310). So, if a person has sexually arousing fantasies that cause distress, such as knowing one could go to jail or permanently harm a child if one acted on one's sexual desires for children, that person can be diagnosed as having pedophilia (assuming the remaining elements of the criteria are met). Sexual activity is not an absolute criterion.Although the terms "pedophile" and "child molester" are often used interchangeably, we believe that there are important differences (see also Barbaree & Seto, 1997). Pedophilia is reserved for those who evidence a marked preference for children. Child molestation may be motivated by the unavailability of an adult partner (Freund, McKnight, Langevin, & Cibri, 1972), due to cognitive deficits such as mental retardation or dementia, or due to disinhibitory in influences such as substance dependence or psychopathy (Dorr, 1998). In other words, pedophilia is but one of several motives behind child molestation. Such a distinction in terms is not simply a matter of semantics but has important implications for treatment selection. (McAnulty et al., 2001, p. 756)A pedophile is not necessarily a child molester, and a child molester is not necessarily a pedophile. I believe this is an important concept, because it points out the potential for other esoteric distinctions in criminal profiling that could have an impact upon the inferences and conclusions drawn by the profiler. Pedophilia is a psychiatric term encompassing both those who act upon mental proclivities and those who do not (Lanning, 2001). Profiling a child molester generically as a pedophile is wrong.Pedophilia notwithstanding, the offense here is child molestation. And, just as diagnosis of the mental disorder of pedophilia dictates the separation of pedophilia and child molestation (McAnulty et al., 2001), criminal profiling usually attempts to discern the sociopsychological traits of an offender. A preferential child molester (usually a pedophile or hebephile), and a situational child molester (usually not a pedophile or hebephile) will normally have quite different sociopsychological profiles, and those differences should be apparent to an experienced profiler. For example, if the profiler perceives that the evidence in a child molestation case indicates a preferential offender, according to Lanning (2001), the offender can be potentially profiled as having the following traits:·older than 25·probably unmarried·resides alone or with parent·possibly changes residence frequently·limited peer relationships·began pattern of behavior in early teens·commits multiple offenses·possible multiple paraphilias·prone to make mistakes due to paraphilic motivation·specific victim preference·seeks opportunities for preferred victims and seeks high levels of contact with children·rationalizes desires·manipulative and seductive·collects related paraphernalia·likely to use electronic resourcesIn contrast, situational child molesters are less discriminating in choice of victims (e.g., children, elderly), less likely to have manipulation and seduction skills, more likely to use coercive behavior, less likely to possess child pornography, and less likely to engage in related online activities (e.g., solicitation, child pornography trading) (Lanning, 2001). Furthermore, Lanning and Burgess (1995) indicated that child molesters who abduct are more likely to have been the victim of a sexual assault, have low levels of child contact, have low social competence, and are three times more likely than non-abductors to carry a weapon and to use it during the course of an abduction. A Federal Bureau of Investigation study indicated that all of the abductors studied were sexually preoccupied with children; about 70% of those studied had low social competence, little contact with children, carried a weapon, sexually assaulted the child, displayed evidence of other paraphilia, displayed sadism, and had been the victim of a sexual assault; and, more than half of those studied seriously injured the child.Lanning (2001) wrote that individuals frequently exhibit more than one Paraphilia. Anecdotally, I have seen extensive child pornography within collections that also included Coprophilia, Coprophagia, Bondage, Sadism, Bestiality, and Masochism, among other unusual sexual behaviors (presumably possessed by a situational child molester). Child pornography is defined as images of children (under 18 years) engaging in sexually explicit activity, or images of lewd and lascivious display of the genitalia of children, designed to arouse sexually. A brief case study of a preferential child molester follows this essay.Lanning (2001) indicated that the common Preferential Child Molester is over the age of 25. This can be accounted for through progression and evolution of the psychological need. When fantasy is insufficient, pornography may suffice for a time, then observation of children, then contact with children, and then increasingly deviant contact. It may be analogous to some homosexuals attempting to live a straight life for decades and then leaving a marital relationship to commence a homosexual lifestyle. It is a compulsion that develops over years.The National Institute of Justice (1995) has reported that, although the vast majority of victims of child sexual abuse have not been arrested for any crime, they are at a higher risk of committing adult crimes, including sex crimes. The Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) (1996) reported that incarcerated child molesters were more likely to have been victims of child sexual abuse, and are less likely to have an extensive criminal history than other inmates. The BJS also reported that about 25% of incarcerated child molesters were over 40 years-of-age.With regard to child molesters being capable of violence, there are situational elements that can trigger behavior that may not normally be associated with a particular person, and these distinctions may be difficult to account for in a criminal profile. According to Lanning and Burgess (1995) there is a distinct difference between a child molester who kills as an expression of psycho-sexual needs and a child molester who kills in order to prevent detection of the crime. The case histories presented by Lanning and Burgess indicate that some offenders would kill to prevent their identification, and others displayed increasing violence as they committed more molestations. If offenders found themselves in a compromising situation where the only protection from destruction of their world is the elimination of the victims, it may seem a logical action.As stated above, common action of pedophiles is placing themselves in a position where contact with children is assured, and would not present an outward appearance of inappropriate contact (e.g., child care, teaching, coaching); but in reality, the pedophile is receiving sexual stimulation. Also, as I understand it, masturbation qualifies as acting upon one's fantasies. Masturbation and orgasm in conjunction with fantasies are elements of conditioning that cement the paraphilia in the psyche (Healy, 2006). Moreover, such mental conditioning can lead to compulsive behavior.Knowing these common traits could help narrow the scope of a search for potential suspects, supplement probable cause for search warrants, and more. Failing to differentiate between a pedophile and a child molester is a failure to precisely describe the situation and inevitably would inhibit attempts to accurately profile the offender.“Technically pedophilia is a psychiatric diagnosis that can be made only qualified psychologists or psychiatrists” (Lanning, 2001, p. 16). Geberth (2006) also stated a preference for the American Psychiatric Association (APA) definition of pedophilia. Law enforcement personnel should not put themselves into a position of having their actions interpreted in court as an attempt to make a psychiatric diagnosis (by referring to a perpetrator as a pedophile), when the only thing they are qualified to do is evaluate evidence in relation to a crime and how the suspect is linked to that crime by the evidence. The exception might be a trained criminal profiler who can articulate specific patterns relevant to the physical and non-physical evidence of a particular crime or series of linked crimes. However, a good defense lawyer will engage experts to attack profiles and profiler's qualifications.Pedophiles who are also child molesters are categorized within the preferential typology. However, there are also child molesters other than pedophiles included in the preferential typology.Some preferential-type sex offenders without a preference for children do, however, molest children. They might do so in order to carry out their bizarre sexual fantasies and preferences with young, less threatening, less judgmental, and highly vulnerable victims. Some of these offenders' sexual activity with children may involve deviant acts they are embarrassed or ashamed to request or do with a more experienced adult partner they actually prefer. Such offenders, even if they do not have a sexual preference for children, would still be preferential sex offenders and, therefore, engage in similar patterns of behavior. (Lanning, 2001, p. 27)The diagnostic criteria for pedophilia, according the DSM-IV-TR, is:A. Over a period of at least 6 months, recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children (generally age 13 years or younger).B. The person has acted on these sexual urges, or the sexual urges or fantasies cause marked distress or interpersonal difficulty.C. The person is at least age 16 years and at least 5 years older that the child or children in Criterion B.Note: Do