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The weltanschauung of the Dravidian movement was that the Dravidians, the folk of South India, were systematically expropriated and enslaved by Brahmins and their ideology of Brahminical superiority, which they — originally migrants from north India — derived from the Sanskrit texts of north Indian Hindu injunctive scripture. The Dravidian movement was anti-Brahmin; anti-Sanskrit, the language of Brahminism; anti-north India, the homeland of Brahmins and Brahminism; and anti-Hindi, the Sanskrit-derived language of north India. For the first decade or so of Indian independence, the Dravidian movement was secessionist.[1]Thanks for the A2A, Sagar. This is a long-ass answer.This ‘contest’ over the supremacy and/or antiquity of the Sanskrit and Tamil languages can be attributed to Dravidian politics and the political parties that espouse the divisive ideology of ‘Dravidian Nationalism’. Mutual respect for one another’s beliefs, languages and culture is an important aspect of living in a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, pluralistic nation-state. Sadly, some of us forget this tenet.Ever since the start of the Dravidian movement and the Dravidian Self-Respect Movement in the Madras Presidency in the early 20th century, the political mainstream in Tamil-speaking lands became entrenched with Hinduphobia, anti-Brahminism, linguistic jingoism and anti-Hindi rhetoric. Obviously, not all Tamilians are ‘Dravidian’ jingoists, but the Dravidian parties have almost always dominated the political terrain in pre-independence Madras Province and post-independence Tamil Nadu, drowning out the voices of more inclusive Tamil people and political organisations. This dominant ‘Dravidian’ voice has seeped from the political discourse into popular imagination.The differences between the North and South are very much real, yet much of the animosity and aversion between the two regions is relatively recent and due to historical myth rather than reality. Some European historians and philologists such as Sir John Marshall, George Uglow Pope and Robert Caldwell, in their research and hypotheses provided the basis for a regional historical mythos, which goes back to the days of former power and glory. Dravidian ideology reconstructs history from scanty resources and ample conjecture, recalling an antiquity dating from the Indus Valley Civilisation to the powerful Tamil kingdoms of the South.The Dravidian movement — which seemingly stood for championing the lofty ideals of self-respect, social and economic equality, upliftment of the downtrodden, women’s rights, socialism, atheism and Russellian rationalism — found its way into politics of a foul nature.Brahmins, who were the erstwhile Indian priestly class and who are currently in no way numerically and politically significant in India, and Sanskrit, a language used in liturgy, high culture and secular literature, were targeted and portrayed by the proponents of Dravidian ideology as oppressive and discriminatory against the so-called ‘lower castes’. The Dravidian ideology resulted in the alienation of Brahmins and North Indians in Tamil-speaking lands. North Indians and Tamil Brahmins were (and in some cases, still are) viewed with suspicion & contempt, and were (are?) accused of allegedly imposing their language and culture in an apparent bid to undermine Dravidian/Tamil supremacy.The fierce anti-Brahmin stance of the Dravidian parties post-Independence also led to an exodus of Tamil brahmins from the state of Tamil Nadu from the 1970s to the 1990s.Ironically, most of the men who spearheaded early Dravidian politics were neither poor and nor were they from the lower socio-economic strata of society. Some were not even born in Tamil-speaking families. The Dravidian movement wasn’t a grassroots movement either, although some would like to give it that hue. The pro-British Justice Party, or the South Indian Liberation Federation, was created for the sole purpose of ending Brahmin domination in the politics and civil services of British India’s Madras Presidency. It would be delusional not to call the Justice Party an elite affair presided over by the ‘middle’ castes. One of its co-founders was a lawyer and an industrialist. Another co-founder was a well-settled Nair, who quit the Indian National Congress after his electoral defeat in 1916 and accused the Congress of harbouring caste-based prejudices. The third co-founder was a Mudaliar, from a non-Brahmin family of feudal landlords. Two of the Justice Party’s Presidents were wealthy zamindars (landholders) — the Raja of Panagal and the Raja of Bobbili. The Justice Party and its offshoots — the newly-formed ‘Dravidian parties’ — were also hostile to the Indian Home Rule movement, MK Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement and the Indian National Congress.‘Dravidian’ has never been a racial or a separate anti-‘Aryan’/anti-North Indian cultural identity. It is purely a political identity legitimised by the vague and highly suspect narratives of the “Aryan” Brahmin’s 2000 year-old suppression of the “Dravidian” non-Brahmin by supposed denial of education and other opportunities. This narrative, which is based on conjecture alone, is never questioned and is always assumed to be real.I would like to address a few things regarding the anti-Brahmin narrative of the Dravidian ideology and some other issues mentioned in another answer on this thread.1 — Some pointers about the Hindu caste system’s transformation in the Mughal & Colonial period and the idea of ‘Sanskritisation’There are two terms — varṇa and jāti — which are sometimes used interchangeably. However, these words do not mean the same thing. The Indic varṇa system is perhaps an example of what Dumézil called “Trifunctionalism”. While Dumézil, at the time, limited this organisation of a society along three functional lines to only Indo-European societies, examples of such social arrangements exist in non-Indo-European societies too. These three functions were:Sovereignty — over both the temporal and spiritual realms. Temporal sovereignty was one of order or political organisation, concerning law, the State and administration. The sovereignty over the spiritual or the supernatural was otherworldly, wild, sometimes violent and unpredictable (like nature) and also creative. Sovereignty was also highly ritualistic.Military — connected with force, violence and war.Productivity — herding, farming, crafts, mercantilism or trade, and other activities or services that were necessary for the generation of wealth and resources.The Indo-Europeans had Gods whose functions corresponded with these three functions as well. Trifunctionalism, believed Dumézil, pervaded all aspects of Indo-European life — worldview, mythology, theology, political thought, cosmology and social life.The Indo-Europeans’ gods of the first function tend to include one god who falls into each of these two categories. One is a “magician-creator” who rules “by virtue of [his] creative violence,” while the other is a “jurist-organizer” who rules “by virtue of [his] organizing wisdom.” The two types of sovereign gods form an “antithesis,” but complement one another rather than being in conflict.The second function “carries the trait of physical force in all its manifestations, from energy, to heroism, to courage.” Its “insatiable champions… vanquish demons and save the universe.” In human society, the second function is the class of warriors, who carry out the orders of the first class and fight on behalf of their people. The gods of the second function are warriors whose intellectual abilities are inferior to those of the first, but who possess the necessary strength to actually put the decisions of the intellectual gods into action.The third function “is the generative function. It is the domain of the healers, of youth, of luxury, of fecundity, of prosperity; also the domain of the healing gods, the patron deities of goods, of opulence – and also of the ‘people,’ as opposed to the small number of warriors and kings.” The third function’s human social class consists of the farmers, herders, and other “common people” engaged in productive physical labor, who provide the goods necessary for the sustenance of themselves and of the rest of society. Its gods are those who preside over fertility, abundance, and peace. They tend to be simple but wealthy and fun-loving.The Indo-European vision of a smoothly functioning world required an ‘organization’ in which the representatives of the first function commanded, the second fought for and defended the community, and the third (the greatest number of them) worked and were productive. In their eyes, it was in this hierarchy that one found the harmony necessary to the proper functioning of the cosmos, as well as that of the society. It’s an Indo-European version of the ‘social contract.’Dumézil’s theory isn’t perfect but it does offer some necessary understanding on how ancient societies probably functioned.The origin of the four social orders or the varṇas is usually traced to the Puruṣa sūkta (RV X.90) and is thus said to have had ‘religious sanction’:When they divided Purusa how many portions did they make?What do they call his mouth, his arms? What do they call his thighs and feet?The Brahman was his mouth, of both his arms was the Rajanya made.His thighs became the Vaisya, from his feet the Sudra was produced.