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Irish Republican Socialists participated in the Spanish Civil they formed theConnolly ColumnThe Connolly Column was a group of Irish republican socialist volunteers who fought for the Second Spanish Republic in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. They were named after James Connolly, the executed leader of the Irish Citizen Army. They were a company-strength unit of the American Lincoln Battalion of the XV International Brigade, formed from Irishmen who were earlier part of the British Battalion of the same Brigade.If you want to understand the Irish involvement in the Spanish civil war then just listen to Christy Moore's - Viva la Quinta Brigada the song explains things better than any answer I can draft.The Lyrics say everything you need to know .Bob Hilliard was a Church of Ireland pastor Form Killarney across the Pyrenees he came From Derry came a brave young Christian Brother And side by side they fought and died in Spain.Tommy Woods age seventeen died in Cordoba With Na Fianna he learned to hold his gun From Dublin to the Villa del Rio He fought and died beneath the Spanish sun.On the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War the Irish socialist, Peadar O'Donnell, urged the formation of volunteer regiments to support the Popular Front government. O'Donnell established the Connolly Column, named after his hero, James Connolly.In December 1936, Frank Ryan and eighty volunteers arrived in Spain. The majority came from the Free State but there were also a group of socialists from Belfast. Those who went included Charlie Donnelly, Eddie O'Flaherty, Paul Burns, Jackie Hunt, Bill Henry, Eamon McGrotty, Bill Beattie, Paddy McLaughlin, Bill Henry, Peter O'Connor, Peter Power, Johnny Power, Liam Tumilson, Jim Straney, Willie O'Hanlon, Ben Murray and Fred McMahon.After travelling through southern France by train to Perpignan, they went to the training at Albercete in Spain run by André Marty. The Connolly Column suffered heavy losses at Jarama (February 1937). Charlie Donnelly, Eamon McGrotty, Bill Henry, Liam Tumilson and Bill Beattie were all killed during this battle.In early January 1936 Irish volunteers in the British battalion of the XVth International Brigade became embroiled in a spiraling dispute with the Battalion leadership. On January 12ththe Irish in the battalion held a meeting and took a vote on requesting transfer to the American Abraham Lincoln Battalion. Of the approximately 35-40 Irish volunteers in the British Battalion a slim majority voted in favor of the transfer. Peter O’Connor and others who had argued against the transfer followed the majority’s decision. On January 20th the first group of men received transfer orders and joined the Lincolns.These men formed the nucleus of an Irish Section and adopted the name James Connolly Column. The Irish were assigned to Company One, as the Second Section. Additional volunteers of Irish descent from the United States and Canada along with additional Irish who transferred in over the following weeks filled out the ranks of the section.The Lincoln Battalion had two infantry companies and a Machine Gun Company. The First Company was commanded by John Scott and had three sections. The first section was American, the second Irish, and the third Cuban. The Connolly Column had approximately forty-one men assigned before the unit deployed to the FrontJarama Series: The James Connolly ColumnThe Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of the last century. Foreshadowing the wider conflict of 1939-45, the devastation of Spain by the forces of fascism, communism and nationalism divided Europe.Like the later conflict in Vietnam, the war gripped international attention, compelled individuals to take sides and motivated activists whose influence would be felt far beyond Spain.For some left-wing idealists, Spain was the last great cause. Many on the left regard the International Brigades – the 45,000-strong army of international volunteers which fought for the Spanish Republic – as one of the great achievements of working-class struggle, a testament to the idealism, solidarity and political commitment of that generation.However, others would come to see Spain as a great betrayal rather than a glorious failure due to the suppression of anarchists and socialists there by Stalinists, an interpretation powerfully conveyed in Ken Loach’s movie, "Land and Freedom" (1995).The following is an extract from an Irish central article that goes in to better detail,Compared to most other European countries, Ireland's response to the Spanish Civil War was unusual. The vast majority of Irish people supported Franco rather than Spain’s democratic government. Similarly, the great majority of Irishmen who fought in Spain did so under Franco The principal reason for this was that the war was widely seen as a conflict between communism and Christianity at a time when Irish society was profoundly influenced by Catholicism.On July 20, 1936 reports of a rebellion by army officers in Spain appeared in Irish newspapers. Aside from the Irish Times (which was associated with Protestant and Unionist opinion), most Irish newspapers were strongly pro-Franco.The Irish Independent, which would become the loudest cheerleader of the pro-Franco lobby, warned that a victory for the Spanish government would lead to a ‘Soviet State’ and urged its readers to support the Nationalists ‘who stand for the ancient faith and traditions of Spain.’The Irish Press declared that Franco ‘must have a large measure of public support’ because of the Republican government’s anti-clericalism: ‘churches have been burned, schools secularized, Communistic schemes carried out.’ Clergy, politicians and the provincial and Catholic press expressed the same opinions.Within weeks the catholic hierarchy was openly calling for Franco’s victory. In the face of this pro-Franco consensus, a tiny campaign of support for the Spanish Republic organized by a small number of left-wing republicans and communists struggled to be heard. The campaigners often fell victim to anti-communist mob violence on the streets. By the autumn of 1936, pro-Franco meetings were sweeping the country and two military brigades were preparing to fight in Spain.Most Irish people knew little about Spain or its complicated politics when Franco’s rebellion began. Spain was viewed, like Ireland, as a Catholic nation and, since the early 1930s, the Irish bishops and Catholic press had portrayed Spain as a Catholic state besieged by communism and atheism.When the civil war began the complexities of the conflict were largely ignored. That the Republic comprised not just communists but also socialists, liberals, middle-class progressives, landless laborers, workers, Catalonians and Catholic Basques was little reported.Similarly, that Franco’s Nationalists were supported not only by the Catholic Church but a reactionary coalition of fascists, army officers, landowners and industrialists was ignored. Instead, Irish attention was gripped by news of the anti-clerical violence that swept Republican Spain after Franco’s rebellion (and resulted in the murder of twelve bishops, 4,000 priests, 2,000 monks and 300 nuns). The sensational press reports of these atrocities had an enormous impact on Catholic Ireland.Support for Franco began to develop into a popular movement. In September 1936 Cardinal MacRory, primate of all Ireland, unambiguously expressed the church’s support for Franco: ‘There is no room any longer for any doubts as to the issue at stake in the Spanish conflict . . . It is a question of whether Spain will remain as she has been so long, a Christian and Catholic land, or a Bolshevist and anti-God one.’ The depiction of the conflict as a holy war continued in the following year’s Lenten pastorals in which more attention was devoted to communism and the Spanish Civil War than any other issue. One bishop spoke of ‘a war between Christ and anti-Christ,’ while another described Franco’s soldiers as ‘gallant champions of the Cross who are fighting so gloriously for Christ."The most significant popular support for Franco came with the establishment of the Irish Christian Front (ICF) in August 1936. Its manifesto declared: “Anyone who supports the Spanish government supports church burning and priest slaughter. We should wish for the success of the Patriot arms in Spain, not that we are the least concerned with the temporal issues at stake there, but that we want the advance guard of the anti-God forces stopped in Spain and thereby from reaching our shores.”The ICF spread throughout Ireland, organizing public meetings at which local priests, politicians and trade unionists declared their support for Franco. The success of its campaign placed Fianna Fáil in a difficult position because de Valera’s government continued to recognize the Spanish Republic.Fine Gael was quick to call on de Valera to recognize Franco, a demand strongly backed by the ICF, the Irish Independent, local bodies and bishops. The problem for de Valera was that Irish recognition of Franco would entail joining the diplomatic company of the fascist states and undermining Irish neutrality at a critical time in international affairs. Given the public mood, de Valera’s refusal to give in to this demand was a considerable achievement. The government was to come under further pressure as Irishmen began fighting in Spain.In August 1936, General Eoin O’Duffy, the former Garda commissioner and Blueshirt leader, announced the formation of an Irish Brigade to fight for Franco. O’Duffy claimed that he was motivated by the historic links between Ireland and Spain, his own anti-communism and his desire to defend the Catholic Church. But O’Duffy – a failed politician – was also motivated by his fascist beliefs and a desire to resuscitate his own political career. His proposal was very popular. By late August he claimed to have received 7,000 applications although, due to numerous complications, only 700 Irishmen made it to Nationalist Spain.Many