not include an individual in late adolescence involved in an ongoing sexual relationship with a 12- or 13-year-old.Specify if:Sexually Attracted to MalesSexually Attracted to FemalesSexually Attracted to BothSpecify if:Limited to IncestSpecify type:Exclusive Type (attracted only to children)Nonexclusive Type (2000, p. 572)This definition does not include a requirement that sex with a child actually occurred, merely that the sexual urges exist for at least six months and they cause “marked distress or interpersonal difficulty” (p. 572).When Holmes and Holmes (2009) characterized an individual who is a child molester/pedophile (not differentiating between the two) as a "perverse lover of children" (p. 172), they thereby associated "love" with sex. The fundamental definition of love is: "strong affection for another arising out of kinship or personal ties ... (2): attraction based on sexual desire : affection and tenderness felt by lovers (3): affection based on admiration, benevolence, or common interests" (Merriam-Webster, 2008, Love). While Merriam-Webster includes "the sexual embrace" as a meaning under love, "perverse love" is such a contradiction to the basic definition of the word love as to be excessively imprecise.In my opinion, it is a perversion of the word love to include within it the concepts of rape and child molestation, notwithstanding the origin of the word pedophile (Latin for "lover of children") and the inclusion of "the sexual embrace" in the definition (Merriam-Webster, 2008, Love). Holmes and Holmes (2009) even admitted that "many true child molesters, ... have no great love for children. Children are there to abuse and then discard" (172), having the effect of negating their own definition.This lack of differentiation between pedophile, as defined by the APA, and non-pedophile child molesters confuses the sociopsychological profiles of different offenders, and those profiles can be widely divergent. More importantly, the pedophile (i.e., preferential child molester as identified by Holmes and Holmes), as defined by the APA, in most cases does possess the attraction to children based on sexual desire; whereas, the situational child molester usually does not. Holmes and Holmes also stated, "child molesters appear to use physical force more than pedophiles" (2009, p. 173), thereby acknowledging that a profiler must differentiate between a child molester who is a pedophile and a child molester who is not. This acknowledgement notwithstanding, Holmes and Holmes have offered the all-inclusive perverse love label that in no way facilitates the categorization necessary for criminal profiling.Also, Holmes and Holmes stated, "there is another group of pedophiles, termed 'hebephiles,' who prefer children who are already into puberty" (2009, p. 172). If a pedophile prefers pre-pubertal children (as defined by the APA), and a hebephile prefers those that have reached puberty, a hebephile is not a pedophile.For the reasons discussed above, it is recommended that the heading “TYPES OF PEDOPHILES” (Holmes & Holmes, 2009, p. 174) be changed to “TYPES OF CHILD MOLESTERS” for purposes of this course.Paraphilias other than pedophilia would be defined in a manner similar to pedophilia, with regard to length of affect, and similar qualifying criteria. For example, Sexual Sadism is defined as:A. Over a period of at least 6 months, recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors involving acts (real, not simulated) in which the psychological or physical suffering (including humiliation) of the victim is sexually exciting to the person.B. The person has acted on these sexual urges with a nonconsenting person, or the sexual urges or fantasies cause marked distress or interpersonal difficulty. (DSM-IV-TR, 2000, p. 574)Rape wherein the psychological or physical suffering may not be indicated, but the individual is sexually excited by, or has sexual urges for sex with a nonconsenting person, or other behavior like necrophilia, may be categorized as a “Paraphilia Not Otherwise Specified” (DSM-IV-TR, 2000, p. 576).Holmes and Holmes (2009) emphasized that rape, which can be defined as sexual intercourse with an unwilling partner, is motivated by violence, power, and intimidation, and is not sexually motivated. However, rape can fall within the psychiatric definition of a paraphilia (Alvarado, 2006). The DSM-IV-TR identified the features of a paraphilia as intense sexual arousal or behavior that could include a nonconsenting partner or the suffering or humiliation of one's partner. Under those circumstances (i.e., sexual arousal originating from sexual assault), it seems inappropriate to attempt to totally disassociate rape from sexual motivation. While rape is clearly an exemplification of power and control, it is, at least in some instances, concurrently sexually motivated.Moreover, research indicates a parallel developmental process for courtship and paraphilia, wherein paraphilia results from degeneration of “normal” courtship, in that the individual takes a divergent path, triggered by childhood trauma and lack of social acceptance (Homant & Kennedy, 2006). The initial stage, seeking partnership, corresponds to the paraphilia of voyeurism. The next stage, affiliation, corresponds to exhibitionism; and the third stage, touching can become frotteurism. The final stage, copulation, is replaced by another paraphilia, such as erotophonophilia (sexual arousal from homicide or attempted homicide). A list of other paraphilias and there definitions is included below.References:Alley, D. (2006). Attachment disturbances and sexual offending. In E. W. Hickey (Ed.). Sex crimes and paraphilia, pp. 15-23. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson, Prentice Hall.Alvarado, J. (2006). Coerced sex and rape paraphilia: A psychological and legal analysis of pornography. In E. W. Hickey (Ed.), Sex crimes and paraphilia (pp. 419-425). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.American Psychiatric Association. (2000). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed.) (text revision). Washington, D.C.: Author.Englander, E. K. (2003). Understanding violence (2nd ed.). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Earlbaum Publishers.Geberth, V. J. (2006). Practical homicide investigation: Tactics, procedures, and forensic techniques (4thed.). Boca Raton, FL: Taylor & Francis.Healy, J. (2006). The etiology of paraphilia: A dichotomous model. In E. W. Hickey (Ed.), Sex crimes and paraphilia (pp. 57-68). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.Hicks, S. J., & Sales, B. D. (2006). Criminal profiling: Developing an effective science and practice. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.Holmes, R. M., & Holmes, S. T. (2002). Profiling violent crimes: An investigative tool (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Holmes, R. M., & Holmes, S. T. (2009). Profiling violent crimes: An investigative tool (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Lanning, K. V. & Burgess, A. W. (Eds.). (1995). Child molesters who abduct: Summary of the case in point series. Alexandria, VA: National Centerfor Missing & Exploited Children.Lanning, K. V. (2001). Child molesters: A behavioral analysis (4thed.). Alexandria,VA: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children. Retrieved February 15, 2006, http://www.missingkids.com/en_US/publications/NC70.pdf.Litton, S. (2006). Pedophilia. In E. W. Hickey (Ed.), Sex crimes and paraphilia (pp. 315-318). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.McAnulty, R. D., Adams, H. F., & Dillon, J. D. (2001). Sexual deviation: Parphilias. In H. E. Adams, & P. B. Sutker (Eds.), Comprehensive Handbook of Psychopathology (3rd ed., pp. 749-795). New York: Springer.Merriam-Webster. (2008). Love. Merriam-Webster online dictionary. Retrieved December 18, 2008, from Definition of LOVERobb, D. L. (2002). An investigation of self-control and its relationship to ethical attitudes in criminal justice personnel. Dissertation Abstracts International, 62 (12), 4343. (UMI No. 3036984)Excerpt from Robb (2002):Sampson and Laub (1993) stated that their age-graded theory of informal social control “derives from the central idea of social control theory. ... Crime and deviance result when an individual’s bond to society is weak or broken” (p. 18). They saw this social control not only as consisting of regulation, law, and enforced conformity, but also as the informal reciprocities and interpersonal bonds that contribute to the “capacity of a social group to regulate itself according to desired principles and values ... such as work, family, and school” (p. 18).The central thesis of Sampson and Laub’s work “has been that early tendencies to juvenile delinquency—in conjunction with weak adult social bonds—explain variations in adult crime” (p. 200). Their theory was age-graded in that “factors are time ordered by age and assessed with respect to outcome variables” (Laub & Sampson, 1993, p. 303).Sampson and Laub (1993) based their theory on longitudinal data collected by Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck and published in 1950. The Glueck’s began with 500 juvenile delinquents and an equivalent control group. The groups were followed from their teen years into their 40s. The Glueck’s concluded,“While the majority of boys originally included in the nondelinquent control group continued, down the years, to remain essentially law-abiding, the greatest majority of those originally included in the delinquent group continued to commit all sorts of crimes in the 17-25 age span.” (cited in Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 10)The thesis developed by Sampson and Laub (1993) had three components:(1) structural context mediated by informal family and social controls explains delinquency in childhood and adolescence; (2) in turn, there is continuity in antisocial behavior from childhood through adulthood in a variety of life domains; and (3) informal social bonds in adulthood to family and employment explain changes in criminality over the life span despite early childhood propensities. (Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 7)In describing the trajectory of a life span, Sampson and Laub (1993) indicated that certain events constitute “turning points” capable reducing social deviance. These events can “include school, work, the military, marriage, and parenthood” (pp. 8-9). It was noted that the bonding within the relationship was of more importance than the relationship alone. Moreover, “pathways to both crime and conformity are modified by key institutions of social control in the transition to adulthood” (Laub & Sampson, 1993, p. 304).