[2]Remember that the Vedic texts do not mention the concept of untouchable people nor do they mention any practice of untouchability. Some Vedic rituals, at some point, ask the nobleman or the king to eat from the same vessel , along with the commoner-subject.[3]The caste system goes beyond mere socio-economic stratification, in that it is based more on ever-changing kinship and clan affiliations than on just some permanent social hierarchy with little or no opportunities for advancement. One must also consider the role of sacral kingship in early Vedic society and the fact that there is no fixed ‘caste-origin’ theory.… the caste system [is] an ever-evolving social reality that can only be properly understood by the study of historical evidence of actual practice and the examination of verifiable circumstances in the economic, political and material history of India.[4]19th century and 20th century scholarship on the Indian caste system was more or less based on Louis Dumont’s “structuralism”. It was Dumont who was one of the few people who described what is now popularly known as ‘Sanskritization’. The sociologist MN Srinivas, who later coined the term, had this to say:The caste system is far from a rigid system in which the position of each component caste is fixed for all time. Movement has always been possible, and especially in the middle regions of the hierarchy. A caste was able, in a generation or two, to rise to a higher position in the hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism, and by Sanskritising its ritual and pantheon. In short, it took over, as far as possible, the customs, rites, and beliefs of the Brahmins, and adoption of the Brahminic way of life by a low caste seems to have been frequent, though theoretically forbidden. This process has been called 'Sanskritisation' in this book, in preference to 'Brahminisation', as certain Vedic rites are confined to the Brahmins and the two other 'twice-born' castes.[5]This definition (if you can call it that) of Sanskritisation, in and of itself, indicates in the strongest of terms that there was opportunity for ‘upward mobility’ in the caste system. One should not forget that even a cursory reading of the various Dharma-sūtras and Dharma-śāstras would show that in addition to this ‘upward mobility’, there were also several ways by which an individual from the ‘higher’ castes could lose their caste-status and fall from grace.In another book, Srinivas adds:Sanskritisation is a profound and many-sided cultural process … Village goddesses in most parts of India have been identified with Shakti, who is in turn a manifestation of Parvati, the wife of Shiva. The cobra deity is identified in South India with Subrahmanya, the warrior son of Shiva. The Kaveri river is identified with the Ganga. Rama and Buddha are both regarded as avatars of Vishnu, and so on.[6]By this definition(?), Sanskritisation seems to be a process that has more to do with a broad, inclusive encompassing of non-Vedic cultures and peoples, rather than supposed domination over them.Patrick Olivelle, known for his works on Vedic literature, Dharma-sūtras and Dharma-śāstras, states that ancient and medieval Indian texts do not support the permanent ritual pollution and the premise of ‘purity’ (śuci) and ‘impurity’ (mālinya), which are pretty much implied in Dumont’s theory. While ‘purity-impurity’ is discussed in the Dharma-śāstra texts, it is only in the context of an individual's moral, ritual and biological pollution. There are no instances when a term of pure/impure is used with reference to a group of individuals or a varṇa or caste. Mention of impurity in Śāstra texts from the 1st millennium CE is about people who commit grievous crimes and thereby fall out of their varṇa. These "fallen people" are considered impure in the medieval Indian texts. The texts call for these people to be ostracised. Olivelle says that most of the matters relating to ‘purity’/’impurity’ in the Dharma-śāstra texts concern "individuals irrespective of their varṇa affiliation" and all four varṇas could attain ‘purity’ or ‘impurity’ by virtue of their character, actions, ethics, intent, innocence, ignorance and ritualistic behaviours. [7]In a revised second edition of his book on the Indian caste system, Dumont acknowledged the fact that the ancient varṇa system was not based on some ‘purity-impurity’ ranking principle.[8]How, then, did the caste system transform into what it has become today?There are, of course, several opinions and theories on how, when and why the caste system, as it exists today, developed. The general consensus points towards the fact that this complex system evolved over time from a fluid, dynamic, organic system in Ancient and Classical India into a crystallised, rigid, disparate system in Late Medieval and Early Modern India.I will list out the opinions of some of the scholars here.We do know that, under the Islamic sultanates of medieval India, caste descent and social stratification were used as tools of tax collection and governance.[9]The anthropologist Susan Bayly states that the jāti system emerged because it was advantageous in a pre-Independence society plagued with an unpredictable political environment, poverty, economic insecurity and absolute lack of institutional human rights.[10]Bayly further writes[11]:…until well into the colonial period, much of the subcontinent was still populated by people for whom the formal distinctions of caste were of only limited importance as a source of corporate and individual lifestyles. This would include much of Bengal, the Punjab and Southern India, as well as the far northwest and the central Deccan plain… Even in parts of the so-called Hindu heartland of Gangetic upper India, the institutions and beliefs which are now often described as the elements of traditional caste were only just taking shape as recently as the early eighteenth century - that is the period of collapse of Mughal period and the expansion of western power in the subcontinent.She observes that "caste is not and never has been a fixed fact of Indian life" and the caste system as we know it today, which is a "ritualised scheme of social stratification," evolved in two phases in the post-Mughal era, in 18th and early 19th century. Three sets of value played a significant role in this development, according to Bayly: priestly hierarchy, kingship, and armed ascetics.[12]With the Mughal empire in a state of array and disintegration in the 18th century, the regional post-Mughal ruling elite and new dynasties from varied religious, geographical and linguistic backgrounds tried to assert their power in different parts of India. [13]What happened in the initial phase of this two-stage sequence was the rise of the royal man of prowess. In this period, both kings and the priests and ascetics with whom men of power were able to associate their rule became a growing focus for the affirmation of a martial and regal form of caste ideal. (...) The other key feature of this period was the reshaping of many apparently casteless forms of devotional faith in a direction which further affirmed these differentiations of rank and community.[14]…. strategies of collective classing and ranking proved particularly valuable in circumstances where state power was fluid or insecure, and where large numbers of people had to adjust to the unpredictable in their everyday environments.[15]Dipankar Gupta opines that the various guilds (śreṇis) which developed during the Mauryan era solidified into jātis with members of the guild becoming specialists in one or more related occupations. There were no hierarchies or rankings, however, in how society was then organised and there was no strict separation of these social orders either. With the emergence of ‘feudalism’ (or rather, quasi-feudalism IMO) in India, the social orders finally became rigid during the 7–12th centuries.[16]There are other scholars as well who trace the formation of the rigid caste system to the Mughal and Colonial era.Barbara Metcalf and Thomas Metcalf write[17]:One of the surprising arguments of fresh scholarship, based on inscriptional and other contemporaneous evidence, is that until relatively recent centuries, social organisation in much of the subcontinent was little touched by the four normative hierarchic categories (varṇas)… Nor were subcastes or jāti (endogamous groups idenitified by varṇas) the building blocks of society. A major stimulus to the use of the Sanskrit categories appears to have been the claims of aspiring dynasts in the Mughal period, who as parvenu kshatriya, in turn identified peasants and soldiery as ranked groups, giving new meanings to old titles that earlier had had only loose regional or occupational meaning.