Social Security Administration Form Approved Consent: Fill & Download for Free

Adam, the answer to your question is ASAP for the CONSULAR REPORT OF BIRTH ABROAD. You will need to involve your parents because the forms needed are for them to complete. It also requires fees.I apologize to give you a long answer but I need you to have the full information. Please have your parents read this completely:If your child was born outside of the United States and you believe he/she is a U.S. citizen, your first step is to apply for the child's Consular Report of Birth Abroad (CRBA). This document serves as proof of U.S. citizenship and is generally a prerequisite for the issuance of a U.S. passport. Although applications are accepted up until the child's 18th birthday, you should apply for your child's CRBA as soon after his/her birth as practical. Applications submitted years after the child's birth may take significant time to resolve because evidence to prove the child's citizenship may be difficult to obtain. In some delayed cases it may impossible to establish the child’s citizenship.To request a Consular Report of Birth, an application must be personally submitted to the U.S. Consulate in Curacao. Please keep in mind that the Consulate serves and processes CRBAs for births in Aruba, Bonaire, Curacao, Saba, St. Eustatius, and St. Maarten. CRBA applications for births in Saint Martin (French side) should be registered with the U.S. Embassy in Barbados. CRBA applications for births elsewhere should be registered at the appropriate U.S. Embassy or Consulate. Applications must be made at the Consulate and no appointment is necessary.While the Consular Report of Birth Abroad is an essential document, it cannot be used to travel. Consequently, at the same time that you apply for your child’s Consular Report of Birth Abroad, you may also apply for his/her U.S. passport. There is no need to visit us twice to apply for your child’s Consular Report of Birth Abroad and passport; you may apply for both at the same time. Finally, most parents will also want to apply for their child’s Social Security number, which is required for most U.S. government services, or to declare a child as a dependent on the parents’ U.S. tax returns.The application may be submitted when you apply for your child’s Consular Report of Birth Abroad and U.S. passport.Who must appear at the time of application? In all cases, the child and at least one of the parents must appear in person at the time of application. If practical, both parents should accompany the child, since the consular officer will be better able to determine citizenship if he/she has the opportunity to interview both parents in person. If only one parent is present, the consular officer has the discretion, depending on the facts of the case, to withhold a determination of citizenship pending an interview with both parents. Additionally, bear in mind that both parents must ordinarily appear or otherwise consent to the issuance of the child’s U.S. passport.Please see our passport information for details about this consent requirement and further instructions about the passport application process. Required Forms When you visit the Consulate, you will be asked to submit up to five different forms.To keep your visit as short as possible, we ask that you print and complete these forms before your visit.  Application for the Consular Report of Birth Abroad: This form can be filled out and signed by either parent. The signature must be notarized by a notary public, either in the United States or the Netherlands Antilles, or at the U.S. Embassy or Consular Agency when you submit your application.  Application for your child’s Social Security number: A Social Security number is required for many U.S. government services, and to declare your child as a dependent on your U.S. tax returns.  Affidavit of paternity/maternity and physical presence: This form which must be completed by the U.S. citizen parent if the other parent is not also a U.S. citizen. It is not required if both parents are U.S. citizens. The affidavit requires the U.S. citizen parent to acknowledge that the child is his/hers, and to state, as specifically as possible, the parent's periods of physical presence in the United States. Extra sheets may be attached as necessary. The document must be notarized or signed in front of the consular officer at the time of application.  Application for the child's U.S. passport: While you are not required to apply for your child's passport at the same time that you apply for his/her Consular Report of Birth Abroad, you are encouraged to do so.Please use the passport application wizard to complete and print the DS-11 form but do not sign the application until the consular officer interviews you.  