“Subjects with high aspirations and efforts to advance educationally and occupationally were much less likely to engage in deviant behavior,” abuse alcohol, or be arrested at any age (Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 179). A paradox pointed out by Sampson and Laub was that “adult criminality seems to be always preceded by childhood misconduct, but most conduct-disordered children do not become antisocial criminal adults” (p. 14).Sampson and Laub (1993) emphasized the importance of the quality and strength of social ties (work, family, etc.) in that the strong social bond and/or interdependence, “all else being equal, should lead to a reduction in deviant behavior” (p. 140).[A]dult social controls are not as direct or external as for juveniles (for example, monitoring, supervision of activities). Rather, adult social ties are important insofar as they create interdependent systems of obligation and restraint that impose significant costs for translating criminal propensities into action. It is unrealistic to expect that adults with a criminal background (or low self-control) can be wholly transformed by institutions (marriage or work), or that such institutions are even capable of imposing direct controls like surveillance. Nevertheless, we believe that adults, regardless of delinquent background, will be inhibited from committing crime to the extent that they have social capital invested in their work and family lives.... By contrast, those subject to weak systems of interdependence ... and informal social control as adults (for example, weak attachment to the labor force or noncohesive marriages) are freer to engage in deviant behavior—even if nondelinquent as a youth. This dual premise allows us to explain desistance from crime as well as late onset. (Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 141)Laub and Sampson (1993) equated these social ties to social capital. Social capital consists of intangible interpersonal and institutional ties that facilitate achievements that would not otherwise be possible. “By contrast, physical capital is wholly tangible, being embodied in observable material form ..., and human capital is embodied in the skills and knowledge acquired by an individual” (p. 310). Laub and Sampson’s (1993) theory has indicated that “adults will be inhibited from committing crime to the extent that over time they accumulate social capital in their work and family lives, regardless of their delinquent background” (p. 311).Reference:Robb, D. L. (2002). An investigation of self-control and its relationship to ethical attitudes in criminal justice personnel. Dissertation Abstracts International, 62 (12), 4343. (UMI No. 3036984)Brief Pedophile Case Study: The ArchitectD. L. RobbIn the conduct of child pornography investigations, I became theHoustoncase agent for an investigation originating inCaliforniawherein a man molested his own children and solicited participation of other adult males via the Internet. The Houston connection was an architect with a Master’s Degree from Cornell, in his 30s. The architect made several trips to California, and was involved in receipt and distribution of child pornography. This was where he first surfaced within a child pornography investigation.This case embodies most of the general characteristics of preferential molesters (generally pedophiles who molest), specifically: He began early in life; he was single and never married, intelligent, had a relatively high socio-economic status; and committed time, money, and energy to maintain contact with children; he had multiple but focused offenses, exhibited need-driven mistakes; exhibited pedophilia coupled with another paraphilia (foot fetish); he focused on a particular type of victim; his life was centered around his preferences; he manipulated his victims; he developed access methods; he used technology to further his offending; he took photographs of children; he collected child erotica and souvenirs; and, he collected theme pornography (Lanning, 2001).During service of a search warrant at the architect’s residence, voluminous quantities of child erotica were found, along with child pornography. Photographic or written material that may be found in possession of a child molester may be identifiable as Child Erotica. There is a difference between what is considered Child Erotica and Child Pornography (Lanning, 2001). Child Erotica is not a violation of law (although it can add to probable cause). Numerous framed prints of children lined the walls of this individual’s home, mostly depicting children with bare feet. Computer-based evidence of distribution of child pornography was seized.Residing with the architect was a female co-worker and her nine-year-old daughter (who was at that time visiting her father in Greece for the summer). The woman was an immigrant whose husband had been deported. She accepted the architect’s offer of living with him due to her limited income and her husband’s loss of work. She reported that her daughter had mentioned to her a couple of incidents wherein the architect had helped her remove her shoes and had apparently rubbed her feet against his face. The woman was clearly distraught at the allegations against the architect, and did not appear to have been complicit in any fashion.It was determined that the architect had long been employed on weekends as a face and body painter for children. Hundreds of photographs of his paintings on children, both loose and organized in binders, filled drawers and the storage area beneath his bed. Many of these paintings were on feet and ankles. Child pornography was found.During interrogation of the architect, interviews of others, and court proceedings, biographical information was obtained. The architect was the son of Mexican immigrants and often visited his Mexican ancestral home. At one time, the architect had attempted to marry a 16-year-old Mexican girl, but her mother overruled. The architect’s brother related that the relationship between the architect and the girl began years earlier, and the brother was vaguely bothered by the relationship, but not enough to comment, based on differing cultural norms.The architect characterized himself as a follower rather than a leader, and acknowledged a life-long proclivity for children. He stated that his first recollection of his predilection for prepubescent females occurred when he was four years old. He recalled being aroused by witnessing his mother remove the shoes of a young girl. He reported that he had long recognized the inappropriateness of his behavior, but he was compelled to continue. He also lamented the fact that he had unsuccessfully sought psychological help on several occasions, and suffered bouts of self-hate due to his compulsions.The architect showed no evidence of being violent; however, he had already acted on his fantasies with the child residing in his home, wherein the architect assisted the child in removing her shoes, and then rubbing her feet against his face. At the time, the child’s mother discounted the importance of this behavior and advised her child to avoid the situations wherein these behaviors occurred.The opportunity to for this self-acknowledged pedophile to pursue his desires would have recurred and may have escalated, had there not been law enforcement intervention. If this acting out increased to sexual acts (living the fantasy), even a non-violent person may be compelled to abduct a child or commit violence if his covert identity was about to be exposed.Reference:Lanning, K. V. (2001). Child molesters: A behavioral analysis (4th ed.). Alexandria, VA: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children. Retrieved February 15, 2006, from http://www.missingkids.com/en_US/publications/NC70.pdf._______________________________________________________________________ParaphiliasThe Cleveland Clinic Health Information Center.What are paraphilias?Paraphilias are impulse control disorders (mental illnesses) that are characterized by recurrent and intense sexual fantasies, urges and behaviors. Paraphilias are considered deviant—outside of acceptable patterns of behavior—because they involve unusual objects, activities or situations not considered sexually arousing to others. In addition, these objects, activities or situations often are necessary for the person’s sexual functioning. With a paraphilia, the individual’s urges and behaviors cause significant distress and/or personal, social or occupational dysfunction. Someone with a paraphilia may be referred to as "kinky" or "perverted," and these behaviors may have serious social and legal consequences.Paraphilias include sexual urges or