…[instance] of kingly social mobility is that of Shivaji Bhonsle, the pivotal figure in the Maratha insurgency that so plagued Aurangzeb in the Deccan. Shivaji was of cultivator background, from peoples known in western India as Marathas. By the sixteenth century, the term ‘Maratha’ had acquired greater respectability …… the term Rajput had become the symbol of legitimate kshatriya rule … Shivaji [was] determined to acquire that status for himself. He recruited a learned Brahman, … [who] with other Brahmans, provided Shivaji with the ritual genealogical services that legitimized him as a descendant of warrior forebears.Coming to Tamil Nadu, Leslie C. Orr writes:Chola period inscriptions challenge our ideas not only about the situation and activity of women but also about the structuring of society in general. In contrast to what Brahmanical legal texts may lead us to expect, we do not find that caste is the organising principle of society or that boundaries between different social groups is sharply demarcated.[18]In Tamil Nadu the Vellalar (a landholding gentry) were, during the ancient and medieval period, the elite caste who were major patrons of literature.[19][20]They ranked equal to, if not higher than, the Brahmins in the social hierarchy.[21]En masse conversion theories of ‘lower castes’ into Islam under the rule of Delhi Sultans and the Mughal Emperors was not based on historical proof or verifiable sources, but by personal agendas and assumptions of Muslim historians about Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism. Conversions corroborated by historical evidence shows that the few who did convert to Islam were Brahmins.[22][23]Richard Eaton states:Looking at Bengal's Hindu society as a whole, it seems likely that the caste system – far from being the ancient and unchanging essence of Indian civilisation as supposed by generations of Orientalists – emerged into something resembling its modern form only in the period 1200 – 1500. Central to this process, as Ronald Inden has argued was the collapse of Hindu kingship.[24]The 18th and 19th centuries brought colonialism, race science and Christian evangelism to India. This, undoubtedly, brought about a huge change in how caste was seen and how people identified with their caste. The modern caste system was a result of political (often violent) struggles and processes, very much like the modern Indian republic, the modern Indian society and the modern Indian outlook of life.…the colonial intervention…actively removed the politics from colonial societies. It was not merely convenient for the British to detach caste from politics; it was necessary for them to do so in order to rule an immensely complex society by a variety of indirect means. But caste--now disembodied from its former political contexts--lived on. In this dissociated form it was appropriated, and reconstructed, by the British. Paradoxically, they were able to change caste only because caste in fact continued to be permeable to political influence.The study of the history of Orientalism not only reveals clearly the participation of early knowledge about India in the project of conquest and control, it also helps to document some of the most critical aspects of the colonial enterprise in India, an enterprise that was part of the more general documentation and certification project of the nation/colonial state discussed above.—- THE INVENTION OF CASTE: CIVIL SOCIETY IN COLONIAL INDIA by Nicholas B. DirksAnd surprise, surprise! This immense documentation and certification project continues to this day in India.Colin Mackenzie, an admirable British social historian of his time, amassed great numbers of texts and inscriptions on Indian religions, traditions, culture and local histories & narratives from the Deccan and southern India. This vast collection of writings and Mackenzie's own works have very little on caste system in 18th-century India. There are arguably major distinctions between the ethnography of India as envisioned by Mackenzie and some of his peers and the ethnography of India that became sanctioned in the 19th century.[25]Under the colonial regime, the caste system and caste organisation truly became a pivotal mechanism for administration, early forms of such a system already having been utilised in the Medieval period.In the 1881 census and thereafter, colonial ethnographers used caste (jāti) headings, to count and classify people. The 1891 census included 60 sub-groups, each of which were further divided into six occupational and racial categories; these numbers increased in later censuses.Colonial administrator Herbert Hope Risley was an ethnographer and a colonial administrator in British India. A missionary for race science, Risley used the ratio of the width of the nose to its height to divide Indians into the Aryan and Dravidian races; the Indian castes were also divided into seven racial types. Risley formally applied the caste system into the 1901 census, which further cemented caste divide in Indian society and politics.The map of the prevailing "races" of India, based on the 1901 Census of British India | Image from Wikimedia CommonsThe colonial-era census gave birth to ‘caste tables’, which ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jāti indexes for Indians on lines similar to Western classifications in the sciences of zoology and botany. These ‘caste tables’ aimed to determine who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and the caste’s collective moral worth. Some British officials criticised these exercises of zoological grouping as being little more than a caricature. British colonial officials used this list of census-driven jātis to decide which group of people were qualified for which jobs in the colonial army and government, people of which jātis were to be excluded as unreliable and people of which jātis were to be segregated as criminals.[26]These categorisations were also utilised in the late 19th century and early 20th century, to formulate land tax rates and to often profile and target some social groups as "criminal" castes and castes prone to "rebellion".[27]For instance, the Criminal Tribes Act declared everyone belonging to certain castes to be born with criminal tendencies, be they man, woman, child, aged or even newborn babes. The ‘criminal-by-birth’ castes under this Act initially included Ahirs, Gurjars and Jats, but its enforcement and expansion by the late 19th century led to the inclusion of most shūdras, Chamars, Sannyasis and hill tribes. Castes who practised martial arts, such as the Kallars and Mukkulathor in South India, were included in this list too. Entire caste groups were presumed to be guilty of crime by birth. People were arrested, children were separated from their parents, ‘criminals’ were held in penal colonies or quarantined without conviction or due process. Hundreds of Hindu communities were inserted into the Criminal Tribes Act. By 1931, the colonial government had included 237 criminal castes and tribes in Madras Presidency alone. Also see: The agony of StuartpuramThe Land Alienation Act in 1900 and Punjab Pre-Emption Act in 1913 listed castes that could legally own land and denied equivalent property rights to other census-determined ‘unreliable’ castes. These laws further prohibited the inter-generational and intra-generational transfer of land from land-owning castes to any non-agricultural castes. This prevented economic mobility of property and stunted economic growth, all the while preventing upward social mobility of castes and creating consequent caste barriers in India.Britain's own rigid class system provided the British with a model for understanding Indian society and Indian castes. Indian castes were often equated with British social classes, often viewing caste identities as a hint for occupation, social status and intellect.