Statement of consent for the issuance of a passport: This form must be submitted if one of the parents does not accompany his/her child to the Consulate. A parent who cannot appear must fill out the form, sign it in front of a Netherlands Antilles or U.S. notary, and give the form (original, fax, or emailed .pdf version) to the other parent, who must then present it at the time of application, along with a photocopy of the absent parent’s photo ID. If the parent is unavailable to fill out the consent form, the form may also be used to explain the parent's unavailability in the section titled "special circumstances."This form must be completed only in English. Required and Suggested Evidence  Proof of physical presence in the United States: In cases in which only one parent is a U.S. citizen, that parent must submit evidence that he/she was present in the United States for the required amount of time prior to the birth of the child. (See above.) Such evidence frequently takes the form of passports; tax records, including W-2 forms; pay statements or other evidence of employment; photos; school transcripts; apartment leases; or annual Social Security statements. These are suggestions, and you are encouraged to submit all available documentary proof. If no such evidence is available, the consular officer will advise you at the time of your application what alternatives you may have for proving your presence in the United States.  Child's birth certificate: You must submit a certified copy of the child's Netherlands Antilles birth certificate.  Proof of parents' identity: Each parent must submit an original or certified copy of a government-issued photo ID, such as a driver's license, or the photo page of his/her passport.  If parents are married - proof of parents' marriage and termination of previous marriages: If the child's parents are married, the consular officer may also request a certified copy of their marriage certificate. If either parent has been married previously, the consular officer may request evidence that any previous marriages were terminated, such as a certified divorce decree or death certificate. While these documents are not always required, it is to your advantage to bring them in case the consular officer requests them.  Proof of paternity/maternity: In cases in which paternity or maternity is in question, the consular officer may request additional proof. Sometimes this proof may take the form of family photographs, baptism records, medical records, or other documents. In other cases, DNA testing may be suggested. If DNA testing is appropriate in your case, the consular officer will advise you about the process. Please note that DNA testing will not be accepted if it is performed without the consular officer's guidance.  Additional evidence: The consular officer, in his/her discretion, may request additional documents or other evidence as necessary. You will be advised at the time of application if such evidence is required in your case. Passport Photos No photo is required for the Consular Report of Birth Abroad. If you are also applying for your child's passport, you must bring one recent photo of the child, measuring 5x5 cm (2x2 inches) and with a white background. The photo is identical to the photo used for a U.S. visa.Fees The cost of applying for a Consular Report of Birth Abroad is US$100, and is not refundable even if your application is denied. The fee for applying for your child's passport is an additional US$105, also nonrefundable. These fees are payable at the time of application, in dollars or guilders. Checks and credit and debit cards are not accepted. The fee for delivery of documents to your home is additional and is described below. Pickup or Delivery of Documents The method of pickup or delivery depends on where you live. If you live on Curacao, your child's Consular Report of Birth Abroad and U.S. passport will be available for pickup at the Consulate ten calendar days after your application is approved. Pickup hours are 08:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m., Mondays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays except holidays. If you live elsewhere in the Netherlands Antilles, delivery of the documents by courier service is available at an additional charge, payable in cash, while you are at the Consulate. That fee, current as of July, 2010 is $30 U.S. Dollars. The documents will arrive by courier service 2 weeks after your application is approved. If you apply for your child’s Social Security number, a Social Security card will be delivered to you by international mail directly from the Social Security Administration to your address in the Netherlands Antilles.Because of delays in processing of overseas Social Security applications, delivery of your child’s card will take 8-12 months. If one of the child’s parents will be in the United States before the card arrives, you are encouraged to visit a Social Security office while there to request an update on your application.Please visit the Social Security Administration’s website for the location of Social Security offices in the United States. Children Born in Other Foreign Countries If your child was born in another foreign country but is currently in the Netherlands Antilles, you may still submit an application for the child's Consular Report of Birth Abroad and passport