fantasies involving inanimate objects, sexual behaviors with non-human objects, sexual behaviors involving humiliation or suffering of oneself or another person, or sexual behavior that involves children or non-consenting adults. In some cases, individuals with a paraphilia have the urges or fantasies, but do not act on them. People with a paraphilia generally are unable to sustain an affectionate relationship and/or find it difficult—if not impossible—to engage in normal sexual intimacy with a partner.Most paraphilias are rare, and are more common among males than among females (about 20 to 1 of males to females). However, the reason for this disparity is not clearly understood. While several of these disorders are associated with aggressive behavior, others are not aggressive or harmful. Some paraphilias—such as pedophilia, exhibitionism, voyeurism, sadism and frotteurism—are criminal offenses.Having paraphilic fantasies or behavior, however, does not always mean the person has the mental illness. The fantasies and behaviors can exist in less severe forms that are not dysfunctional in any way, do not impede the development of healthy relationships, do not harm the individual or others, and do not entail criminal offenses. They may be limited to fantasy during masturbation or intercourse with a partner.What behaviors are considered paraphilias?Paraphilias include:ExhibitionismFetishismFrotteurismPedophiliaMasochismSadismTransvestitismVoyeurismExhibitionism ("Flashing")Exhibitionism is characterized by intense, sexually arousing fantasies, urges or behaviors involving exposure of the individual's genitals to an unsuspecting stranger. The individual with this disorder, sometimes called a "flasher," feels a need to surprise, shock or impress his victims. The disorder usually is limited to the exposure, with no other harmful advances made, although "indecent exposure" is illegal. Actual sexual contact with the victim is rare. However, the person may masturbate while exposing himself or while fantasizing about exposing himself.FetishismPeople with this disorder have sexual urges associated with non-living objects. The person becomes sexually aroused by wearing or touching the object. For example, the object of a fetish could be an article of clothing, such as underwear, rubber clothing, women’s shoes, or women’s underwear or lingerie. However, fetish objects are not limited to articles of clothing used in cross-dressing (as in transvestism) or devices designed for the purpose of genital stimulation, such as a vibrator. Common fetishes include shoes and leather or latex items. The fetish may replace sexual activity with a partner or may be integrated into sexual activity with a willing partner. When the fetish becomes the sole object of sexual desire, sexual relationships often are avoided. A related disorder, called partialism, involves becoming sexually aroused by a body part, such as the feet, breasts or buttocks.FrotteurismWith this disorder, the focus of the person’s sexual urges is related to touching or rubbing his genitals against the body of a non-consenting, unfamiliar person. In most cases of frotteurism, a male rubs his genital area against a female, often in a crowded public location. This disorder also is a problem because the contact made with the other person is illegal.PedophiliaPeople with this disorder have fantasies, urges or behaviors that involve illegal sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children (generally age 13 years or younger). Pedophilic behavior includes undressing the child, encouraging the child to watch the abuser masturbate, touching or fondling the child’s genitals and forcefully performing sexual acts on the child. Some pedophiles are sexually attracted to children only (exclusive pedophiles) and are not attracted to adults at all. Some pedophiles limit their activity to their own children or close relatives (incest), while others victimize other children. Predatory pedophiles may use force or threaten their victims if they disclose the abuse. Health care providers are legally bound to report such abuse of minors.This activity constitutes rape and is a felony offense punishable by imprisonment.Sexual masochismIndividuals with this disorder use sexual fantasies, urges or behaviors involving the act (real, not simulated) of being humiliated, beaten or otherwise made to suffer in order to achieve sexual excitement and climax. These acts may be limited to verbal humiliation, or may involve being beaten, bound or otherwise abused. Masochists may act out their fantasies on themselves—such as cutting or piercing their skin, or burning themselves—or may seek out a partner who enjoys inflicting pain or humiliation on others (sadist). Activities with a partner include bondage, spanking and simulated rape.Sadomasochistic fantasies and activities are not uncommon among consenting adults. In most of these cases, however, the humiliation and abuse are acted out in fantasy. The participants are aware that the behavior is a "game," and actual pain and injury is avoided.A potentially dangerous, sometimes fatal, masochistic activity is autoerotic partial asphyxiation, in which a person uses ropes, nooses or plastic bags to induce a state of asphyxia (interruption of breathing) at the point of orgasm. This is done to enhance orgasm, but accidental deaths sometimes occur.Sexual sadismIndividuals with this disorder have persistent fantasies in which sexual excitement results from inflicting psychological or physical suffering (including humiliation and terror) on a sexual partner. This disorder is different from minor acts of aggression in normal sexual activity; for example, rough sex. In some cases, sexual sadists are able to find willing partners to participate in the sadistic activities.At its most extreme, sexual sadism involves illegal activities such as rape, torture and even murder, in which case the death of the victim produces sexual excitement. It should be noted that while rape may be an expression of sexual sadism, the infliction of suffering is not the motive for most rapists, and the victim’s pain generally does not increase the rapist’s sexual excitement. Rather, rape involves a combination of sex and gaining power over the victim. These individuals need intensive psychiatric treatment and may be incarcerated (jailed) for these activities.TransvestitismTransvestitism, or transvestic fetishism, refers to the practice by heterosexual males of dressing in female clothes to produce or enhance sexual arousal. The sexual arousal usually does not involve a real partner, but includes the fantasy that the individual is the female partner, as well. Some men wear only one special piece of female clothing, such as underwear, while others fully dress as female, including hair style and make-up. Cross-dressing itself is not a disorder, unless it is necessary for the individual to become sexually aroused or experience sexual climax.Voyeurism ("Peeping Tom")This disorder involves achieving sexual arousal by observing an unsuspecting and non-consenting person who is undressing or unclothed, and/or engaged in sexual activity. This behavior may conclude with masturbation by the voyeur. The voyeur does not seek sexual contact with the person he is observing. Other names for this behavior are "peeping" or "peeping Tom."What causes paraphilia?It is not know for certain what causes paraphilia. Some experts believe it is caused by a childhood trauma, such as sexual abuse. Others suggest that objects or situations can become sexually arousing if they are frequently and repeatedly associated with a pleasurable sexual activity. In most cases, the individual with a paraphilia has difficulty developing personal and sexual relationships with others.Many paraphilias begin during adolescence and continue into adulthood. The intensity and occurrence of the fantasies associated with paraphilia vary with the individual, but usually decrease as the person ages.How is paraphilia treated?Most cases of paraphilia are treated with counseling and behavior therapy. Medications may help to decrease the compulsiveness associated with paraphilia, and reduce the number of deviant sexual fantasies and behaviors. In some cases, hormones are prescribed for individuals who experience frequent occurrences of abnormal or dangerous sexual behavior. Many of these medications work by reducing the individual’s sex drive.How successful is treatment for paraphilia?To be most effective, treatment must be provided on a long-term basis. Unwillingness to comply with treatment can hinder its success. It is imperative that people with paraphilias of an illegal nature receive professional help before they harm others or create legal problems for themselves.Reprinted in EntiretyThe Cleveland Clinic. Paraphilias. The Clevelend Clinic Health Information Center.http://www.clevelandclinic.org/health/health-info/docs/2400/2429.asp?index=9147~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Fetish TableSpecific ParaphiliasDiagnosed in DSM IV as 302.9 Paraphilia not Otherwise SpecifiedCompiled by Joyce A. WellsAcrotomophilia: the person is sexually aroused by the sight of an amputation usually of a whole arm or leg.Adolescentilism: the person is aroused by impersonating both the dress and behavior of an adolescent.Andromimetophilia: a woman who is sexually aroused by impersonating a man. They purposefully look and act like a man.Apotemnophilia: this person is sexually aroused by having a part of his/her body amputated, either by himself or someone else. The memory of the amputation can serve to arouse him for years. It is the act of having the extremity amputated that is