[28][29]Caste, as it is known today, is a modern construct. It is the offspring of a nearly 200-year long abusive relationship between India and colonial rule.All in all, one must not be too hasty in pinning blame for social evils on one particular language or people. Language is a tool of communication, used to communicate identity, ideas and culture; it is not a tool of subjugation. However, ideologies, like the Dravidian ideology or Nazism or Communism, may perhaps be used as tools of subjugation and social & political discord.2 — The antiquity of the Sanskrit and Tamil languagesI’ll just quote Wikipedia on this.Sanskrit - Wikipedia:Sanskrit (/ˈsænskrɪt/; IAST: Saṃskṛtam [sə̃skr̩t̪əm] [note 1] , Sanskrit: संस्कृतम्) is a language of ancient India with a documented history of nearly 3,500 years. [6] [7] [8] It is the primary liturgical language of Hinduism; the predominant language of most works of Hindu philosophyas well as some of the principal texts of Buddhism and Jainism. Sanskrit, in its various variants and dialects, was the lingua franca of ancient and medieval India. [9] [10] [11]Sanskrit is traceable to the 2nd millennium BCE in a form known as the Vedic Sanskrit, with the Rigveda as the earliest surviving text. A more refined and an exact grammatical form called the Classical Sanskrit emerged in mid-1st millennium BCE with the Aṣṭādhyāyītreatise of Pāṇini. [6] Sanskrit, though not necessarily Classical Sanskrit, is the root language of many Prakrit languages. [22] Examples include numerous modern daughter Northern Indian subcontinental languages such as Hindi, Nepali, Bengali, Punjabi and Marathi. [23] [24] [25]Tamil language - Wikipedia:Tamil is one of the longest-surviving classical languages in the world. [16] [17] It is stated as 20th in the Ethnologue list of most-spoken languages worldwide. [18] Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions from 500 BC have been found on Adichanallur [19] and 2,200-year-old Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions have been found on Samanamalai. [20]A recorded Tamil literature has been documented for over 2000 years. [25] The earliest period of Tamil literature, Sangam literature, is dated from ca. 300 BC – AD 300. [26] [27]Now, proto-Tamil or proto-Dravidian isn’t the Tamil that is spoken today, just the same as Sanskrit is not the same as PIE or the proto-Indo-Iranian language which branched out to become Avestan and Vedic Sanskrit. Modern Tamil has a lot of loanwords and colloquialisms from other languages like Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic, etc. Its phonology is different too.Debates on this are usually a quagmire.3 — Standardisation and codification of languageClaiming that standardisation of language — which mainly involves codification and authorisation of a particular form of grammar & dictionaries, a confirmed conventional way of spelling & pronunciation and public approval of these standards — is a way of subjugating a certain part of the populace, is quite absurd, IMO.In fact, Tamil has the second-longest history of standardisation in the Indian subcontinent, , having been codified by the author of Tolkāppiyam (written between the 3rd century BCE and the 5th century CE). The current standard written form of Tamil has been in use for roughly the past 700 years (Nannūl was written around the 13th century).In 1978, the government of Tamilnadu reformed some syllables of the modern Tamil script; does that count as subjugation? EV Ramaswamy, of the Dravidian Self-Respect Movement fame, headed a Script Reform Committee in 1947, whose recommendations were accepted by the Tamilnadu government in 1951.Interested readers may read these links:https://www.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/public/Standardization.pdfStandardization of lexical usages in Tamil: a sociolinguistic study4 — ‘Aryans’ in ancient Tamil landsTamil traditions trace the Tamil language to the venerable sage Agastya. He is regarded as the father of Tamil and the compiler of the first Tamil grammar. Agastya is indeed a culture hero in the oldest of the Tamil narratives and texts. He is also associated with the legendary Tamil sangams. Representations of Agastya abound in ancient and medieval temples in South India and South-east Asia. Agastya is linked with the maritime culture of Southern India too.Oddly enough, Agastya and his wife Lopamudra feature in the Vedas too. The couple are the authors of Rigvedic hymns and other Vedic literature. Agastya is mentioned in all the four Vedas, and makes an appearance in several Vedic and post-Vedic texts. In some Vedic narratives, he is the twin of the Vedic sage Vasiṣṭha and son of the Gods Mitra and Varuṇa. Ikṣvāku, the founder of the Solar Dynasty and ancestor of the God-king Rāma, is associated with the descendants of Agastya in the Rigveda. Vedic hymns attributed to Agastya, known for verbal play, similes, puns and puzzles, have themes of lasting reconciliation and mutual understanding, among others. We must look towards the sage’s compositions, I guess.Footnotes[1] Changing India[2] The Rig Veda/Mandala 10/Hymn 90[3] Interrogating Caste[4] Caste system in India - Wikipedia[5] Religion and Society Among the Coorgs of South India[6] Village, Caste, Gender, and Method[7] https://books.google.co.in/books?id=P_Jx52VYRssC&pg=PA217&lpg=PA217&dq=Caste+and+Purity+in+Collected+essays&source=bl&ots=zjVuHAOPhi&sig=t4Gf2ZQog66MGQ3v41Uup0IONkE&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiw6b6y_pzdAhUMo48KHR5xAB0Q6AEwCnoECAoQAQ#v=onepage&q=moral%20ritual&f=false[8] Homo Hierarchicus[9] https://books.google.co.in/books/about/Essays_in_Indian_History.html?id=foG83i6XPuMC&printsec=frontcover&source=kp_read_button&redir_esc=y#v=snippet&q=tax%20collection%20caste&f=false[10] Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age[11] https://books.google.co.in/books?id=HbAjKR_iHogC&pg=PA59&lpg=PA59&dq=well+into+the+colonial+period&source=bl&ots=U_Hm4UaihJ&sig=7BOlBQMqX-WRtbrQL1vvbQ82Bv4&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwivkITUtJXdAhUKRo8KHRMrDM4Q6AEwDHoECAMQAQ#v=onepage&q=well%20into%20the%20colonial%20period&f=false[12] https://books.google.co.in/books?id=HbAjKR_iHogC&pg=PA59&lpg=PA59&dq=well+into+the+colonial+period&source=bl&ots=U_Hm4UaihJ&sig=7BOlBQMqX-WRtbrQL1vvbQ82Bv4&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwivkITUtJXdAhUKRo8KHRMrDM4Q6AEwDHoECAMQAQ#v=onepage&q=priestly%20hierarchy&f=false[13] Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age[14] Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age[15] Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age[16] Interrogating Caste[17] https://books.google.co.in/books/about/A_Concise_History_of_Modern_India.html?id=iuESgYNYPl0C&printsec=frontcover&source=kp_read_button&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=fresh%20scholarship&f=false[18] https://books.google.co.in/books?id=F___xKcP8lMC&pg=PA30&lpg=PA30&dq=Chola+period+inscriptions+challenge+our+ideas+about+the+structuring+of&source=bl&ots=iVRw9qzNdX&sig=gmUomsv1AQNzbDi0E5-Bj5UFGfg&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj1q4KhzqDdAhUR448KHTjMBJEQ6AEwAXoECAkQAQ#v=onepage&q=Chola%20period%20inscriptions%20challenge%20our%20ideas%20about%20the%20structuring%20of&f=false[19] https://books.google.co.in/books/about/The_New_Cambridge_History_of_India.html?id=OpxeaYQbGDMC&printsec=frontcover&source=kp_read_button&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=vellalar&f=false[20] Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God[21] Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-West Pakistan[22] https://books.google.co.in/books/about/Religion_and_Society_in_Arab_Sind.html?id=xxAVAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=kp_read_button&redir_esc=y#v=snippet&q=conversions&f=false[23] https://books.google.co.in/books/about/The_Rise_of_Islam_and_the_Bengal_Frontie.html?id=H76-23A9GUYC&printsec=frontcover&source=kp_read_button&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=conversions&f=false[24] The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760[25] https://books.google.co.in/books/about/Castes_of_Mind.html?id=G0D1K4Zn_9QC&printsec=frontcover&source=kp_read_button&redir_esc=y#v=snippet&q=mackenzie%20caste&f=false[26] https://books.google.co.in/books?id=HbAjKR_iHogC&pg=PA125&lpg=PA125&dq=ranked,+standardised+and+cross-referenced+jati+listings+for+Indians+on+principles+similar+to+zoolo&source=bl&ots=U_Hn_XagjQ&sig=XP1y-YLU049XkbQd8zKImmmrLq8&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjd8c7x9aHdAhXZbX0KHfTXChcQ6AEwAXoECAkQAQ#v=snippet&q=rank%20botany%20zoology&f=false[27] https://books.google.co.in/books/about/Colonial_Subjects.html?id=R9YPYpVE64wC&printsec=frontcover&source=kp_read_button&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=criminal%20caste&f=false[28] https://books.google.co.in/books?id=I8OuIjo6KOAC&pg=PA102&dq=indian+caste+system+%22equatE%22&hl=en&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=indian%20caste%20system%20%22equatE%22&f=false[29] https://books.google.co.in/books?id=rrSEAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA18&dq=british+class+system+india+origin&hl=en&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=british%20class%20system%20india%20origin&f=false

