Policy For The Administration Of The High Performance: Fill & Download for Free

Excellent answer by Matt Riggsby below. I can only reinforce it.Noblemen worked very hard because they were responsible for the organization and administration of dominant sector of the economy (agriculture) as well as being the principal administrators of government and justice (serving in both the executive, legislative, and judicial branches) and the backbone of the defense system.In addition, they were responsible for maintaining the wealth and welfare of their own extended family. This was an activity similar to running a major corporation today because of the large number of properties and diverse skills required to ensure sustainable (or expanding) revenues commensurate with the lifestyle and patronage expected of noblemen.As landowners their activities resembled that of the CEO of a major agricultural corporation, with multiple subsidiaries, all of which had to be monitored. They would need to keep careful account of which units were performing and which were not, provide financial assistance after man-made or natural disasters, fill vacancies in the management of subsidiaries and possibly enact policies to encourage innovation and the like.They administered justice and acted as the executive-branch of the king. This means they served as judges, sitting in court sessions and hearing evidence, but also that they also largely responsible for enforcing the law within their own fiefs, guaranteeing “law and order” for those living inside their areas of jurisdiction. They employed lesser officials to make arrests and collect taxes, but ultimately sat in judgement on cases brought before their courts.They attended parliament or the equivalent in other countries such as the High Court of Jerusalem. So, while such bodies were in session their day resembled that of congressman or senator, debating and enacting legislation.Finally, they were responsible for raising troops to defend the realm against internal and external enemies. In this capacity their functions/duties were similar to multiple generals in the army today because they were responsible for a range of responsibilities such as recruitment, provisioning, mustering, and logistics as well as the command of contingents of troops in combat.

Let us imagine that the rules of the game of cricket are amended and it is provided under the new rules that the captain of the cricket team shall be elected by the people of India by a popular vote and any citizen of India can contest the election for the captain-ship. The rest of the players shall continue to be selected by the selection board as it is done now.Once the cricket captain is selected by an election, it would invite all sorts of people including businessmen, politicians, players, umpires commentators and so on.Unlike the present system, where the best player is usually the captain, you can have a captain who has no ability to play cricket. You may even get old person elected as captain because there would be no age restriction for the captain.The way the common people vote in any country, you may expect to see a cinema star, a business tycoon or a popular Politian of sixty-eighty year, who had perhaps never held a bat in his hand or never bowled a ball, becoming the cricket captain.By virtue of becoming the captain, they would have all the power to shuffle the players at any position, decide the placement of the field and choose the bowler to bowl.What do you think the captain shall do?Can he ignore the skill, talent and views of his team member?If the best cricket player is elected as captain, it would be business as usual. He would know his job and he also command the respect of the team and the audience.However, if a novice is elected as the captain (which is most likely), he would have no option but to consult the players and use them to make the best of their ability. If he does not have the basic understanding of the cricket, he would perhaps appoint the best player of the team as the vice-captain and follow his advice for everything.A captain has no option but to work together with all his team members to win any game.If he fails to create a team spirit within the team and fail to motivate all the players to give his best, there is no way, he can ever win any game at all.The job of government administration is quite similar and it too is highly technical in nature.You have to follow a large number of rules and laws to perform your job.You need to have years of experience to learn the administrationYou need expertise in every department to produce the resultsNo captain can ever hope to win a game without the active support of all his team members.The rules of democracy is such that the head/captain of the government (PM/CM/Minister) is an elected person (political) while the knowledge and expertise of administration is available with the civil servants like IAS, IPS or IRS officers.Hence, every good politician not only listens to the advice of the civil servants but even take their advice to draft laws and policies for the nation. They consult senior civil servants for every matter including the transfer and postings of other civil servants since the senior civil servants know their other colleagues much better than the politicians.Picture: Google Images