of the Brigade’s officers, who were former Blueshirts or members of O’Duffy’s fascist National Corporate Party, were motivated by fascism or loyalty to their leader. Some of the volunteers sought adventure or, as one priest put it, a change from ‘standing around staring at the pump’ but many were genuinely motivated by the belief that the Spanish civil war was a religious crusade against communism. Most were young men from rural Ireland, few of whom had been exposed to any other analysis of the conflict. Newspaper accounts convey the atmosphere of militant Catholicism as they left Ireland.Large crowds gathered to sing ‘Faith of Our Fathers’ as volunteers were blessed by priests and handed Sacred Heart badges, miraculous medals and prayer books. Although the Brigade’s organizers told the volunteers they were ‘part of a crusade prepared to fight under the banner of the Cross to help deliver Spain,’ they were to find the war a very different kind of crusade from what they imagined.Following the formation of the Irish Brigade, and partly in response to it, a smaller contingent of men left Ireland to fight for the Spanish Republic. Led by the left republican, Frank Ryan, and organized by the Communist Party of Ireland, around 200 Irishmen (mainly working-class republicans from urban areas) enlisted in the International Brigades.Members of the ‘Connolly Column,’ as they later became known, fought for a variety of motives – anti-fascism, the defense of Spanish democracy, revolutionary idealism, loyalty to the Communist Party or a desire for adventure. Like Franco’s supporters, many believed in the vital importance of Spain.As one Belfast communist declared: ‘Spain is the acid test, on the question of victory or defeat depends the whole future civilization.’But in contrast to O’Duffy’s followers, most of these men were experienced activists. Many had served in the anti-treaty or post-Civil War IRA and had been members of left-wing revolutionary organizations such as Saor Éire and Republican Congress. For these men, Spain represented the depth of their commitment to revolutionary goals which appeared impossible to achieve in the conservative Irish Free State.Both sides, although situated close to one another on either side of the Battle of Jarama, met with very different experiences. The Irish Brigade was blighted by bitter infighting between O’Duffy and his officers, and Franco was unimpressed by its lack of military expertise. The Brigade’s first battle in February 1937 occurred when another Nationalist battalion mistook them for the enemy while their next (and final) action ended in failure when the Brigade’s officers mutinied, refusing an order to attack the well-defended village of Titulcia.Drunkenness and indiscipline added to these problems and the humiliated Brigade was disarmed and ordered out of Spain by Franco. But there were also some difficulties among their International Brigade compatriots on the other side of the front-line.The great republican tradition of ‘the split’ survived in Spain. On finding themselves enrolled among the English, Scots and Welsh of the ‘British Battalion,’ some Irishmen chose to join the American contingent rather than fight alongside the British (some of whom had seen military service for the Crown during the War of Independence in Ireland). But in marked contrast to O’Duffy’s men, the ‘Connolly Column’ – motivated by more clearly defined political beliefs and forming part of the more disciplined and committed International Brigades – fought bravely on several fronts between 1936 and 1938, notably Jarama, Brunete, Teruel and the Ebro. Close to a third of their number died in Spain and many more were injured.By the time they returned to Ireland, the Spanish Civil War was no longer an important political issue. Atrocities such as the German bombing of Guernica, a village in the Catholic Basque region, undermined the simplistic notion of the Spanish Civil War as a religious crusade. By the summer of 1937 the Irish Brigade had returned in failure and the Christian Front had collapsed under its own internal pressures. Despite this, many veterans of the Connolly Column chose not to return to Ireland where they knew they would be treated as pariahs; some of those who did return faced suspicion and discrimination for decades to come.The Spanish Civil War is now remembered in Ireland as a conflict between democracy and fascism rather than Christianity and communism. As a result, the veterans of the International Brigades have gradually come to be regarded as heroes, while the Irish Brigade’s crusaders have been forgotten or are reviled as supporters of fascism. Such are the vagaries of history.To answer your initial Question, Yes former members of the IRA fought on both sides of the Spanish civil war be they Socialists in the The Connolly Column or the Blue Shirts in the Irish Brigade. it was basically a continuation of the Irish civil war on spanish soil. - Viva la Quinta Brigada .The Irish took sides in the Spanish Civil War 80 years ago this summer | IrishCentral.comIrish involvement in the Spanish Civil War - WikipediaThe Connolly Column: the story of the Irishmen who fought for the Spanish Republic 1936–1939Irish Brigade (Spanish Civil War) - WikipediaIrish involvement in the Spanish Civil War - Wikipedia