We already have a solution to climate change and it doesn’t rely on government. Something like it is going to happen, the only question is how fast. The solution comes in three parts:Solar PV generation so cheap that beats any other energy generation option on levelised costA cost-effective energy storage solution to solve short term intermittency (hours and days): i.e., cloudy days, night-time.A cost-effective energy storage solution to solve long term intermittency (weeks and months) i.e., winterNone of these require government to intervene. All we need is existing technology, market forces and time. Our hope is that the time we need isn’t long enough for us to cook the planet with fossil fuels.Let’s go through these pieces one by one.1. Solar PV will beat any other power generation method on cost by 2030 (yes, I do mean unsubsidised cost):Solar photovoltaics are already way cheaper than you think they are. Even in cloudy, northern countries like Germany and Denmark they’re at grid parity. In sunnier counties like India they’re the cheapest power source available (providing the lowest bids in the Andra Pradesh, Telengana, Punjab and Madhya Pradesh state auctions in 2014 and 15, beating local and imported coal). And in ideal places like Chile and Nigeria, they come in way, way below the next-cheapest options, even if you take away subsidies and match them vs local power stations burning the plentiful local coal.What are unsubsidised costs looking like versus other generation technologies? In 2015, they looked like this:Source: Lazard - grey diamonds = 2017 estimates.Look at the “utility scale” lines: PV at scale is cheaper than fossil fuels (and even for residential/commercial it’s comparable with grid costs). Let’s emphasise again: this is unsubsidised levelised cost.But this isn’t the astonishing part: the astonishing part is the rate at which PV cost is dropping.While this pattern has been known for a while, it has recently been recognised and named as “Swanson’s Law”: with every doubling of solar installation, we get a price reduction per watt of approximately 20%.Source: Wikimedia CommonsSwanson’s law is just a specific example of the familiar exponential “learning curve” as studied by T. P. Wright in the 1930s, and later commercialised by BCG. And while a 20% version is a pretty high factor, it’s not in any way unprecedented. So why is this so exciting?It’s exciting because of how often the volumes are doubling: every 2.2 years, give or take. Put another way, around 90% of the solar PV generating electricity today was installed since 2010.A 20% cost-learning factor, with 2.2 year doubling time has such a powerful effect on prices that it’s hard for humans to grasp. If it continues, then by 2030, solar PV will be around a third of the cost it is today. There will be nothing to compete with solar PV in almost any country in the world; subsidised or unsubsidised. Not coal, not gas, not nuclear, not anything.*What is more, PV solar even at its current efficiency levels is easily capable of supplying the world’s long-term energy demands (best-guess, around 30TW) and can do so using less than 1% of the land area we have available.So why do we have this idea that solar has a punitive cost? Mostly because it’s only been in the last few years that Swanson’s law has pushed prices into the strike zone for grid parity. Even in 2010, people felt comfortable dismissing PV as far too pricey for all but niche applications, simply it because it was about twice the price it is today. And people don’t like changing their beliefs. Even now, those who do accept Swanson’s law search around for reasons why this breakneck cost reduction cannot possibly continue. Computer industry veterans will be reminded of the reams of analysis predicting that Moore’s law would break down in every year since 1965.It seems that being close to the effect doesn’t help: the experts keep on getting overtaken by the pace at which solar gets cheaper. Let’s look at the IEA (International Energy Authority) projections for energy cost. In 2010 they published their ten year projections, saying that in places without much sun like the UK, then in 2020 you might get an all-in cost of $0.21 per KWh, rising to around $0.105 per KWh in the very sunniest countries.In 2015, the UK held a competitive auction, and obtained bits of $0.12 per KWh. In sunnier countries they were getting bids of $0.06. That is, five years earlier than the IEA’s dates, prices were already 40% lower than the IEA estimates. Oops.In the meantime, the IEA noticed the plummeting cost of solar was overtaking their predictions, so in 2014 they revised their estimates down a bit. This time they went out further, and boldly projected that in 2050, there was a best case scenario in which solar PV could produce a cost as low as $0.05 per KWh.But in May 2016, Dubai accepted a bid just under $0.03 per KWh, and Chile accepted one for $0.029 in August. These were good sites, and they benefited from policy, but they were 40% lower than the IEA estimate, and delivered … er … 34 years early. Big oops.This keeps on happening. Solar keeps getting cheaper, and keeps doing so faster than anyone is prepared to write down.A lot of people will be thinking (or shouting): “But solar only works when the sun’s shining! What damn good is it to have cheap electricity only during the day, and when it’s not cloudy! And what about winter, when energy needs are the highest?”These people are right. That’s what the other two bits of the solution are about.2. A cost-effective energy storage solution to solve short term intermittency (hours to days):There are many options for short-term energy storage, including compressed air, flow batteries, pumped hydro, and even esoteric technologies like super-capacitors. But the most likely storage option in the near term is good old lithium-based batteries.Why do I say this? It’s because of their price: lithium-ion cells are racing down a learning curve similar to the one that PV is on. And we’re seeing a slope of about the same steepness (20% cheaper every time you double capacity). It may be even faster: it’s been estimated at 22%, and with new large-scale production put in place by Panasonic and Tesla, we might see it go even faster than that.There may be better technologies on the drawing board (lithium air comes to mind as the lurking gasoline-killer), but with current prices of $100–200 per kwh today, and a learning curve of 20%+, it’s going to be damn hard for even a superior tech to catch up with lithium-ion. So here’s the second part of the vision: generation is provided by solar at prices cheaper than anything else, with short-term storage provided mostly by lithium based batteries to take account of night-time and cloudy days (and yes, there’s enough lithium to make, and enough space to place these battery packs where they’re needed).Final piece:3 A cost-effective energy storage solution to solve long term intermittency (weeks and months) i.e., winterThe trouble is, if we’re anywhere away from the equator, we need to get through the winter. And running cables from countries near the equator doesn’t work.** Wind helps (especially if in the UK, Germany or Nordics) but there are still months at a time where you’ll see a deficit. This will be made up in the summer months, where there will be a massive glut of low-priced electricity from PV, so what we’re looking for is some way to store a few hundred terrawatt hours of energy for several months.This is much harder than short-term energy storage. In my view, there’s only one reasonable way of doing energy of this scale for months at a time and it goes by the name of Power to Gas (P2G).When you have a massive surplus of PV power (summer), you run electrolyzers to produce hydrogen from water (you probably did this experiment in high school chemistry). We once thought that you could then store and use this hydrogen directly in fuel cells and turbines. But the hydrogen solution is a lot harder than it looks. Hydrogen has an awful energy storage capacity by volume: it escapes and erodes anything that hasn’t been purpose-built to hold it, and needs to be kept under high pressure. Fuel cells aren’t there yet either. The investment to make a full hydrogen infrastructure will be astronomical.Any decent civilisation would get together overcome these technical and financial obstacles and make the hydrogen economy work. But we’ve a set of second-rate civilizations and are trying to do it without government help, so we need a solution that doesn’t incur such vast infrastructure costs.What will work?It turns out that there’s a very simple process (the Sabatier reaction) that combines hydrogen with carbon dioxide to make two ingredients: water and methane — natural gas. And we already have all the infrastructure to store a lot of energy in the form natural gas. Even better, we have the efficient combined cycle gas turbines, which can turn this gas back into electricity on demand.So now start looking at the interesting companies (e.g., Germany’s Electrochaea) who have commercialised the power-to-gas process. All these companies need is a source of CO2 (from e.g., concrete manufacture, or fossil fuel generation) a load of electricity and a bit of water. With cheap PV, we’ll have all three of those ingredients.This is the way we go. We take our surplus electricity in summer (produced at zero cost by our solar PV) and use it to make natural gas to store for the winter. We store and recycle the CO2 given off when we burn the natural gas in our CCG turbines, and plunge it back into the process again.To emphasise, this long-term storage solution isn’t anywhere close to commercial cost levels. Every step of this cycle needs to be a lot cheaper than it is right now to be supportable without government subsidy, a carbon tax or other interventions. But no-one’s even started going down the learning curve on these stages.