The story of Sikkim is unlike any other state in India. It is a story filled with ups and downs, spies and princes, an American Princess under the shadow of a Socialist state in the coldest years of the Cold War, a tangled web of political intrigue under the shadows of Kanchenjunga.Sounds a bit James Bondesque, doesn’t it?A traditional mask dance being performed by a Lama during the Phanglabsol festivalFor our story to start we have to take a trip down the memory lane, all the way back to August 1947, when a young leader in Delhi was full of dreams for his nation.“Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny; and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour…”Wait. Not that one. This one.Introducing Maharajkumar Sri Panch Palden Thondup Namgyal, the 23-year-old Crown Prince of Sikkim.As India became Independent on that fateful night of August, almost half of India was still not a part of it yet. These were the Princely States, ruled not by the British directly but via a local Maharajah or a Nawab.These states and their rulers were very diverse with respect to their language, culture and religion. Some were ardent Indian nationalists, while some wanted nothing to do with India. Some were rich and some were poor. I won’t go too much into this topic but will merely compare two extremes among 500+ princely states, i.e. Vejanoness and Hyderabad.The Nizam of Hyderabad ruled over a Kingdom the size of Laos consisting of a population of over 16 million people. The yearly revenue of the state in 1901 was 417 million rupees. He had his own Army, Civil Service, Currency, Postal Service, Anthem, Railways and Airline. The last Nizam’s son was married to Dürrüşehvar Sultan, daughter of the last Caliph of the Ottoman Empire, Abdul Mejid II.The Thakore of Vejanoness, on the other hand, ruled over an area of 0.76 sq. km and a population of 193. The yearly revenue of the state in 1901 was 750 rupees.The only thing similar between them was that both of them had to submit in front of the Indian State.However, the young prince had achieved something incredible during his visit to Delhi! A promise from Nehru that Sikkim along with the other Himalayan states were “special” unlike the other Princely states, and that their future would be negotiated separately.These Himalayan kingdoms were:The Kingdom of Nepal under the Shah dynasty,The Kingdom of Bhutan under the Wangchuk dynasty andThe Kingdom of Sikkim under the Namgyal dynastyOf these three kingdoms, Sikkim was in the weakest position in all possible parameters. But their biggest problem was demographic.You see, the Namgyals of Sikkim were minoritarian monarchs, not unlike the present-day Al Khalifas of Bahrain. Bhutia Buddhist monarchs ruling a largely Nepali Hindu populace. This was a result of the massive Nepali migration into the region during the British rule, eventually turning Sikkim Hindu majority(~75% of the population).H. H. Risley notes in the 1894 edition of ‘The Gazetteer of Sikkim’:“Hinduism will assuredly cast out Buddhism and the praying wheel of the Lama will give place to the sacrificial implements of Brahman.”The Buddhist rulers of Sikkim who were known by the title of Chogyal and their feudal underlings the Kazis were very autocratic and oppressive towards their Nepalese Hindu subjects.So while the Durbar was delighted at having a chance of being a separate kingdom, they weren’t ready to reform the terribly antiquated feudal system of Sikkim. On December 1947, protests broke out against the exorbitant rents extracted from the tenant farmers, led by 22-year-old young Nepali youth named CD Rai. The group decided to deliver a petition to the Political Officer(Representative of Delhi to Gangtok), Arthur Hopkinson, in the hope that he might support their call for change.He didn’t.The Residency, home of the Political Officer in GangtokHowever, those protests changed the political culture of Sikkim, bringing the disenfranchised ordinary Sikkimese Nepalis into the political arena in a way that had previously been unthinkable. A political party was formed, the Sikkim State Congress (SSC) which made it’s three demands:‘Landlordism’ must be abolishedAn Interim government must be formedSikkim should agree to accede