in Netherlands Antilles, as described above. Your application will then be sent to the U.S. Embassy or to a U.S. Consulate in the country where your child was born, and a consular officer there will make a determination of the child's citizenship. This process may take several months, and you are therefore encouraged to apply in the country where your child was born, if practical. Replacement Copies of your Consular Report of Birth Abroad Official copies of a previously issued Consular Report of Birth Abroad are not available from the Consulate and must be requested directly from the Department of State in Washington. Please see the Department of State website for ordering instructions. Additional Questions If you have additional questions, please email Consulate’s American Citizen Services at [email protected]

Note that I tend to avoid the “kingdom” (kerajaan) label because it is often applied liberally to most state societies in Indonesia without regards to their actual sociopolitical configuration. Oftentimes, when people talk about an Indonesian “kingdom”, what they really meant is a “chiefdom”, a “city-state”, a “confederacy”, etc. I think it’s important to be more precise in categorizing Indonesian societies, though of course this categorization should not be rigid. For this answer, I would switch between terms that I think would fit the best depending on the context.Since a long time ago, I have been fascinated by the precolonial societies of South Sulawesi. For me, reading the historical studies on South Sulawesi (and on other regions in Eastern Indonesia) gives a nice refreshment from the Indonesian national history narrative, which focuses too much on Western Indonesia, especially Java and Sumatra with their much-glorified Indianized states and Islamic sultanates.Regarding former countries based in South Sulawesi, Indonesians from outside the region are perhaps most familiar with the empires of Gowa-Tallo' and Boné. But for this answer, my choice goes to the Bugis polity of Wajo' — also spelled Wajo, Wajoq, or Wajok; the various last consonant glyphs represent the glottal stop that is left out in lontara’ writing (though I will consistently transcribe it with an apostrophe in this answer).ABOVE: Geopolitical situation in the South Sulawesi peninsula at the end of the 16th century. Boné, Wajo’, and Soppéng (all majority-Bugis states) were the core components of the Tellumpocco defense pact (agreed upon in the 1582 Treaty of Timurung) with Ajattappareng confederated kingdoms as loose allies. The emerging empire of Gowa-Tallo and its ally Luwu’ formed another bloc.As we can see from the above map, Wajo’ was located in the eastern part of the South Sulawesi peninsula, roughly in the same area as the modern-day Wajo Regency, which is not even as big as Luxembourg in terms of size. However, the Wajorese society have several things that I found very interesting to talk about:Their nascent ideas of “freedom rights”, especially freedom of speech and freedom of movement.Their system of government as a confederacy with an elected constitutional monarch, complemented with a relatively extensive "house of representatives".Their diaspora trading communities, which were actively supported by the society as well as the government in their homeland.Let’s delve into these points one by one.The freedom rights of Wajo’ABOVE: The current emblem of Wajo Regency.There is an old saying in Wajo’, also featured in the current emblem of Wajo Regency:maradéka to Wajo'é, ade'na napopuangWhich roughly means: “the people of Wajo’ are free, their customary laws (based on mutual consensus) are the only master”. In another proverb, it is said that “the people of Wajo’ are free, even when they were still in the wombs of their mothers”.Anthony Reid, a senior historian of Southeast Asia, once said that Wajo’ “offers more evidence than any other pre-modern Asian society so far analysed for institutionalised freedom.” The Wajorese have a tradition to uphold the ade' ammaradékang, which means “freedom rights” or “laws of freedom”. The Wajorese ade' ammaradékang include, among others, the following rights:Freedom of conveying opinion without being silenced.Freedom of travelling without being restrained.Freedom from all forms of unjust punishments.These freedoms, according to lontara' records, had already been established when Wajo’ was founded through the Treaty of Majauleng in the early 15th century, and was reaffirmed as part of the Wajorese “constitution” in the Treaty of Lappaddepa' (c. 1470) which was initiated by a Wajorese statesman named La Tiringeng To Taba.Wajorese records specifically mention that the government should not ignore their subjects’ voices. Wajorese citizens were free to express themselves, and it was not uncommon for people to convey their objection to a ruler’s decision. On the other hand, South Sulawesi societies were pretty hierarchical, roughly divided into the nobility, freepeople and slaves, though the boundary of the former two categories was much less rigid than between them and the slaves. This was