Merely being polite by U.S. standards will damage important relationships. Failing to realize this, will only lead to frustration and failure in business dealings and social efforts. Many of us have heard the familiar stories about a business meeting in Japan where the foreign visitors interpreted “Hai” to mean “Yes” agreement or the Chevy “Nova” name being used in Spanish speaking countries (translating to “no-go”). Following are some helpful tips to use when negotiating with Chinese suppliers.Learn the Language:Even if your hosts are fluent English speakers, making an effort to learn Mandarin Chinese greatly increases the respect received as a foreigner. Just speaking a few basic phrases properly: “how are you?, thank you, my name is, what is your name, the food is delicious?” will increase goodwill. Chinese is a tonal language. For example depending on intonation the word "ma" can mean "mother, horse, to scold, to bother." In addition "ma" when spoken at the end of a sentence transforms a statement in to a question. Listen and practice to the sound of actual recordings, to avoid putting a foot in your mouth.The Concept of “Face”:Giving face to someone else, gaining face, and not losing face is central to social and business interactions. The closest concept in the English language to “face” is “honor”, “respect”, or “esteem”. In Chinese business culture relationships are the foundation of successful interactions. In the U.S., as long the business makes a profit, it is acceptable to work with people we do not respect. Examples of how the concept of “face” works are covered in the following sections.Visiting a Home:It is quite an honor to be invited to a home. If it is close to a mealtime, your host will feel obligated to offer an invitation for lunch or dinner. An invitation should be refused at first. A good way to do this is by saying: “I don’t want to trouble you”. You will be asked a second time and once again you must refuse. At that point your hosts will either agree to your rejection (meaning they really do not want to invite you, but gave you “face” through the offer), or will ask you a third time (they really do want to invite you). By refusing the second time you are giving your host a graceful way out, without either side losing “face”. If asked a third time you are obligated to accept unless there is some true emergency preventing it.Compliments given about the host’s home must be kept general in nature: “What a beautiful home.” “That is a great view of the city.” “Your children are very smart.” Pointing out a specific object for admiration, such as a vase or painting, creates an obligation on your host to offer it. You will then enter the minefield of having to refuse the gift and risk your host losing “face”, or accepting a gift they did not want to give you, causing resentment. In such a case always refuse to accept.Unlike in the U.S. where one might bring an expensive bottle of wine when invited to a home, a costly gift would embarrass your host. A small bag of fruit or a box of pastry is adequate to express your appreciation. Your hosts will inevitably refuse the gift at least twice, but you must continue to insist. Tell them it is only a “small gift”. You are honoring the hosts by accepting their invitation, and enjoying the dinner. They do not want you to feel obligated to provide a gift.You will continually be offered more food, but just say: “The food is delicious. I am really full and have no more room." Before departing be sure to express how much you enjoyed the meal in exaggerated terms by U.S. standards: “Thank you very much. This is the best food I have tasted. You are an excellent cook, that is my favorite dish.”Using Chopsticks:Dishes will be shared so do not be shy about digging chopsticks in, and placing the food in your rice bowl. Do not ask where the serving spoons are, or expect to order a dish only for you to consume. You can request a fork, but learning to use chopsticks will garner more respect. If you are not proficient in the use of chopsticks, practice before your trip. It is a simple way to show a respect and affinity for the country you are visiting. Food should be gripped not speared with the chopsticks.One time at meals end, I stuck chopsticks into my rice bowl in a vertical position. My hosts looked appalled. Embarrassingly, I found out that chopsticks are positioned that way during a funeral service. The proper way to end a meal is by setting down chopsticks across the bowl to indicate being full. As a side note I asked for chopsticks during my first visit to Thailand, and was scolded mildly about being in Thailand not China. Although there are some common cultural threads throughout Asia, that experience taught me not to make assumptions.Business