to India.The Crown Prince was willing to fulfil the first demand, but the remaining two demands were almost impossible for him to fulfil. Having a truly democratic government would alienate his Buddhist subjects who served as his power base. Eventually, though the Prince agreed on creating an Interim government consisting of 5 members :3 elected members(One each from the Bhutia, Lepcha and Nepali communities)2 nominated members chosen directly by the PalaceA new political party, the Sikkim National Party(SNP) sponsored by the Palace emerged as well. It was Pro-Monarchy and Pro-Independence and was expected to win the two seats reserved for Bhutias and Lepchas, which along with the two Palace nominated members would have reduced the Nepali majority to political irrelevance.Protests broke out and a mob of 5000 Nepalis broke through the Palace gates and demanded reform. The Prince fled and took refuge in the Residency. Hopkinson by now had been replaced by Harishwar Dayal as the new Political Officer to Gangtok, and he dissolved the interim government and ordered the two companies of Indian Army present in the kingdom to restore order.These actions were not happening in a vacuum. As it was increasingly being clear that the Chinese civil war reaching its end, the ambiguous nature of the Tibet was increasingly coming into question. Tibet and Sikkim had extremely close cultural relations. Apart from both Tibet and Sikkim having the same state religion, the ruling Namgyal family had its roots in Tibet, the Prince’s wife was from a Tibetan noble family, his sisters were married to Tibetan nobles. By the end of 1950, CCP had taken over Tibet.Indo-Sikkimese treaty of 1950 was signed which officially turned Sikkim into an Indian protectorate. Article III(1) of the treaty states:The Government of India will be responsible for the defence and territorial integrity of Sikkim. It shall have the right to take such measures as it considers necessary for the defence of Sikkim and security of India, whether preparatory or otherwise, and whether within or outside Sikkim. In particular, the Government of India shall have the right to station troops anywhere within Sikkim.So not only was Sikkim relieved of handling its external affairs and defence, but its internal powers were curtailed as well. An Indian bureaucrat named JS Lall was appointed as the Dewan(Prime Minister). Neighbouring Bhutan got away with much better terms, not only was it guaranteed complete internal freedom, New Delhi was to only ‘guide’ Thimphu’s foreign policy and Thimpu was to ‘consult’ with New Delhi regarding foreign and defence affairs.The only positive thing for the Namgyals during this time was the creation of the “Parity formula” which was a delicate balancing act between the Bhutia-Lepchas and the Nepalis. The Bhutia-Lepcha community (by now only 25 per cent of the population) was to have at least 50 per cent of the seats in elections reserved for them. The other 50 per cent of seats was reserved for the Nepali community (roughly 75 per cent of the electorate). For the Nepalis, this was an improvement but no way near the fully representative government they had desired.On the summer of 1959, the Prince was sitting in the Windamere Hotel in the iconic town of Darjeeling. Much had changed since he last visited here. His septuagenarian father had retired from all public affairs, and he was de facto ruling the kingdom. His wife had passed away, leaving him alone with three children. It was to visit his children in a local boarding school he had come here. That is where he met her.Hope.The 19-year-old American teen majoring in Asian Studies. The future queen of Sikkim.Washington Post called her the “Grace Kelly of the East”. The marriage was a hot topic for the US press in those days and was covered by the Time and the National Geographic as well. However, the reactions from New Delhi were grim, as these were the coldest years of the Cold War and an American on the throne on Gangtok made New Delhi uneasy. However, they chose to keep their objections private for now, as deeper concerns in the far north had their attention.Rare video footage of their marriage.Shortly after Namgyal's marriage, his father died, and Thondup was crowned as the 12th Chogyal on an astrologically favourable date in 1965Things, however, were not so rosy in India. The 60s would turn out to be one of the darkest decades of India.In 1962, the Sino-Indian war broke out which resulted in the defeat of India and the occupation of Aksai Chin which continues to this day.In 1964, India would lose its first Prime Minister.Nehru’s death came as a big shock to the Chogyal. He was a supporter of Sikkim and all the Himalayan Kingdoms. He had a special corner in his heart for Sikkim and had chosen it to be his place where he would like to retire.The Chogyal personally admired Nehru a lot and had warmly welcomed him when the Indian Prime Minister had visited his Kingdom in 1958.Thondup and Hope attended the funeral, which drew more than two million mourners. But his mind was set on Sikkim.