especially true in Wajo’, which is widely considered to be more egalitarian than any other South Sulawesi states. As long as you were not a slave, your voice always mattered in Wajo’.Meanwhile, the freedom to travel is one of the most basic and honored rights among the Wajorese. In Wajorese records, this freedom is described as the following:One cannot be prohibited from going to the south, the north, the east or the west, nor downward or upward […] The door of Wajo’ shall be open when they enter; the door of Wajo’ shall be open when they leave; they enter on their own feet and they leave on their own feet.This freedom of movement also contributed to the migrating tradition of the Wajorese, to the point where they formed significant diaspora communities outside of South Sulawesi.The government could not confiscate property or separate family members from each other without a strong reason. In terms of justice, the punishment for a person should not be harsher than the offense they made. Death penalty should be avoided as much as possible, and could be substituted with a fine or expulsion. One chronicle told us that an arung matoa (the elective ruler of Wajo') was fired from his position because he ignored the customary law by giving a severe punishment to someone who had been asking for amnesty.The Wajorese apparently viewed the ade' ammaradékang as innate, to the point that when the new constitution of Wajo’ was established in the Treaty of Lappaddepa', La Tiringeng To Taba did not feel the need to include them in the main part of the Treaty. Instead, he just reaffirmed the rights orally after the Treaty was concluded, explaining that they were already Wajorese customary laws.Of course, there is a possibility that the indigenous depiction of Wajo’ Bugis concepts of freedom was embellished, and perhaps the practical implementation of these concepts varied a lot. But even foreign observers acknowledge how advanced the Wajorese were in their notion of freedom. After his visit to Wajo' in 1840, the British adventurer James Brooke (future Rajah of Sarawak) came to a conclusion that[…] amid all the nations of the East - amid all the people professing the Mahometan religion, from Turkey to China, - the Bugis alone have arrived at the threshold of recognised rights, and have alone emancipated themselves from the fetters of despotism.Political structure and administrationABOVE: One of the royal banners used in Wajo’At the time of its establishment, Wajo’ was still an absolute monarchy (or, perhaps more accurately, absolute chieftaincy), just like many other polities of Indonesia contemporaneous to it. The monarch (entitled batara) was a solely hereditary position. Lontara' records tell us that the third Batara of Wajo', La Pateddungi To Samallangi’, was forced to abdicate by his people due to his indecency and immoral acts towards women in Wajo'. He was subsequently banished from Wajo’, and, on his way out, was assassinated by a nobleman in a personal vengeance.After that, the statesman La Tiringeng To Taba gathered the Wajorese to discuss a reform, adopting a new “constitution” that ensures people’s rights and rearranging the balance of power in the government. The Wajorese remembered the meeting as Lamumpatué ri Lappaddepa' (lit. "The Burying of Stones in Lappaddepa'") or the Treaty of Lappaddepa'. Per this treaty, Wajo’ was transformed into an elective monarchy. The Wajorese head of state was now called arung matoa ("senior lord"), and was no longer a hereditary position. The power of an arung matoa was balanced by an assembly of representatives from all over the country.Administratively, Wajo' was divided into three limpo or districts: Béttémpola, Talotenreng, and Tua. Each of the limpo had a civilian regent called ranreng, as well as a military commander called baté lompo (lit. "great banner"). Each of the baté lompo was given a title based on their warbanner’s color: Pilla (Scarlet) for Béttémpola, Patola (Multi-colored) for Talotenreng, and Cakkuridi (Yellow) for Tua.All the ranreng and baté lompo from the three limpo were known collectively as Petta Ennengngé ("The Six Lords"). Along with the arung matoa, they formed the Petta Wajo’ (“Lords of Wajo’”), a governing council in charge of day-to-day administration of Wajo’, taking both the highest executive and judicative roles. When they deliberate, unanimous decision was preferred, but in case consensus could not be reached on certain issues, a voting could be held. All votes by members of Petta Wajo' were considered equal to each other. In other words, an arung matoa was not politically more powerful than the other councillors, though he was acknowledged as the paramount leader.The power of Petta Wajo' was balanced by 33 noble representatives from the three limpo. Each limpo contributed 11 members, with the following components: 4 arung mabbicara or deliberative judges, 6 arung paddokki-rokki or consultative judges, and 1 suro or messenger. Arung mabbicara usually held administrative positions within their own limpo, subordinate to the ranreng, while arung