Dinners:Let your host take the lead in suggesting dishes, unless you are familiar with the local foods. Do not try and order General Tso's chicken, a pu-pu platter, scorpion bowls, or expect fortune cookies. Much of the Chinese food we see in the U.S. has been Americanized. The restaurants do offer hot and sour soup, although several amused restaurant owners told me it was mostly visiting Americans who ordered it.Whether at a restaurant or a home for dinner, eat whatever is offered, and act as if it is delicious (even if you do not like it). Of course allergies, religious objections, or being a vegetarian, are acceptable reasons to refuse without anyone losing “face”. In fact many of the dishes, which use sliced pigs ear, cows heart, rabbit, chicken feet and guts are quite tasty. My suggestion, when possible, is to remain blissfully ignorant of what you are eating. A typical conversation you might have in the U.S. critiquing a restaurant after dinner would be considered quite insulting. Before leaving be sure to compliment the restaurant and your host for choosing it.Much of the conversation will not be about business. Glasses will be kept full. “Gan Bei” means literally “dry glass” or bottoms up and you should down the whole glass when hearing this. As a guest, the other people sitting around the table will toast you often. Watch the toaster closely and drink the same amount. It is acceptable to firmly yet politely refuse to smoke and/or drink beyond your limits. Be sure to toast everyone at the table at least once before the evening is over. The executives are sizing you up and forming a “Guanxi” or relationship.Never push aside the social interaction time and say: “lets get down to business, I don’t have any time to waste”. I have seen more than one business deal ruined by this sort of bluntness. Follow the lead of your hosts with regards to when business discussions will start. Talk about how much you are enjoying the country, what a lovely family your host has, places you have both visited, mutual friends, and your wish for a long and prosperous business association. Most of the hard-core business dealing will be done in the office, or late in the evening after much entertaining. Offering to split or pay the bill is a complete faux pas.Giving and Receiving Gifts:For a business visit you may be given an expensive gift such as a silk scroll, or jade figurine. This is a way of sending a message the business deal is considered important, and your relationship is strong. In this context a gift is in no way intended to be a bribe. You may also be invited to expensive restaurants. There is typically a conflict with U.S. corporate policies, regarding accepting gifts and expensive meals. I suggest openly discussing the issues in advance with the Corporate Ethics Department. Hopefully you will be allowed to accept the gift, and then turn it promptly over to the Ethics Department upon returning. Refusing a gift or a dinner invitation would cause your host to lose "face". Gifts given to your hosts should be tasteful and of high quality, but not extravagant (a nice pen set is a good example).Giving and Receiving Compliments:You will receive several compliments such as: “You are very smart". "You are handsome". "You are successful". "Your Mandarin Chinese speaking is excellent“. Be self-effacing and deny all compliments. “I’m not smart and handsome." "I only speak a little Mandarin.” If you reply “thank you” when complimented it is the equivalent of saying: “I know I’m smart and handsome!” It sounds arrogant. Complimenting your host is also a good way to give “face”: “You are very experienced.” “Your name is well known.” “Your company is famous.” “You chose a great restaurant.” There is nothing insincere about denying compliments received, or pro-actively complimenting your host. It is legitimate oil for the gears of relationship building.Hosting Visitors in the U.S.:Much to the dismay of Chinese visitors to the U.S., there is often a double standard. The graciousness they showed is typically not returned. Being picked up at the hotel instead of the airport, offered a sandwich during a lunch meeting, given a cheap pen with a company logo on it, and brought back to the hotel without a dinner invitation is simply insulting. To build a solid relationship, treat your guests the way you were treated in their country.Conclusion:This article has only scratched the surface of an incredibly intricate and ancient culture. The best way to ensure continuity of supply, quality, and on-time delivery are not lengthy supply contracts, but strong relationships. Relationships need to transcend business and cross over into friendship. It is a loss of "face" for a factory owner to disappoint a customer who is also considered a friend. That is a strong cultural inducement to perform. Relationship building takes time, patience, and effort, but the return on investment is incalculable. Business acumen must be combined with cultural acumen when doing business internationally.By Adam Shayevitz M.B.A. © 2016, Strategic Sourcing Dynamic, LLC