“I don’t know” he said, “what’s for Sikkim now.”After the mysterious death of Lal Bahadur Shashtri during the Tashkent talks, Indira Gandhi became the Prime Minister of India.And with that Sikkim became the playground of the three tenacious ladies. Each playing hardball to get their own objectives fulfilled.Let me introduce you to the last member of the trio, Kazini Elisa Maria KhangsarpaBorn in Scotland, she was a lifelong traveller. In the 1920s, she emigrated to Myanmar with her husband, an Anglo-Burmese gentleman where she claimed to be a close acquaintance of George Orwell. Few marriages later, she ended up as the Royal Tutor to a Nepali Prince, and from there being the wife one of the most important nobles of Sikkim, Kazi Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa. She also claimed to be a relative of Field Marshal Mannerheim, founder of Modern Finland. As it turns out now, her entire identity might have been an elaborate fabrication.[1]The Khangsarpa clan was an old Sikkimese Noble family. Since the inception of the Sikkimese kingdom, the royal house of Namgyals and the Khangsarpas never saw eye to eye. Although both of them were Buddhist by faith, the former were of Tibetan origin and the latter were of indigenous Lepcha origin.Since the 1890s British had encouraged massive Nepali Hindu immigration into the Buddhist kingdom much to the chagrin of the Namgyals as they feared the dilution of the Buddhist character of their state. The Khangsarpas had a different view of this and saw the Nepalis as cheap labour who could be utilised. Dorji was convinced that his connections with the Nepali majority would provide rich political dividends for him if the system was more democratized. Thus he took a very dim view of the Namgyal pretences of being Independent. Such was his popularity that his party the Sikkim National Congress(SNC) eclipsed the SSC in terms of popular support.In 1967, The Sino-Sikkimese border was on fire again. The Chinese troops had started digging trenches on the Sikkimese side and after repeated refusals to the Indians who asked them to go back, clashes ensued. Hundreds of casualties later, the Chinese withdrew restoring the status quo.It was not as if the ambiguous nature of Sikkim was already causing a lot of headache to New Delhi, an article was published in the Bulletin of Tibetology, that was brought into the desk of Indira Gandhi herself.Bulletin of Tibetology was the obscure academic journal of the Institute of Tibetology in Gangtok, which was opened to promote the scholarly study of Tibet and Buddhist related subjects. After the Chinese takeover of Tibet, this institute was opened and the Dalai Lama himself had laid the foundation stone.The article had an anodyne title, “The Sikkimese theory of landholding and the Darjeeling Grant” but the content was extremely provocative, to say the least. It's author, the Queen asked for the return of The District of Darjeeling (which had been granted to British India by the Chogyal way back in 1835) back to Sikkim. This was a direct challenge to the territorial integrity of India.The headlines such as ‘CIA Agent on Borrowed Plumage’ and ‘American Trojan Mare in Gangtok’ were splashed across India Dailies[2]In 1967, the Naxalbari uprising erupted in Darjeeling and there was a fear among the Delhi political circles that if the restive Nepali majority in Sikkim wasn’t given its due rights, Maoism may cross over the border.In 1967 elections were held in Sikkim, with farcical divisions made to undermine the Nepali majority. Out of the 24 seats:Six were appointed by the ChogyalSeven were for the Lepcha-Bhutia communitySeven were for the Nepali communityOne was for the Limbu/Tsong CommunityOne was for the Buddhist MonasteriesOne was for the Scheduled CastesOne was a general seatThe results were: SNC: 8; SSC: 2 and SNP: 5.Due to the incredibly fragmented structure, there was no way the Nepali parties could form a majority in the Parliament, the best they could hope for was an appointment into the Executive council which directly advised the Chogyal.This was a golden opportunity for the Chogyal to appoint the Kazi into the Executive council and build the much-needed consensus in the fractured kingdom.The Chogyal refused.He instead appointed a rival leader inside the SNC, in an attempt to divide the party. In an ensuing interview, the Chogyal referred to the Kazi as the “Al Capone of Sikkim”.Surrounded by Yes Men on all sides, Chogyal increasingly