paddokki-rokki did not get to administer territories.These 33 representatives, along with the seven lords of Petta Wajo', formed the council of Arung Patappuloé ("The Forty Lords"), which only gathered to discuss very important issues, such as the matter of wars and alliances as well as the elections of arung matoa. In extraordinary circumstances when the Forty failed to achieve consensus, an additional council of non-noble elders (uluanang) from all over the country could be called to deliberate, though the final decision in this kind of scenario still rested upon the hands of the arung matoa.Those who decide whether a matter was important enough to call for an assembly of Arung Patappuloé were the punggawa, one from each limpo, who represented the commoners. The punggawa were elected internally among the non-noble elders of the three limpo. Even though the punggawa were not formally included in the governing council, they had the right to veto every decision made by Arung Patappuloé, including even a call to war. With such a big power, it is not an exaggeration to say that the punggawa held the most crucial role in Wajo’ government as the guarantors of its people’s rights. In his diary, Brooke explicitly compared these punggawa to Roman Republic’s tribunes of the plebs, though the Wajorese version is arguably more powerful than the Roman one.ABOVE: A diagram showing the political structure of Wajo’All political positions within Arung Patappuloé could be filled both by men and women. Brooke tells us that at the time of his visit to Wajo', four out of six members of Petta Ennengngé were women, who “appear in public like the men; ride, rule, and visit even foreigners, without the knowledge or consent of their husbands” and “enjoy perfect liberty”. Remember that this was in 1840, when women in Brooke’s own country didn’t even have the right to vote.The arung matoa functions primarily as the symbolic head of state, as well as Wajo’ representative in foreign affairs. An incumbent arung matoa may not concurrently serve another office. Every arung matoa was elected by the other 39 councillors based on merit, and could be fired anytime if the person was viewed as no longer fit for the office. The candidates for arung matoa were selected among those of noble descent, although the “purity” of blood alone did not warrant a position. Besides, as mentioned above, the boundary between the nobility and freepeople is not always rigid. Practically, almost anyone with a slight claim of nobility could be elected arung matoa as long as they were popular enough and deemed fit for the position.The punggawa have the power to veto the election of an arung matoa if the people demanded so. Because of this, there were times when the position of arung matoa was vacant, which could went on for years. This was not necessarily a problem, since the day-to-day administration was ran collectively by the Petta Wajo'. If people were not able to decide on a new arung matoa yet, then the Ranreng of Béttémpola would act as a temporary head-of-state.When an arung matoa was about to be inaugurated, he would ritually voice a protest, in the example of the first Arung Matoa of Wajo’, La Paléwo To Palipu, who is said to have declined the office humbly:I am not worthy to be appointed ruler of Wajo’, for I am stupid, fearful, poor and weak…To which the council’s representative would reply:Simply accept the decision of Wajo’, for Wajo’ is clever, Wajo’ is brave, Wajo’ is rich and Wajo’ is strong.One account further states that the Wajorese intelligence, courage, wealth and strength are rooted in their people’s consensus. This dialog illustrates how a leader cannot rule a country on his own without the support of their own people. The sovereignty of Wajo’ did not originate in the rulers (unlike the Malay or Javanese conception of sovereignty), but rather in the people. To rule arrogantly without acknowledging this principle would be an insult to Wajorese people’s competence.Although a system of government with an advisory council akin to Arung Patappuloé also existed in many other South Sulawesi states (cf. the Aruppitu in Boné and the Bate Salapang in Gowa), the Wajorese version was the most extensive and perhaps held more influence within their own government compared to the others. And even this council was still balanced by the existence of punggawa. This multi-level system of checks and balances prevented abuse of power and protected the freedom of Wajorese people.This system lasted until 1906, when Wajo' was finally integrated to Dutch East Indies as a self-governing (zelfbestuur) territory. To weaken indigenous resistance, however, the Dutch restructured Wajorese government by erasing all the council positions except the highest seven lords (the arung matoa and Petta Ennengngé) who now needed approval from the Dutch before taking office and played mainly symbolic roles. And so, Wajo’ lose its independence, although the indigenous government still remained in some form until 1957 before it was abolished and the territory transformed into a regency (second-level administrative division) of Indonesia.Wajorese diaspora and trade networkABOVE: Fishermen in Lake Tempe, 1940. This lake marked the western border of Wajo'.The Wajorese are considered to be more commerce- and maritime-focused than any other Bugis groups, which are mainly agricultural. The widespread stereotype of Bugis people as merchants and sailors has its root in the massive Wajorese migration out of South Sulawesi following the defeat of Gowa-Tallo’ to Arung Palakka and the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the Makassar War (1666–1669). As Gowa’s most faithful ally, Wajo’ had to endure the brunt of the war; its capital city was burned to ground, its people were forcibly relocated and enslaved, and parts of its territory were annexed by Boné under the iron fisted rule of Arung Palakka.All the hardships compelled many of the Wajorese to leave their homeland in order to protect their freedom. The Wajorese migrate in large numbers to Makassar, Eastern Borneo, Sumbawa, the Strait of Malacca area, and many other places in Maritime Southeast Asia. In fact, the majority of Bugis diaspora communities established in between the 17th and 19th centuries can trace their ancestry to Wajorese migrants.These early Wajorese migrant communities were pretty connected to each other, while maintaining independence in some form. Every community had their own leader (called matoa in Makassar, pua adu in Kutai, etc), and these leaders often convened to discuss common concerns. One of such conferences in the early 18th century codified laws relating to Wajorese commerce and navigation, popularly known as the Amanna Gappa’s Law Code. Amanna Gappa himself was the matoa of the Wajorese community in Makassar at the time (r. 1697–1723).This law code contains 25 chapters, with each chapter discussing a different aspect of commerce and navigation. Various forms of contracts are outlined, from money lending to investment and profit-sharing plans. It also regulates matters related to inheritance, property protection, the rights of ship passengers and crew, as well as providing formal ways to settle disputes.Wajorese diaspora also maintained good relationships with their homeland, and the government of Wajo’ worked together with them to strengthen their country. One arung matoa in the early 18th century, for example, appealed to the Wajorese abroad to buy and bring back weapons to fortify their defense. Other arung matoa encouraged international commerce, utilizing the far-flung network of diaspora communities all across Maritime Southeast Asia.One arung matoa with particular focus in international commerce was La Saléwangeng To Tenrirua (in office 1715–1736). He dredged the river to the inland capital city to allow access for large boats, approved representatives for fishermen and farmers in the government, created a specific office to promote trade, and perhaps the most genius, established a fund for the common good, which acted both as a social security institution and a commercial credit bank.In the time of harvest, La Saléwangeng would send officials to collect some rice, which was then used to feed the poor or stockpiled in the barns as a precaution against crop failure. Money tax was also partially stockpiled to form a permanent pool of collectively owned capital. This capital could be drawn upon for investment in agriculture and trade, as well as for social security purposes. Loans were made to aspiring merchants, who were obliged to return part of the profits in addition to the principal. The proceeds were also used to advance public interest, such as to renovate the state mosque or to buy armaments.It’s worth noting that a law code as elaborate Amanna Gappa’s and a financial institution as structured as La Saléwangeng's bank is very very unusual in the context of early modern Maritime Southeast Asia. These innovations played a significant role in providing the Wajorese easier access to capital, and legal protection, compared to most other Maritime SEA peoples who generally lacked financial ability and tended to rely on informal kinship ties than legal contracts in commerce. (This is also one of the reasons why Europeans, Chinese and Indians were more dominant in trading than most of the natives in the region at that period. Well, except the Wajorese.)Interactions between Wajorese diaspora communities and their homeland peaked in around 1730s, when the renowned Wajorese adventurer La Maddukelleng returned to Wajo’ and was elected arung matoa (in office 1736–1754). With military and financial help from Wajorese communities both at home and abroad, he freed Wajo’ from Boné hegemony in 1737 and made his country a hegemon in South Sulawesi for the next several years.In their peak, Wajorese traders visited places as far east as Papua, as far west as Aceh, as far north as Cambodia, and as far south as Australia’s Top End — roughly comparable to the area in between France and Kazakhstan (from east to west) and between Norway and Egypt (from north to south). They were fierce competitors for merchants of other