arousing; thus, they have to be awake during the process.Asphyxiophilia: this is sexual arousal caused by loss of control over the ability to breathe. Self-strangulation or allowing another person to asphyxiate you.Autagonistophilia: unlike exhibitionism where the person intentionally exposes his genitals to an unsuspecting stranger, in this paraphilia the person creates situations in which other people could see him in the nude if the person wanted to. For example, it would be like leaving your curtains open and walking around the house naked in hopes that someone would peep in the windows. It is the thought that someone may be watching that is sexually arousing.Autassassinophilia: this person is sexually aroused by putting himself in situations in which he may be killed. He really has to feel he is in danger in order to be sexually aroused. Unfortunately, many get killed in the process.Autonepiophilia: this is the same thing as infantilism.Biastophilia: in this paraphilia the person is sexually aroused by the idea of being raped. This is scripted and planned out ahead of time with a partner. The person does not actually want to be raped by a stranger.Catheterophilia: the person is sexually aroused by the insertion of a catheter.Chrematistophilia: this person can only become sexually aroused if he is being blackmailed into it.Coprophilia: smearing human feces on yourself or having someone smear it on you causing sexual arousal.Coprophagia: eating and ingesting human feces.Ephebophilia: this is a form of pedophilia, but the person is very specific in the size, shape, and amount of body hair the pre-pubescent child has.Erotophonophilia: These people are dangerous. They are sexually aroused by attempts, not just thoughts of killing someone.Formicophilia: sexual arousal is caused by having insects crawl on the genitals.Gerontophilia: the person is only sexually aroused by a significantly older person. There has to be at least a 15 year difference between their ages.Gynemimetophilia: a person who is sexually aroused by a female impersonator.Hybristophilia: sexual relations with a convicted criminal.Hyphephilia: touching or rubbing a human or nonhuman object is essential for achieving sexual arousal.Hypoxphilia: the same as asphyxiophilia.Infantilism: dressing as an infant and acting the role of a child under two years old is sexually arousing. This can include removing some or all body hair and the hiring of a nurse or nanny to take care of you.Kleptophilia: similar to kleptomania, kleptophilia results in sexual arousal from stealing not just thrill seeking.Klismaphilia: getting an enema is sexually arousing. More liquid is associated with greater pleasure.Mixophilia: the person likes to watch himself or his partner engage in sexual activity. Usually this means watching himself in a mirror.Morphophilia: peculiar body shapes and sizes are sexually arousing such as heavy, short, dwarfism, etc.Mysophilia: the person is sexually aroused by dirt, mud or filth.Necrophilia: engaging in sexual activities with dead people.Nepiophilia: the person is sexually aroused by infants. This can range from newborns to about two years old.Olfactophilia: the person is sexually aroused by body smells. Usually inserting finger in anus, vagina, etc., and smelling it during sex.Pictophilia: watching X-rated films is sexually arousing.Raptophilia: same as biastophilia.Scoptophilia: same as mixophilia.Somnophilia: the person can only maintain sexual arousal while having sex with someone who is sleeping. If the sleeper wakes up he loses interest.Stigmatophilia: body piercing and tattooing but not ear piercing is sexually arousing.Symphorphilia: natural disasters are sexually arousing.Telephonicophilia: talking dirty on the phone or being talked to lewdly.Urophilia: being urinated on or urinating on someone. Golden showers.Zoophilia: the person wants to be treated like an animal wearing a collar and often eating out of an animal’s dish. This is different from bestiality in which the person wants to have sex with an animal.How a girl's life was takenOn May 12 of last year, 10-year-old Holly Jones, a hard-working, bright, Grade 5 student ... was abducted, confined, sexually assaulted and killed.Yesterday, Michael Briere, 36, a software developer who lived within blocks of Holly’s home ... pleaded guilty to first-degree murder. ...Crown Attorney Paul Culver and assistant crown Hank Goody read a 61-page statement of facts to the court, outlining the hours before Holly’s disappearance, the police investigation, and Briere’s personal account of how and why he killed the child. …On Monday, May 12, 2003, after her school day ended, Holly Jones played ... with a friend. ... Eventually, it came time for the friend to return to her own residence for dinner. ... The most direct route between the addresses of the two girls took about 5-7 minutes to walk, … It was the one street in the neighbourhood that Holly was permitted to travel on her own.Maria Jones and George Stonehouse had previously spent time "street proofing" Holly. She knew not to stray beyond the immediate area of her home — not to go anywhere with a stranger — and not to enter a vehicle, unless it was being operated by someone who was on a specific list of her parents' friends. …At approximately 8:25 … the Toronto Police Service received a telephone call from a resident of Ward's Island who reported that, … he had discovered a bag which he had ascertained contained what appeared to be a human torso … an intact right arm and hand. In the second, was a similarly intact left arm and hand, and a severed human head.At approximately 2:15 that afternoon, Tuesday, May 13, Forensic Pathologist Dr. Toby Rose commenced the post-mortem examination of the four body parts of Holly Jones … Holly's legs and feet have never been recovered ...Dr. Rose ... (concluded) that the cause of Holly's death was ligature strangulation.Additionally, Dr. Rose noted that there was sign of injury to the pelvic region of Holly's torso, consistent with sexual assault, including abrasions to the vagina, and laceration in the area of the anal cavity. …CFS Biology Examiner Alexandra Welsh was able to develop a DNA profile, attributable to an unknown male donor, within the fingernail clippings collected from Holly's right hand. …During (subsequent investigation) … , Detective Constables … spoke with Mr. Briere, asking him the questions which were on the form they had been given. … When the officers produced the DNA consent form, and requested that Mr. Briere voluntarily provide a saliva sample, he declined to do so. …Mr. Briere indicated that he was 35 years old, … and that he was employed as a software developer. …The garbage (of Mr. Briere) was seized … , and submitted to the Task Force. …(On June 18, 19, biologist Alexandra Welsh reported that DNA gathered from the soda cans, cup and straws matched DNA taken from Holly's fingernails.) …At this point in the task force's investigation, it was determined that a warrant to search Mr. Briere's residence would be applied for, and that reasonable and probable grounds existed to arrest Michael Briere for the murder of Holly Jones.The arrest was to occur on the following day, pending which 24-hour surveillance of Mr. Briere was commenced.On Friday, June 20, at … 5:55 a.m.., Mr. Briere appeared, and was arrested … for the murder of Holly Jones. … Michael Briere confessed to having abducted and murdered Holly Jones. He did so in great detail. …The following is a compilation of information which Mr. Briere provided to Detective Sergeant Perry and Inspector Raybould, in his initial remarks.These are, however, the essential facts of what happened to Holly Jones according to Mr. Briere ….And yet they are facts which describe the act of a man with no known previous history of such aberrant misconduct — a man without a criminal record, and whose name would not have been found amongst the approximately 269 registered sex offenders, listed in the Sexual Offender Registry as having been living within a 3-kilometre radius of Holly's residence — a man so seemingly ordinary and nondescript as to have gone essentially unnoticed, both before and immediately after he committed his horrendous crime — a man whom, as the Court has heard, was ultimately brought to justice as the result of the intensive and outstanding efforts of dedicated police investigators and forensic scientists.Michael Briere:On the 12th ...I always had the fantasy of having sexual relations with a little girl. So I just got carried away, and I walked outside, and Holly was ... I didn't know her, I'd never seen her before ... it's just coincidence ...She didn't scream. She was in total shock, and I just started with her, holding her by the neck, towards my home. At that point, there was ... a lane, right behind my house, and this occurred, I would say, maybe 20 feet behind that. …While we were walking, she tried to scream just a little bit, and I put my hand over her mouth. ... I went inside the apartment, locked the doors behind. I took her to the bedroom, undressed her, undressed myself.I tried to have sexual relations with her ... I never actually completed the act. ... I will say that, for what I tried to do, I was not very forceful, and that she was not in pain ...I was just so nervous, and in my mind, it's just like — no way she goes away ... I assumed that a little kid walking like that lived in the neighbourhood. …So, I let her go — you know that's going to lead the police to my place. So I strangled her on my bed ... with my hands around the neck ... I never hit her. I didn't punch her. I didn't slap her, or anything ...I hadn't figured any of this stuff out, and I realized that I