started to become detached from reality. He created a think-tank consisting of Pro-Monarchy intellectuals called the “Study Forum” which was to help in “nation-building” a project which was directly opposed by the Kazi.Sikkim Assembly HouseThe Study Forum under the Queen(Gyalmo) did do a lot of symbolical things to promote nation-building in Sikkim. Their main objective was to seek a revision of the Indo-Sikkimese treaty of 1950. They wanted Sikkim to then join the Colombo plan, print its own stamps and earn foreign exchange and eventually gain control of its border so as to control Nepali immigration from both Nepal and India.Before 1967, Sikkim had no educational structure of its own and depended on India for its curriculum and its teachers. In the next five years, literacy rates doubled and education was provided in as many as four languages: Denjoke(Sikkimese dialect of Tibetan), Lepcha, Nepali and English. Seats for the Tashi Namgyal Academy(the most prestigious school in Sikkim) were equally divided among the Bhutia-Lepchas and Nepalis.Gangtok started searching for symbols of nationhood and tried to find international attention whatever way possible. Sikkimese artisans were sent into the World Craft Council in 1968. Sikkimese representatives were also present in the Manila Conference of 1967. The Royal Couple used to visit London and New York twice every year tried their best to promote Sikkimese handicraft and textiles among the Chic crowd there. The Palace itself became a centre for lavish parties for foreigners making their way to the last Shangri La.A national anthem(Why is Denzong (Sikkim) Blooming So Fresh and Beautiful?)[3]was constituted and the Royal Bodyguard of Chogyal was raised to a company size led by a retired Indian Army officer. The Chogyal himself had a ceremonial position of a Major General in the Gurkha Regiment of the Indian Army. In 1972, the Chogyal created his own personal intelligence service led by Karma Topden.An official documentary about Sikkim by commissioned by the Chogyal as well which was directed by the auteur Satyajit Ray. The movie was banned in 1974 but since the 2000s the ban has been overturned.A Sikkimese Noblewoman flanked by two Sikkim guardsIn 1973 elections, the Pro-Monarchy Sikkim National Party won a majority of seats in the State Council. The opposition led by SNC and SSC responded by alleging that the election had been rigged. Protests and Counter Protests started in South Sikkim but the Chogyal ignored them.Chogyal instead concentrated on his 50th birthday celebrations which were to be held over a course of two days.Chogyal, Gyalmo and the Princess during the birthday celebration.The protests swelled and swelled and eventually, riots broke out. Sikkim Police which was under the direct control of the Palace opened fire, killing two protesters.Now the Kazi had the evidence he needed. He rushed to the Residency(Now the India house and under the P.O. K Bajpai) and asked for Indian assistance.Indians strongly advised the Chogyal to accept Indian help and he relented. The Protests stopped. Immediately.Indian Army which was already stationed throughout Sikkim and protected its borders took over the administration of the Kingdom. B.S. Das, an Indian bureaucrat was appointed as the Dewan.As Das reached Gangtok, he visited the Palace only to find a very belligerent Chogyal who blasted away at him:“Mr Das, Sikkim is not Goa that the Government of India has sent you to take over as Chief administrator. We have our separate identity and Indo-Sikkimese relations are governed by a Treaty. The so-called ‘popular leaders’ are nothing but a bunch of scoundrels propped up by outside forces. If my Police had not been disarmed and dishonoured by the Indian Army, I would have exposed each and every one of them. I shall never forgive the Indian Army for this”The situation was getting tenser. A mob of Bhutias loyal to their King had arrived in Gangtok. Nepalis from the ever porous Indo-Sikkimese borders were filling in as well. Chogyal’s and Gyalmo’s supporters abroad started making direct accusations against the Indira Gandhi administration, including the Chogyal’s sister Princess Coocoola, who was in Hong Kong then directly accused the Indians of fomenting trouble inside in Sikkim as did the Crown Prince Tenzing who was in London then.Finally, the Chogyal relented under pressure and signed the Tripartite agreement with popular leaders which reduced his power significantly. An inebriated Chogyal arrived into the signing ceremony and accused the leaders of being Desh Bechwas(Ones who sold the country).Things were morose inside the Palace as well. The Royal Couple’s marriage was incredibly strained and an article in the Newsweek which called Hope as the “Himalayan Marie Antoinette” had