nations, including the Europeans. A VOC report from the mid-18th century, for example, noted the sharp decrease in profit from their textile trade due to Wajorese “smuggling”.In the 19th century, the Wajorese often collaborated with the British. The early rapid development of Singapore as an emerging entrepôt owes much to the Wajorese, who preferred to anchor their ships there than in Dutch ports. In 1824, 90 Wajorese boats docked at Singapore, and this number increased to 120 in the next year. According to John Crawfurd, the total number of Wajo’ Bugis migrants in Singapore during the 1820s were already around 2,000 to 3,000 people. Wajorese commercial expansion also resulted in the increasing prosperity of Wajo’ itself. Starting from the late 19th century, though, the sedimentation of main river in Wajo' as well as the strengthening grip of the Dutch contributed to a decline of commerce. Nowadays, most Wajorese in Wajo' no longer take a long voyage across the Archipelago to trade. Nevertheless, the Wajorese legacy is still celebrated by the diaspora communities.Of course, as with many other societies throughout history, Wajo’ was not without its flaws. The hierarchical nature of its society means that their so-called “freedom rights” were not applicable to certain part of the populace. And although their political system had some democratic elements, it was mainly indirect. Regardless, I think we can still appreciate their ideas and innovations, if only to prove the relevance of this tiny polity to Indonesian history.SourcesAndi Zainal Abidin Farid (1985). Wajo’ pada Abad XV–XVI: Suatu Penggalian Sejarah Terpendam Sulawesi Selatan dari Lontara. Bandung: Penerbit Alumni.Druce, Stephen C. (2020). "Of Native Concerns: Brooke, the Bugis and Borneo". Borneo and Sulawesi: Indigenous Peoples, Empires and Area Studies. London: Routledge.Henley, David; Caldwell, Ian (2019). "Precolonial Citizenship in South Sulawesi". Citizenship Studies. 23 (3): 240–255.Pelras, Christian (1996). The Bugis. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.Reid, Anthony (1998). "Merdeka: The Concept of Freedom in Indonesia". Asian Freedoms: The Idea of Freedom in East and Southeast Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Wellen, Kathryn (2009). "Credit among the Early Modern To Wajoq". Credit and Debit in Indonesia: From Peonage to Pawnshop, from Kongsi to Cooperative. Leiden: KITLV Press.Wellen, Kathryn (2014). The Open Door: Early Modern Wajorese Statecraft and Diaspora. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press.The most important primary sources for Wajorese history are Wajorese historical records themselves, written in Bugis with the Brahmic-derived lontara’ script. Unfortunately no Wajorese records have been completely translated to English, not even the Lontara' Sukku'na Wajo' (“Complete History of Wajo’”), which is the most important and comprehensive Wajorese chronicle, compiled in the 18th century. Partial Indonesian translation is available in Zainal Abidin Farid’s (1985) book listed above. For James Brooke’s account, you can refer to:Brooke, James (1848). Narrative of events in Borneo and Celebes, down to the occupation of Labuan. From the diaries of James Brooke esq. London: John Murray.This is a modified version of my answer to “According to you, what is the most interesting kingdom or sultanate in the history of Indonesia?” in the Indonesian edition. Link to the original post: Jawaban Jawad Yuwono untuk Menurutmu kerajaan atau kesultanan apa yang paling menarik dalam sejarah Indonesia?

Thank you for asking me this question.Please understand. A birth certificate is NOT a document for EMOTIONS! It is supposed to represent the BIOLOGICAL TRUTH for every boy and girl born and serve AS A RECORD OF FACT! It is NOT the place for anger, conjecture, lies or EMOTIONS! If you had sex with MAN A and your union with MAN A produced your beautiful son, then MAN A’s name SHOULD BE on your child’s birth certificate - whether he has been ABSENT or not! A birth certificate should represent WHAT ACTUALLY HAPPENED - YOU had sex with MAN A and produced your son - and NOT what you THINK should have happened!Please know that I understand your rationale, however, removing a name from a birth certificate is a serious undertaking. Your child should KNOW who his biological father is - even if the father is not a good father! The TRUTH is the TRUTH and the TRUTH DOES NOT CHANGE just because it hurts emotionally or the parent has not been a good parent! With that said, you do not say where you live. In the United States, you can petition the court in most states to remove a name from a birth certificate. Your request will need to be served on the person named on the birth certificate and you will have a regular court case to determine if the name should be removed. In your case, the only way to accomplish it is for you to lie - which I do not agree with or advocate! You would have to tell the judge that Man A is NOT the child’s father! If you are found out, there could be serious repercussions for you! You are