had a saw ... in my tool box ... a small hand saw, basically ... and that's why ... I thought: Well, I have to cut her up ...I did it right in the middle of the open space in my kitchen ... I ripped open some garbage bags beneath her. I knew there would be bleeding ...He had had fantasies about young girls “probably forever … for me, this concept of having relationships with a child has been there forever” … He denied ever having had sexual involvement with any other children, but acknowledged that he had downloaded child pornography material from sites on the Internet, both at home and at his workplace. …With time, and I don’t know how it is for other people, but for myself, I would say that, yes, viewing the material does motivate you to do other things.In my case, for sure. The more I saw it, the more I longed for it in my heart. The more I wanted it. And that’s the one time where I actually tried to do it …(emphasis added)He had been thinking about actually finding a young girl, and taking her off the street, for “maybe a year or two”. …“I didn’t pick her for any special reason … it’s not like I was pinpointing this little girl … that night, I must have viewed some material beforehand. And I just got excited, and just went “I need to go out and see if I”…I just went out. I really wanted to do it. … I just came out of my place, and was overwhelmed with desire, and she was just there, and there was nobody around. That’s all it took … I was just in that frame of mind, and it was easy …I don’t hang around schools or playgrounds, or any of that stuff …I have had the desire to have sexual relationship with a young child for the longest time, and you think it’s going to be a pleasurable experience.And that one just turned out to be a nightmare.”Toronto Star. How a girl's life was taken. Retrieved on July 1, 2004, from:http://www.thestar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_PrintFriendly&c=Article&cid=1087510210986&call_pageid=971358637177

“https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/154193129103502030”“Bias in Police Line-ups and its Reduction by an Alternative Construction ProcedureThe present research examined whether eyewitness identification -produced by law enforcement personnel are biased or suggestive. Experienced police officers were asked to construct two six-face photographic line-ups, first using their usual (traditional) method, and second using an alternative method. The primary basis of the traditional method is that foils are selected based on their similarity to the target. The alternative method includes foils that are not only similar to the target but also similar to other foil faces in the line-up. Both types of line-ups were shown to subjects who had not seen the faces before (mock witnesses) and were asked to guess the respective targets. The results showed that mock witnesses selected the targets significantly more often than expected by chance (1/6 probability) when embedded in the traditional line-ups, thus demonstrating that these line-ups were suggestive. Mock witnesses did not select alternative-method targets more often than expected by chance. These results indicate that foil selection procedures incorporating foil-to-foil similarity produce fairer line-ups than those exclusively based on target similarity. Implications for forensic line-up construction procedures and for future research are discussed.ReferencesBrigham, J. C., Ready, D. J., Spier, S. A. (1990). Standards for evaluating the fairness of photograph lineups. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 11, 149–163.Google ScholarBuckhout, R. (1977). Son of Sam: Eyewitness descriptions. Social Action and the Law, 4, 19–23.Google ScholarDoob, A. N., Kirshenbaum, H. M. (1973). Bias in police lineups: Partial remembering. 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Measuring the fairness of eyewitness identification lineups. In Lloyd-Bostock, S.M.A., Clifford, B.R. (Eds.), Evaluating witness evidence (pp. 81–102). London: Wiley.Google ScholarMalpass, R. S., Devine, P. G. (1984). Research on suggestion in lineups and photo-spreads. In Wells, G.L., Loftus, E.F. (Eds.), Eyewitness testimony: Psychological perspectives (pp. 64–91). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google ScholarMarwitz, D. B., Wogalter, M. S. (1988). Bias in photo-spreads of faces: A comparison of two lineup construction methods. Proceedings of the Human Factors Society 32nd Annual Meeting (pp. 541–543), Santa Monica, CA: Human Factors Society.Google ScholarNavon, D. (1990). How critical is the accuracy of an eyewitness memory? Another look at the issue of lineup diagnosticity. Journal of Applied Psychology, 75, 506–510.Google ScholarNosworthy, G. J, Lindsay, R. C. L. (1990). Does nominal lineup size matter? Journal of Applied Psychology, 75, 358–361.Google ScholarOrne, M. (1962). On the social psychology of the psychology experiment. American Psychologist, 17, 776–783.Google ScholarShepherd, J. W. (1986). An interactive computer system for retrieving faces. In Ellis, H. D., Jeeves, M. A., Newcombe, F., Young, A. W. (Eds.), Aspects of Face Processing (pp. 398–409). Dordrect: Martinus Nijhoff.Google ScholarShepherd, J. W., Davies, G. M., Ellis, H. D. (1978). How best shall a face be described? In Gruneberg, M. M., Morris, P. E., Sykes, R. N. (Eds.), Practical Aspects of Memory. London: Academic Press.Google ScholarShepherd, J. W., Ellis, H. D., Davies, G. M. (1982). Identification Evidence: A Psychological Evaluation. Aberdeen, Scotland: Aberdeen University Press.Google ScholarUnited States v. Wade. (1967). 388 U.S. 218.Google ScholarWall, P. M. (1965). Eye-Witness Identification in Criminal Cases. Springfield, IL: Thomas.Google ScholarWells, G. L., Luus, C. A. E. (1990). The diagnosticity of a lineup should not be confused with the diagnostic value of non-lineup evidence. Journal of Applied Psychology, 75, 511–516.Google ScholarWogalter, M. S., Jensen, D. G. (1986). Response bias in lineups with prototypic faces. In Proceedings of the Human Factors Society 30th Annual Meeting (pp. 725–728), Santa Monica, CA: Human Factors Society.Google ScholarWogalter, M. S., Marwitz, D. B., Leonard, D. C. (1991). Suggestiveness in photospread lineups: Similarity induces distinctiveness. Unpublished manuscript, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Troy, NY.Google Scholar”“https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/831750/RUSI_Report_-_Algorithms_and_Bias_in_Policing.pdf”“Data Analytics and Algorithmic Bias in PolicingSUMMARY• The use of data analytics and algorithms for policing has numerous potential benefits, but also carries significant risks, including those relating to bias. This could include unfair discrimination on the grounds of protected characteristics, real or apparent skewing of the decision-making process, or outcomes and processes which are systematically less fair to individuals within a particular group. These risks could arise at various stages in the project lifecycle.• Algorithmic fairness cannot be understood solely as a matter of data bias, but requires careful consideration of the wider operational, organisational and legal context, as well as the overall decision-making process informed by the analytics.• While various legal frameworks and codes of practice are relevant to the police’s use of analytics, the underlying legal basis for use must be considered in parallel to the development of policy and regulation. Moreover, there remains a lack of organisational guidelines or clear processes for scrutiny, regulation and enforcement. This should be addressed as part of a new draft code of practice, which should specify clear responsibilities for policing bodies regarding scrutiny, regulation and enforcement of these new standards.POLICE USE OF DATA ANALYTICS IN ENGLAND AND WALESUK police forces collect vast amounts of digital data, but have historically lacked the technological capabilities to effectively analyse this data to improve operational effectiveness and efficiency. However, police forces are increasingly adopting advanced analytical tools to derive insights from the data they collect, to inform decision-making, resource prioritisation and risk assessment in a range of contexts. The analytical tools used by police forces increasingly employ forms of machine learning, often referred to as artificial intelligence.However, this latter description is ambiguous and poorly defined, so for the purposes of this paper the technology in question is referred to as ‘machine learning’. Machine learning algorithms are currently used for various policing purposes, including: facial recognition and video analysis; mobile phone data extraction; social media intelligence analysis; predictive crime mapping; and individual risk assessment. This report focuses on these latter two applications of machine learning, which are frequently referred to as forms of ‘predictive policing’.However, many of the same legal, ethical and policy issues apply to other uses of machine learning in policing, including those linked to classification, explanation and resource allocation. While the use of predictive policing tools in the UK can be traced back to at least 2004, advances in machine learning have enabled the development of more sophisticated systems, which are now used for a wider range of functions. The use of algorithms to make predictions about future crime and offending raises considerable legal and ethical questions, particularly concerning the risk of bias and discrimination.DOES IT WORK ?Before discussing the risks of bias arising from predictive policing technology, it is important to address the fundamental question – ‘does it work?’ It is beyond the scope of this paper to critically assess the (dis)advantages of a risk assessment-focused approach to resource allocation, or to discuss the semantic nuances associated with defining ‘risk’. However, on the basis that police forces must target limited resources to places and people identified as posing the greatest ‘risk’ (of offending or victimisation), this paper’s starting point is to question whether algorithmic tools are effective in assisting the police to identify and understand this risk.Effectiveness and accuracy are intrinsically linked to ethics and legality: if it cannot be demonstrated that a particular tool or method is operating effectively and with a reasonable degree of accuracy, it may not be possible to justify the use of such a tool as necessary to fulfil a particular policing function. First, in relation to predictive mapping, empirical evidence has demonstrated that the deployment of predictive mapping software could increase the likelihood of detecting future crime events when compared to non-technological methods, resulting in net reductions in overall crime rates. Research shows that random foot patrolling has a negligible impact on detecting and preventing crime, because crime is not uniformly distributed in time and space.By contrast, ‘hotspot’ policing – whereby high-risk locations are identified and patrol resources concentrated in those areas – has been shown to result in crime suppression not just at the deployment location but also in surrounding areas. In the UK, field trials have found predictive mapping software to be around twice as likely to predict the location of future crime as traditional intelligence-led techniques (whereby analysts manually identify future hotspots). Despite its apparent effectiveness, the use of predictive mapping software by UK police forces has been limited. In many cases, its use has amounted only to short-term trials that did not result in full-scale deployment.The evidence is less clear when it comes to the accuracy of individual risk-assessment tools, largely due to a lack of research on the algorithms in use. Nevertheless, there is a large body of research dating back more than 60 years comparing the accuracy of ‘unstructured’ professional judgement and statistical (‘actuarial’) forecasting methods, which it is not possible to discuss here. Various meta-analyses and systematic reviews have found that – under controlled conditions – statistical forecasting consistently outperforms unstructured professional judgement in a range of decision-making contexts, including offender risk assessment.However, experts disagree over the predictive validity of statistical risk-assessment tools. Predictive validity can be understood as ‘the extent to which scores on an assessment tool are able to predict some outcome measure’. However, if a statistical tool is used to make predictions at the individual level, the uncertainty associated with any single event probability is very large. As summarised by Alan A Sutherland and colleagues, ‘predictive judgments are meaningful when applied to groups of offenders. However, at an individual level, predictions are considered by many to be imprecise’.Put simply, high accuracy rates at the group level can often conceal very low accuracy rates for specific individuals or groups of individuals within that larger group. All individual predictions are associated with a confidence interval (a margin of error), which is often not taken into account when reporting the overall ‘predictive accuracy’ of the tool. Academic experts interviewed for this study expressed reservations regarding the ability of algorithmic tools to predict future crime, indicated by comments such as ‘there are a lot of myths around machine learning tools and what they can do.One of the things that machine learning is really terrible at is predicting rare and infrequent events, especially when you don’t have loads of data’. With this in mind, the more infrequent the event the tool is trying to predict, the less accurate it is likely to be. Furthermore, accuracy is often difficult to calculate, because when an individual is judged to pose a risk of offending, an intervention is typically delivered which prevents the predicted outcome from happening.Authorities cannot know what may have happened had they not intervened, and therefore there is no way to test the accuracy (or otherwise) of the prediction. Independent, methodologically robust evaluation of trials is essential to demonstrate the accuracy and effectiveness of a particular tool or method. If such evaluation does not demonstrate the tool’s effectiveness and proportionality, continued use would raise significant legal concerns regarding whether use of the tool was justified to fulfil a particular policing function, requiring the police force to review its design and operational use. Conversely, if there is evidence that a new capability is beginning to perform well, it is important to invest in building the evidence base for its effectiveness, with processes in place for ongoing evaluation.THE CURRENT LANDSCAPEIn England and Wales, a small number of police forces have developed machine learning algorithms to assess reoffending risk for known offenders in the force area, to inform prioritisation of operational activity and to assist decision-making at the entry point to the criminal justice system. For instance, Durham Constabulary’s Harm Assessment Risk Tool uses random forest forecasting (a form of supervised machine learning) to classify individuals in terms of their likelihood of committing a violent or nonviolent offence over the next two years.The purpose is to assist officers in assessing offenders’ eligibility to participate in the Checkpoint Programme, a voluntary out-of-court disposal scheme designed to reduce reoffending by addressing the underlying factors causing individuals to engage in crime. Avon and Somerset Constabulary uses similar technology to assess factors such as likelihood of reoffending, likelihood of victimisation/vulnerability, and likelihood of committing a range of specific offences. Through an app on their mobile devices, neighbourhood officers can instantly access the risk profiles for each offender registered in the force area, which are recalculated on a daily basis.West Midlands Police are developing a similar offender assessment system as part of their Data Driven Insights project, while Hampshire Constabulary is developing a machine learning predictive tool to assess risk of domestic violence offending. The current technological landscape was described by one police officer interviewed as a ‘patchwork quilt, uncoordinated and delivered to different standards in different settings and for different outcomes’.However, the use of analytics and algorithms by police forces in England and Wales is likely to grow in both scale and sophistication in the coming years. It is essential to build a stronger evidence base on the effectiveness and reliability of different systems, and to develop a clearer legal, policy and regulatory framework to ensure proportionate and ethical use of this increasingly powerful technology.EMERGING FINDINGSInterviews conducted to date evidence a desire for clearer national guidance and leadership in the area of data analytics, and widespread recognition and appreciation of the need for legality, consistency, scientific validity and oversight. It is also apparent that systematic investigation of claimed benefits and drawbacks is required before moving ahead with full-scale deployment of new technology. As one law enforcement practitioner commented, ‘there’s as much value in understanding what doesn’t work, as what does’, but to achieve this, controlled space for experimentation is required, recognising that ‘policing is about dealing with complexity, ambiguity and inconsistency’.Lessons can be learned from recent trials of live facial recognition, particularly concerning the need to demonstrate an explicit legal basis for the use of new technology, the need for clearer guidance relating to trials and evaluation, and the importance of meaningful public engagement during the development and testing phase. The development of a draft Code of Practice provides an opportunity, not only to consider bias, but to improve understanding of the application of data analytics in different contexts, and of methods of assessing potential benefits and intrusions. It will be incumbent on users to evidence such assessments when determining whether use of a particular tool can be deemed ‘necessary’, in order to decide whether there are less intrusive means of achieving the same policing aim.Any new code of practice for algorithmic tools in policing should establish a standard process for model design, development, trialling, and deployment, along with ongoing monitoring and evaluation. It should provide clear operationally relevant guidelines and complement existing authorised professional practice and other guidance in a tech-agnostic way.86 Existing surveillance codes and related inspections were suggested by a number of interviewees as a potential model. The new code should ensure sufficient attention is paid to meeting legal and ethical requirements throughout all stages of the product lifecycle, from project inception through to model procurement, development and testing, including ongoing tracking and mitigation of discrimination risk when the tool is deployed operationally, and oversight of the ultimate decision-making process the analytical insights are feeding into.A new code should specify clear roles and responsibilities regarding scrutiny, regulation and enforcement, including the roles of the College of Policing, the National Police Chiefs’ Council, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services and the Home Office, and potentially other regulatory bodies such as the Information Commissioner’s Office and Investigatory Powers Commissioners. The code should also establish standard processes for independent ethical review and oversight to ensure transparency and accountability and facilitate meaningful public engagement before tools are deployed operationally, and oversight of the ultimate decision-making process the analytical insights are feeding into.A new code should specify clear roles and responsibilities regarding scrutiny, regulation and enforcement, including the roles of the College of Policing, the National Police Chiefs’ Council, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services and the Home Office, and potentially other regulatory bodies such as the Information Commissioner’s Office and Investigatory Powers Commissioners. The code should also establish standard processes for independent ethical review and oversight to ensure transparency and accountability and facilitate meaningful public engagement before tools are deployed operationally”.