(Looking further into the future: the limiting factor will be CO2 supply. We will be making concrete using processes that don’t generate any CO2, and we certainly don’t want to burn any new fossil fuels. Where will we find our sources of CO2 then? The obvious place to look is the air around us, and capture atmospheric CO2. This capture is pretty hard, but with processes being implemented right now by companies such as Climeworks in Switzerland, we’re on the path. We use our cheap solar again to pull CO2 out of the atmosphere and into the P2G: this neatly manages to make a bit of a dent on the too-high levels of atmospheric CO2 by storing it our energy reservoir of natural gas. It’ll be 2030+ before this sort of thing becomes commercial, but it’s a nice bonus nonetheless.)The neat thing about all this is that there are very few barriers in our way. We are using existing technologies and existing infrastructure (electricity and gas transmission are already there). All we need is for the learning curves to keep going,*** which will drive the installation volumes to keep coming, and market forces will do the rest.In theory, government could speed all this up if it got involved. It could get us down those learning curves faster by supporting installations (e.g., by investing directly, adding subsidies or imposing carbon taxes). This would really speed the technologies to their way to widespread adoption.But we don’t need government. What we need is private finance to start investing in large scale solar PV, in large-scale battery manufacture, and in power-to-gas technologies. We need some tech billionaires to think about future generations, look at the technologies in front of them and make some big bets with their cash piles; we need pension funds to start investing in smaller bets than they’re used to, and we really need the big energy companies to get their heads out of their barrels of oil, realise that they’re going to get clobbered by solar in the next 10–20 years, and need to get on board with it.Fortunately some of these things are happening, if only in a rather scatter-gun way. But we need more, and quickly, because although something like this future will happen just on by market forces, we as humans need it to happen fast: we need this switch to solar to happen before climate change causes irreparable damage.Notes and sources:[*] None of these older technologies are undergoing a experience curve similar to solar. Fossil fuels aren’t because they maxed out the capacity increases years ago; nuclear isn’t because it doesn’t seem to have an experience curve, probably due to increasing safety concerns and the fact that new plants are installed so infrequently that new crews are used for every new one and have no chance to learn. Wind is the only generation tech that is undergoing a similar curve, which will likely provide a great complement to solar, especially for northern regions of Europe and the US. But it’s also intermittent, so the other two parts of the solution will be needed even when large-scale wind is added to the mix.[**] Michael Barnard, who knows a shed-load more than me about all this, discusses in comments that I may be being over-pessimistic about the potential for long-range electrical transport to cover local intermittency. If so, the need for short and long-term storage is reduced, and we can get this future easier, cheaper and faster than described. For the purpose of this answer, I will assume that new large capacity electrical transport requires government help, so is out of scope.[***] Will the solar and battery learning curves keep going? Work by Doyne Farmer and others suggests they will. Once a tech gets on a reliable learning curve it tends to keep going down it, until saturation volumes are reached.Sources: IEA, Lazard, Fraunhofer, The Economist; Farmer and Lafond (2015); most indebted to Goodall (2016) The Switch

You have to register yourself with WCL to participate in the e-Auction.You can register as an individual or as a firm if you have a registered firm.Details available at the url belowe-Auctions | Western Coalfields LimitedTerms & Conditions :The detailed terms and conditions of the "e-Auction Scheme - 2007" are given below :Eligibility :Any Indian Buyer (viz. individual, partnership firm, companies etc.) can participate in e-Auction for procurement of coal.Registration :Before participation in the e-Auction, a prospective Buyer shall be required to get itself / himself registered with the Service Provider appointed by the CIL / Coal Companies for the purpose, by submitting an application in the prescribed format available on the Website of the respective Service Providers. The application shall be made along with the required documents such as copy of Income Tax return (latest), PAN Number, Sales Tax / Vat Registration Certificate, SSI Registration, Trade License, if applicable, Passport size photograph, etc. as prescribed by the service provider. Registration can be done either online, or at any of the front offices of the service provider.After the registration, all-prospective Buyers will have an auto generated "Unique User ID" & a "password" based on which they can log in. Details of the registration process with the service provider will be available in their respective websites. Addresses of Service Providers along with their web sites are given below :Address of M/S MSTC LTD. MUMBAI:607,Raheja Centre, Nariman Point,MUMBAI-400 021PHONE NO. 022-22886261website: www.mstcecommerce.comAddress of M/s METAL JUNCTION SERVICES LTD.Tata Centre, 43, Jawaharlal Nehru Road,Kolkata - 700 071.website: www.coaljunction.comThe service provider shall issue "Photo Identity Card" to their registered bidders duly authenticating the identity & signature, indicating a "Unique Registration Number" allotted to them. The "Unique registration number" of the registered bidders shall be communicated to the Coal Companies by the service provider.Only one registration will be done against one PAN number. However, based on more than one independent valid sales tax registration, more than one registration against a PAN Number can be considered. In such cases, the details of valid sales tax registration will be indicated in each "Photo Identity Card".All Buyers having been registered with the service providers shall also have to furnish non-interest bearing Earnest Money Deposit (EMD) at the rate of Rs.200/- per tonne, with the Service Provider. This EMD shall not be specific for a particular Subsidiary Coal Company and shall be available with the Service Provider for participation in the e-Auction across the Subsidiary Coal Companies of CIL, as long as the required amount of EMD is available in the bidders a/c. with the Service Provider.Notification :Quantity, grade/size and sources from where coal is to be sold through e Auction, will be notified on websites of WCL www.westerncoal.gov.in and on websites of Service Providers 7 days in advance from the date of e-Auction.There will be separate auction for dispatches by rail and road mode. The minimum quantity for bidding would be 50 (fifty) tonnes for a source for Road mode, where as in case of Rail the minimum quantity for bidding would be 1 (one) rake. The rake size shall be as per prevalent Railway Rules. The quantity of coal in a rake shall be as indicated in the notice of E-auction.The Buyer should satisfy itself / himself about the Rake fit stations / destinations from the Railways before participation in e-Auction by rail, Non-acceptance of the programme, even after the option exercised under extant Railway rules, on account of rake-fit stations / destinations being not accepted by the Railways shall be treated as a failure of the Buyer leading to forfeiture of relatable EMD.Bidding Process :The registered Bidders shall be required to record their acceptance after login, of the Terms & Conditions of the e-Auction before participation in the actual Bidding Process.Before participating in e-Auction, bidders are to satisfy themselves with the quality of coal being offered from a source.Prospective Bidders are entitled to Bid for the quantity to the extent of amount of EMD for which is available with the service provider in the bidder's account at the time of bidding. The Buyers while bidding shall quote