offended her deeply.On the 15th of August, Hope Cooke left Sikkim for New York for the last time along with her three children.The Chogyal was now a broken man. His traditional powers had been snatched away from him. His wife and children had left him. His chief source of information, Topden was exiled by India to Calcutta. However, he still was the Ceremonial Figurehead of the Kingdom of Sikkim, a protectorate of India.Finally, the Chogyal decided to visit Indira Gandhi in Delhi itself. Once a champion for the revision of the 1950 treaty now he asked for the reinstatement of his rights promised in that treaty. Although the Chogyal was warmly welcomed by the Iron Lady, his pleas were ignored. Disappointed, He flew to New York to persuade his Queen to return to Gangtok. She refused.Elections were held in 1974 for the last time in the Kingdom of Sikkim. Under the gerrymandered constituencies which heavily favoured the Kazi, SNC won 31 out of 32 seats. The lone opposition seat was the one reserved for the Monasteries. Kazi took the position of Chief Minister of Sikkim. He immediately asked for Sikkim’s integration with India’s political institutions.After negotiations seemed to fail the Chogyal felt that his time may have come to an end. He asked his trusted friend Captain Sonam Yongda to prepare the Sikkim Guards for the worst. He had planned to flee to Kathmandu wearing a Monk’s robes. The Captain requested him to place the entire Guards company into the Palace Compound and to engage the Indian troops if they entered. He also advised him to ask Pakistan or China for Diplomatic support. The Chogyal being a devout Buddhist, refused any such violent plan.Next day, Captain Yongda was arrested.Princess Coocoola, a staunch supporter of the Chogyal returned to Delhi from Hong Kong to find her being received by Indian troops for her protection. On reaching Sikkim house she found that the phone lines were cut and there was no way for her to reach Gangtok.Droves of Indian troops in full battle gear had entered Gangtok. A worried Chogyal called the new Political Officer, Gurbachan Singh. Singh assured that it was only a military exercise and that he was to meet Mrs Gandhi two days later in Delhi.The meeting was never to happen.On the 9th of April, 1974, few of the guards saw unusual activity by the Indian troops. The two sentry boxes at the Palace were fired at. Basanta Kumar Chettri, the Hindu Nepali bodyguard of the Buddhist King, was shot dead. The remaining Palace guards hands raised high, were packed into trucks and taken away. As they left they were singing: "Dela sil, li gi, gang changka chibso". It was the national anthem of a nation which no longer existed.Three centuries of Namgyal rule in Sikkim ended in thirty minutes.On the 14th of April, a referendum was held. 97% of voters chose to abolish the Kingdom and become a state. The institution of Chogyal was already abolished by the Assembly. The way the referendum was conducted was criticised by many, including Indian journalists.And thus ends our long Saga.Our Royal couple divorced a few years after that in 1980. Palden Thondup Namgyal, the deposed Chogyal died two years later due to Cancer in New York.Hope still lives in New York and since then has become a published author and an urban historian. She writes chiefly on the history of New York City. In 1983 she married Mike Wallace, a Pulitzer Prize-winning Historian but divorced him soon after.Crown Prince Tenzing died even before his father did due to a car accident. His younger brother Wangchuk Namgyal is the current titular Chogyal.Kazi Lhendup Dorji would suffer a devastating defeat in the next election and lost all political relevance. A young Nepali school teacher, Nar Bahadur Bhandari emerged as the new leader. Kazi was ironically tarred as a “Desh Bechwa” by his political opponents. In 1995, Kazi did a U-turn and expressed regret at the annexation and the role he played in it. The couple had to leave Sikkim eventually and settle in Kalimpong. Kazini would die there dreaming of returning to Scotland. Kazi was left alone, and lived a depressing and lonely life. He passed away at the age of 103 in 2009. [4]Sikkim unlike other states in India’s North-East never had a secessionist movement. It remains as of now one of the most peaceful states in the Indian union.Ending this by adding that unreleased documentary directed by Satyajit Ray. I recommend giving it a watch.Sources:Smash and Grab: Annexation of Sikkim by Sunanda K. Datta-RaySikkim: Requiem for a Himalayan Kingdom by Andrew DuffThe Sikkim Saga by Brajbir Saran DasNote: All the images were taken from GoogleFootnotes[1] Ethel Maud Shirran, born 1904[2] Where have all the comrades gone?[3] National Anthem of Sikkim[4] The Pain of losing a Nation