“ Evaluating Line-ups ““ Evaluating Line-ups You Or Others Have Created.The basis for evaluating the fairness of line-ups is outlined briefly in Rule 3 of the APLS White Paper:“The suspect should not stand out in the line-up or photospread as being different from the distractors based on the eyewitness’s previous description of the culprit or based on other factors that would draw extra attention to the suspect.“ (page 24)This concept was reinforced in the report of the Technical Working Group on Eyewitness Evidence, in the National Institute of Justice:“Select fillers who generally fit the witness’ description of the perpetrator. When there is a limited/inadequate description of the perpetrator provided by the witness, or when the description of the perpetrator differs significantly from the appearance of the suspect, fillers should resemble the suspect in significant features.”(page 29)Wells et al. (1998) continue:“[The] extent to which Rule 3 has been met in a given line-up can be tested using a "mock witness" procedure. …. Mock witnesses are people who have never seen the culprit but are given the eyewitness’s verbal description of the culprit, shown a picture of the line-up or photospread, and asked to select the person they think is the suspect in the case. If Rule 3 has been sufficiently met, a mock witness should not be able to select the suspect at a level that exceeds chance expectations based on the number of choices (number of line-up members) that could have been selected. If mock witnesses can deduce who the suspect is under these circumstances, then a concern is raised about whether an eyewitness’s selection was a product of true recognition memory or was due merely to the same deduction process that the mock witnesses apparently used.”Since the foundational paper by Doob and Kirshenbaum (1973) disinterested persons have been used as participants in research studies to evaluate eyewitness line-ups. The process is described in some detail by Malpass, Tredoux & McQuiston-Surrett (2007). Here is a thumbnail description of the process and an example of some ways to represent the results to make them more amenable to interpretation. The basic form of the evaluation is provided for each of the line-up evaluations displayed on this website, but for pedagogic purposes below we provide an extended example from a recent case. It will become apparent that the consequences of bad fillers are failure of the safeguard and inflation of the innocent suspects risk of false identification.Thumbnail description of the mock witness procedure.1. Select your population of participants. It is best to choose participants of the same ethnicity as the original witness(s).2. Provide the information you have chosen to give the participants.The choice of information given to participants is important. Doob and Kirshenbaum (1973) gave them the description given by the witness – that the offender was “very good looking”. The most gross departures from fairness will probably be detected without providing any information, simply saying that the line-up contains a police suspect in a case involving the particular offense in question, and asking participants to choose the line-up member who is the police suspect. For a more sensitive evaluation participants can be given the verbal description provided by the witness. Some aspects of appearance are difficult to capture in facial feature descriptions but easy to denote in other language - like “very good looking”. That information also can be included in a verbal description. The single witness in a recent case described the offender as “he looks like a waiter”. Giving line-up evaluation participants only that information allowed them to choose the suspect at an above chance rate, and line-up fillers were chosen substantially below the expected rate.3. Give whatever information you will provide individually to at least 30 (and preferably 50) participants. Don’t display the line-up and the information you provide at the same time: if you do, the identification process may simply be a feature by feature comparison among faces. Then show participants the line-up and ask them to indicate which line-up member is the suspect. Since this is an informal procedure, simply record their response indicating which line-up member was chosen as one of the numbers 1-6 in the line-up, upper left to lower right.4. Summarize the findings in the manner shown in the Line-up Evaluation Spreadsheet, which you may download here. What follows refers to the spreadsheet.There were three kinds of information given the participants in this case, and combined for analysis. The resulting identification frequencies are these, for line-up positions 1-6 (left to right).21311493The suspect was in position 4 and received the largest number of identifications (14 of 42 = 33%), twice the number expected if only chance factors are influencing participant choices. This identification proportion can be submitted to a statistical test for bias by use of a spreadsheet downloadable from the Eyewitness Identification Research Laboratory website. For guidance in its use and interpretation consult someone in your organization familiar with basic statistics, or call the eyewitness laboratory at 915-539-0510. In this example, the probability of an identification proportion of .33 occurring by chance, rather than some systematic process (bias), is very low (.01232), which is statistically reliable. Some systematic process or influence is very likely to be at work. The results can be presented in graphic form, as shown below. There is one "super filler", in position 2, which is identified at a rate nearly equal to the suspect, which is far above the choice frequency expected by chance.It is obvious that three of the fillers are chosen well below the rate expected if only chance factors are involved. The number of fillers which fulfill their role as safeguards to an innocent suspect can be tested quantitatively through Tredoux' E'. A spreadsheet containing the calculation can be downloaded from the Eyewitness Identification Research Laboratory website. But evaluation of the fillers can most easily be understood by examining them in the order of their identification frequency, (L – R) as shown below.14139321Note that the 3 least frequently chosen fillers total 6 choices, which taken together do not add up to the identification frequency (7) expected of 1 fully appropriate filler. That's nearly one filler but since it takes three to make it up, there are two whole fillers effectively missing. Count the number of persons in the line-up. We have the 3 most frequently chosen plus about 85% of another. Rather than the 6 person line-up that should have been used, we instead have a line-up containing about 3.85 persons. You may think that this is not particularly serious, but consider this: the risk of a false identification has gone from 1 in 6 (16.7%) to 1 in 3.85 (25.9%). There is no one I know who would prefer to bet their freedom on a 26% risk rather than a 17% risk.This illustrates two important points for the analysis of line-up fairness:1. Line-up bias is often produced by inadequate fillers.2. The effectiveness of the line-up as a safeguard against false identification focuses sharply on the effectiveness of the fillers and the setting of risk of false identification that results.ReferencesDevlin, Hon Lord Patrick (1976). Report to the Secretary of State for the Home Department of the Departmental Committee on Evidence of Identification in Criminal Cases. HMSO.Doob, A. N. & Kirshenbaum, H. M. (1973). Bias in police line-ups — partial remembering. Journal of Police Science and Administration, 18, 287-293.Malpass, R. S, Tredoux, C. G. & McQuiston-Surrett, D. E. (2007). Line-up construction and line-up fairness. in R. Lindsay, D. Ross, J. D. Read & M. P. Toglia (Eds.), Handbook of Eyewitness Psychology (Vol. 2): Memory for People. Lawrence Erlbaum & Associates.Scheck, B., Neufeld, P., & Dwyer, J. (2001). Actual Innocence: When Justice Goes Wrong And How To Make It Right. New York: Doubleday.Technical Working Group on Eyewitness Evidence (1999). Eyewitness Evidence: A Guide for Law Enforcement. Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Justice (i-x, 1-44).Wells, G.L., Small, M., Penrod, S., Malpass, R.S., Fulero, S.M., & Brimacombe, C.A.E. (1998). Eyewitness identification procedures: Recommendations for line-ups and photospreads. Law and Human Behaviour, 23(6) 603-647 “.