going to have to do a dishonest thing because someone else did the wrong thing! Two wrongs do NOT make a right AND your child may have difficulty in the future should they have some medical issue and they need to identify either their father or possible brothers and sisters. Think a bad lifetime movie where the children are in a race against time to save themselves from some disease that only a blood relative can help them with and you are not a match!After you get a court order that authorizes the name change, you will then take the court order and use it to have the Department Of Vital Records remove the name. You will need to fill out their forms for removing a name AND submit an affidavit stating your reason for the name change. Again, you will have to lie, which you should not do. Then, you will submit that information to them, along with your court approval, and they will remove the name. You will also need to submit this information to the Social Security Administration. Your son may be entitled to his father’s social security benefits in the future, so you will have to “disconnect” your son from that possibility and send them the court order to remove the father as well. This will mean that if your child’s father dies, your son would no longer be eligible to receive any death benefits on his behalf OR, if he dies without a will, you son will have a VERY hard time placing any claim on his father’s estate without going through an expensive legal process.Even if you manage to change the name, which you should NOT do if Man A is actually the father, if your child ever uses a DNA service and Man A has other children who do as well, it is likely your child will be able to STILL know who his father is! That renders your actions pointless! Please invest your time in getting your child the counseling that he is likely to need because of his father’s rejection and neglect! Please do not invest time in trying to lie to rewrite history just because the man YOU selected did not live up to his responsibilities! I understand why you would want to do this. I really do. It can be tempting to lash out and try to rewrite a history that we are not proud of, but ultimately it is a pointless endeavor! Our parents are who they are - whether they are good parents or bad parents! We can’t change our biological family or history - even when we wish we could!You noted that the reason you want to do this is so you can get a passport for your 16 year old son or perhaps other legal items, but you do NOT need your son’s father removed from the birth certificate to accomplish this. I wrote an answer about the passport issue here - Kay Morton's answer to Can a judge put you in jail for not signing passport papers for a minor child after a divorce?.The part that pertains to you is this:According to FEDERAL LAW, there are also several ways a parent WHO IS NOT the custodial parent can get a passport WITHOUT the approval of the custodial parent AND without a court order. These are federal regulations.A passport may be issued when there is a compelling humanitarian or emergency reason relating to the welfare of the minor.A passport may also be issued if there are exigent circumstances that will stop the applying party from obtaining the custodial parent’s approval. “Exigent circumstances” are defined as time-sensitive circumstances in which the inability of the minor to obtain a passport would jeopardize the health and safety or welfare of the minor or would result in the minor being separated from the rest of his or her traveling party. “Time sensitive” generally means that there is not enough time before the minor's emergency travel to obtain either the required consent of both parents/legal guardians or documentation reflecting a sole parent's/legal guardian's custody rights.A passport may also be issued if there are special family circumstances. “Special family circumstances” are defined as circumstances in which the minor's family situation makes it exceptionally difficult for one or both of the parents to execute the passport application; and/or compelling humanitarian circumstances where the minor's lack of a passport would jeopardize the health, safety, or welfare of the minor; or, pursuant to guidance issued by the Department, circumstances in which return of a minor to the jurisdiction of his or her home state or habitual residence is necessary to permit a court of competent jurisdiction to adjudicate or enforce a custody determination. A passport issued due to such special family circumstances may be limited.Since your child is 16 years old, your child is on his way to not needing his father’s name OR your name for anything! He is about to be an adult! You can get everything he needs without removing his biological father’s name from the birth certificate.Here is the actual government information about what you will need to allow you to get the passport.Fact Sheet on Passports For Minors For Judges and LawyersFederal Regulations Section 51.28 Minors: Electronic Code of Federal Regulations (eCFR)Best of luck to you and your son!