their "Bid price" per tonne in Indian Rupee as base coal price on FOR/FOB colliery basis, exclusive of other charges like statutory levies, surface transportation charges, sizing/beneficiation charges, taxes, cess, royalty, SED, & any other charges as will be applicable at the time of delivery. These charges as well as freight etc. shall be on the Buyer's account.The bidder has to bid for a price equal to or above the reserve price to secure consideration in the concerned e-Auction.The date, time and period of e-Auction as notified in advance including closing time on portal of service provider shall be adhered to but for the event of force majeure. However, the closing time of e-Auction will be automatically extended up to last Bid time, plus 5 minutes, so that opportunity is given to other Bidders for making an improved Bid on that item.The Bidder shall offer his Bid price (per tonne) in the increment of Rs.10/- (Rupees ten) during the Normal e-Auction period. During the extended period of first two (2) hours, the Bidder shall offer his Bid price in the increment of Rs.20/-. Beyond this extended period of two hours the bid price increment would be Rs. 50/- (Rs.Fifty ) only.While maintaining the secrecy of Bidder's identity, the web site shall register and display on screen the lowest successful Bid price at that point of time. The system will not allow a Bidder to Bid in excess of his entitled quantity as per his EMD. However once a Bidder is out-bided by another (in part or full) the particular Bidder shall become eligible for making an improved Bid.Following criteria would be adopted in deciding the successful bidders :-Precedence will be accorded to the highest bid price in the descending order (H1, H2, H3 and so on) as long as the offered quantity is available for allocation.If two or more buyers bid the same highest price, precedence for allotment will be accorded to the buyer who has placed the bid for the higher quantity.in case two or more buyers bid the same price and the same quantity, precedence will be given to the buyer who has accorded his bid first with reference to time.Post e-Auction process :Each successful bidder will be intimated through e-mail / SMS by the Service Provider on the same date after the closure of e-Auction. However, it will be the responsibility of the bidder to personally see and download the result displayed on website, on the same date after close of e-Auction.The successful bidders after the e-Auction, will be required to deposit coal value with WCL, within a period of seven working days, after the date of closing of e-Auction. Seven working days would be reckoned as applicable to WCL where the payment/ deposit is required to be made.Equivalent amount of EMD of successful bidder corresponding to successful bid quantity, shall be blocked and will be transferred to WCL by the service provider along-with the bid sheet in respect of successful bidders.Terms of Payment :The coal value to be deposited in advance by the successful bidders shall be computed and deposited after making provision for the EMD amount for the successful bid quantity already transferred by the service provider to WCL. In other words, the coal value to be deposited and EMD amount together, shall be equivalent to the 100 % coal value.EMD amount shall not be treated as an adjustment towards the coal value but would stand converted into a 'Security Deposit' for performance of the bidders towards completion of the said transaction.The above security deposit (as converted from the EMD amount) would be adjusted as coal value, only after completion of lifting of coal covered under coal value paid, excluding security deposit. However, in the event of default in performance by the bidder, the provision of forfeiture of the 'Security Deposit' (as converted from the EMD) as stipulated, would be applicable.in - Crazy Domains case of road supplies, once the coal value is deposited by way of demand draft /pay order, in favour of Western Coalfields Ltd, drawn on any scheduled bank, payable at Nagpur along-with the debit advice issued by the bank, certifying that the DD/pay order has been issued, by debiting the account of the concerned Buyer, Sale/Delivery orders shall be issued within seven days by the coal company after encashment of Buyer's financial instrument.In case of successful bidders, if the coal value is deposited for less than the allotted Quantity but not below 50% of the allotted quantity or, 50 tonne whichever is higher, WCL shall accept the payment for the said amount and forfeit the EMD for the failed quantity. However if the buyer fails to deposit the coal value for at least 50% of the allotted quantity or 50 tonnes whichever is higher then the entire EMD of the allotted quantity shall be forfeited.However, a successful bidder whose allotted quantity is only 50 tonnes will be allowed to deposit coal value for minimum 90% i.e 45 tonnes within the stipulated period of 7 days without which the amount shall not be accepted. In such event they shall be permitted to deposit the balance fractional amount, limited to 10 % of the total coal value of 50 tonne, within the subsequent period of 3(three) working days. In spite of this, if they fail to deposit full coal value of 50 tonne (minimum bid quantity), EMD for entire 50 tonne shall be http://forfeited.In case of rail borne supplies, there shall be two options available. While submitting program, the bidder at his option can deposit 100 % BG on the prescribed format from the buyers own account or else may deposit 100% amount through demand draft /pay order, drawn in favour of the concerned coal company, along with the debit advice, issued by the bank certifying that the DD/pay order has been issued by debiting the account of the concerned buyer Resources and Information. case of Buyers who have booked their rail programme through BG, a notice for deposition of coal value by way of DD/Pay order, will be displayed on the notice board of the coal company, at least three working days in advance before the expected date of offer to the Railways for allotment. The Buyer will be accordingly required to deposit DD/Pay Order along with the debit advice to the tune of BG involved in the programme, within 48 hours of such notice.In the event of non-deposition of 100% coal value by the Bidder in terms of Clause-6.7 above, the consent given against rake programme will be withdrawn by the coal company and EMD as per e-Auction scheme will be forfeited.Payment can also be made through RTGS/NEFT within the stipulated date. Payments received / credited after due date will not be accepted for releasing coal. Particulars of Bank account are given below :Name of the Bank --- State Bank of India.Branch--- Coal Estate, Nagpur.Coal Sale a/c No.--- 10205966080.RTGS No.--- SBI N 0009060MICR No.--- 440002023.While transmitting coal value through RTGS/NEFT, customers should ensure following :Customers should submit along with application, original counter foil of Bank, by which payment was handed over for transmission. Counter foil should indicate customer code, colliery code and e-Auction No. for identification of payment.As per practice in vogue customer should also enclose Bank debit advice, self attested copy of ID Card issued by Service Provider and Sale Intimation Letter.Separate payment should be transmitted for each allotted quantity.While submitting payment for transfer, customer must insist to their bankers to transmit following particulars also , as without these details, it would not be possible to link transferred payment with particular customer / quantity allocation.Customer nameCustomer codeColliery codee-Auction dateIn case of default in payment, apart from forfeiture of EMD, WCL also reserves the right to debar the defaulter from participating in forthcoming e-Auctions for such period as decided by WCL management.Apart from e-Auction price, successful buyers will also have to make full payment of other statutory charges, taxes, levies like royalty, SED, sales tax and surface transportation charges, entry tax, transit fee, Madhya Pradesh Gramin Avasanrachana Tatha Sadak Vikas Adhiniyam - 2005 etc. wherever applicable, at the prevailing rates. In case there is any change in these charges after the closure of e-Auction but before completion of lifting, changed rates will be payable for the quantity balance on the date such change in rates is made effective.Rates of other charges as on date are:ROYALTY :Royalty will be calculated as per the following formula :Royalty (Rs. / tonne) = a + bP(where "P" (Price shall mean basic Pit head price of ROM (run of mine) coal as reflected in the invoice, excluding taxes, levies and other charges and the value of "a" (fixed component) and "b" variable or ad - valorem component 5%)70Coal GradeRate in Rs/MT (a)"B" STEAM130"C" STEAM90"D" STEAM70"B" SLACK130"C" SLACK90"D" SLACK "D" ROM70"E" ROM "B/B" MIX130"B/C" MIX114"C/C" MIX90"C/D" MIX82"C/E" MIX82"D/D" MIX70"D/E" MIX70"WG II" MIX130SED : Rs. 10.00 per mtSURFACE TRANSPORTATION CHARGES (STC)Transportation distance (from pit head to loading point)Rate in Rs/mt (a)3 kms upto 10 kms.40.0010kms upto 20 kms.70.0020 kms.On actual basis.SIZING CHARGES : Sizing charges of Rs. 35/- per tonne for limiting the top size of coal to 250 mm by mechanical or manual means, are included in the e-Auction reserve price. However, if top sizes further limited to smaller size e.g. 100/50 mm, then Rs. 55/- per tonne may be levied.SALES TAX / VAT : VAT / Sales Tax will be charged at the rate of 4% on sum total of price and other charges. In case buyer desires to avail any concession against Central Sales Tax, initially buyer have to pay full sales tax and difference will be refunded on receipt of confirmation from authority issuing concession form(s)ENTRY TAX :Entry tax, Transit Fee and "Madhya Pradesh Gramin Avsanrachana Tatha Sadak Vikas Adhiniyam "2005" (levied only on coal produced and depatched from the mines located in Madhya Pradesh) :Transit Fee at the rate of Rs. 7/- per tonneMadhya Pradesh Gramin Avsanrachana Tatha Sadak Vikas Adhiniyam '2005 @ 5% on the e-Auction price.Entry Tax @ 2% on total amountProcedure of Coal Delivery :By Road :Coal company shall issue Sale / Delivery Orders to the successful bidders in terms of Clause 6.4 after realisation of payment. The Buyer has to submit the option before the issue of the Sale / Delivery Order for movement of the coal "within state" or "outside state" and the Sale / Delivery Order would indicate the same accordingly. However, the challan issued by the Coal Company shall indicate the destination.The validity period to complete lifting of coal by road shall be 45 days from the date of issue of Sale/Delivery Order. No extension of validity will be allowed in any case.By RailThe seniority of buyers in case of rail borne supplies shall be guided by the seniority list as provided by the service provider based on buyer's bids.The quantity allotted against each rake is indicative quantity only and delivery shall be made on the basis of actual weighment by the Seller at the loading end.The validity period for seeking allotment of rake in case of rail supplies shall be 45 days from the date of issue of consent by WCL. Once the rake is allotted it shall remain valid for supply of coal as per prevailing Railway Rules.Although loading will be the responsibility of WCL, but to avoid any complaint regarding over-loading, under loading and quality, the Buyer himself or his authorized representative may supervise loading at the loading point. The authorized representative must carry valid authority letter along with photocopy of Identity Card issued by Service Provider.The overloading and under loading charges, if any, at the rates applicable as per Railway rules, will be borne by WCL and the respective Buyer / bidder as follows :Overloading charges will be borne by the Buyer / Bidder.Under loading charges shall be borne by WCL where the loadability of the wagons is not under dispute.The weighment at the loading end shall be final and binding for all commercial purposes.Refund of EMD for Unsuccessful bidders :In case of unsuccessful bidders, EMD shall be refunded by the Service Provider after the auction is over, on the bidder's request. However, if no such request is received the Service Provider will retain the EMD for participation in e-Auction in future.Forfeiture of EMD :The EMD submitted by the successful Bidders will be liable for forfeiture in the following cases:If after completion of e-Auction, a successful bidder fails to make payment for the coal value including all other charges within the stipulated time, the proportionate EMD equivalent to the failed quantity shall be forfeited subject to the provisions at Clause 6.4 and/or Clause 6.5 of this document, and/or,If the successful bidders does not lift the booked quantity within the stipulated validity period, the proportionate Security Deposit @ Rs. 200/- per Tonne (as converted from the EMD amount) for the unlifted quantity would be forfeited. Such forfeiture shall be made only if the balance Unlifted Quantity is equal or more than a Truck Load i.e.9 or 10 tonnes as applicable.Such forfeiture, however, would not take place if the coal company has failed to offer full or part of the successful bid quantity within the validity period. In such cases again, no forfeiture would take place if the balance quantity is less than a truck load/rake load.If the Buyer cancels the order/Rake after booking, the EMD @ Rs.200/- per tonne shall be forfeited for the rake cancelled.Refund of Coal value :The balance coal value of the unlifted quantity after the expiry of the validity period for supply of coal and completion of required commercial formalities shall be refunded subject to forfeiture of EMD if required, in terms of the forfeiture clause as above.General Terms & Conditions :The coal procured under e-Auction is for use within the country and Not for Export.All terms and conditions of Scheme are subject to force majeure conditions as applicable.Bidders must always ensure to keep their email address valid. In any case Buyers can not be absolved from fulfilling the responsibility of compliance of any of the terms and conditions herein including payment terms due to non-receipt of emails from the Service Provider.Bidders must be extremely careful to avoid any error in bidding (whether typographical or otherwise) and they are fully responsible to check and rectify their bid before submitting their Bid into the live e-Auction floor by clicking the "Bid" button. During the auction if the incremental bid price is more than 50% of the immediate preceding bid price, then the system will seek a re-confirmation from the Bidder before the bid is registered.There is no provision for bidding in decimals. The Bidder shall be solely responsible for all consequences arising out of the bid submitted by him (including any wrongful bidding by him) and no complaint /representation will be entertained by the Service Provider/WCL in this regard.The decision of the Director-In-Charge of Marketing of CIL / WCL in matters related to this e-Auction shall be final and binding on the bidders / Buyers.Quantity mentioned in notice are only indicative and may undergo a change depending on factors like actual production of coal, bottlenecks in coal transportation etc.There will not be any joint/ third party sampling facility extended to any buyer. Refusal on account of non-suitability and /or sub-standard quality for the allotted quantity of coal shall not be acceptable.WCL / Service Provider reserve the right to cancel the sale of coal under this e-Auction from any source / location in part or whole at any stage at its sole discretion without assigning any reason thereof and no party shall have any right whatsoever to raise any claim in that regard on that count.CIL/WCL reserves their rights to amend/modify and revise the terms and conditions contained herein in full or in part at any point of time and no party shall have any right whatsoever to raise any claim in that regard on that count.Sale under each e-Auction shall be an individual, independent, unique and complete http://transaction.In the event of any dispute, Bidder / Buyer is necessarily required to represent in writing to the General Manager (Sales & Marketing) WCL, who would deal with the same in a period of one month from such representation. Thereafter, if required the matter be determined by the Director-In-Charge of Marketing WCL. Any interpretation of any clause of this will be subject to clarification by CIL, which will be deemed as firm and final. All disputes arising out of this scheme, or in relation thereto in any form whatsoever shall be dealt exclusively by way of arbitration in terms of the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996. The arbitration shall be conducted at Calcutta at a place to be notified by CIL. The arbitrator shall be appointed by the Chairman and Managing Director, CIL upon written request in this behalf. The award rendered by the Arbitrator shall be final and binding on the parties. (The place of arbitration & nomination of arbitrator be varied appropriately in view of the Coal Company involved)".FORCE MAJEURE :WCL will not be liable for any failure or delay in performance due to any cause beyond their control including but not limited to Fires, Floods, Strikes, Go-Slow, Lock-outs, closure, Pestilence, Dispute, Epidemics, Political upheavals, Government action, Civil commotion, Breakdown of machinery, shortage of labour, Acts of God etc. The provisions aforesaid shall not be limited or abrogated by any other terms of contract whether printed or written.Address of WESTERN COALFIELDS LTD.-GENERAL MANAGER (S&M),COAL ESTATE, CIVIL LINES,NAGPUR-440 001PHONE NO. 2511121 PBX-0712-2511381 (Extension 5641),website : www.westerncoal.gov.in