Irish men fought on opposing sides of the Spanish Civil war.If you want to understand the Irish involvement in the Spanish civil war then just listen to Christy Moore's - Viva la Quinta Brigada the song explains things better than any answer I can draft.Connolly ColumnThe Connolly Column was a group of Irish republican socialist volunteers who fought for the Second Spanish Republic in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. They were named after James Connolly, the executed leader of the Irish Citizen Army. They were a company-strength unit of the American Lincoln Battalion of the XV International Brigade, formed from Irishmen who were earlier part of the British Battalion of the same Brigade.The Lyrics say everything you need to know.Bob Hilliard was a Church of Ireland pastor Form Killarney across the Pyrenees he came From Derry came a brave young Christian Brother And side by side they fought and died in Spain.Tommy Woods age seventeen died in Cordoba With Na Fianna he learned to hold his gun From Dublin to the Villa del Rio He fought and died beneath the Spanish sun.On the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War the Irish socialist, Peadar O'Donnell urged the formation of volunteer regiments to support the Popular Front government. O'Donnell established the Connolly Column, named after his hero, James Connolly.On the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War the Irish socialist, Peadar O'Donnell urged the formation of volunteer regiments to support the Popular Front government. O'Donnell established the Connolly Column, named after his hero, James Connolly.In December 1936, Frank Ryan and eighty volunteers arrived in Spain. The majority came from the Free State but there were also a group of socialists from Belfast. Those who went included Charlie Donnelly, Eddie O'Flaherty, Paul Burns, Jackie Hunt, Bill Henry, Eamon McGrotty, Bill Beattie, Paddy McLaughlin, Bill Henry, Peter O'Connor, Peter Power, Johnny Power, Liam Tumilson, Jim Straney, Willie O'Hanlon, Ben Murray and Fred McMahon.After travelling through southern France by train to Perpignan, they went to the training at Albercete in Spain run by André Marty. The Connolly Column suffered heavy losses at Jarama (February 1937). Charlie Donnelly, Eamon McGrotty, Bill Henry, Liam Tumilson and Bill Beattie were all killed during this battle.In early January 1936 Irish volunteers in the British battalion of the XVth International Brigade became embroiled in a spiralling dispute with the Battalion leadership. On January 12ththe Irish in the battalion held a meeting and took a vote on requesting transfer to the American Abraham Lincoln Battalion. Of the approximately 35-40 Irish volunteers in the British Battalion, a slim majority voted in favour of the transfer. Peter O’Connor and others who had argued against the transfer followed the majority’s decision. On January 20th the first group of men received transfer orders and joined the Lincolns.These men formed the nucleus of an Irish Section and adopted the name James Connolly Column. The Irish were assigned to Company One, as the Second Section. Additional volunteers of Irish descent from the United States and Canada along with additional Irish who transferred in over the following weeks filled out the ranks of the section.The Lincoln Battalion had two infantry companies and a Machine Gun Company. The First Company was commanded by John Scott and had three sections. The first section was American, the second Irish, and the third Cuban. The Connolly Column had approximately forty-one men assigned before the unit deployed to the FrontJarama Series: The James Connolly ColumnThe Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of the last century. Foreshadowing the wider conflict of 1939-45, the devastation of Spain by the forces of fascism, communism and nationalism divided Europe.Like the later conflict in Vietnam, the war gripped international attention, compelled individuals to take sides and motivated activists whose influence would be felt far beyond Spain.For some left-wing idealists, Spain was the last great cause. Many on the left regard the International Brigades – the 45,000-strong army of international volunteers which fought for the Spanish Republic – as one of the great achievements of working-class struggle, a testament to the idealism, solidarity and political commitment of that generation.However, others would come to see Spain as a great betrayal rather than a glorious failure due to the suppression of anarchists and socialists thereby Stalinists, an interpretation powerfully conveyed in Ken Loach’s movie, "Land and Freedom" (1995).The following is an extract from an Irish central article that goes into better detail.Compared to most other European countries, Ireland's response to the Spanish Civil War was unusual. The vast majority of Irish people supported Franco rather than Spain’s democratic government. Similarly, the great majority of Irishmen who fought in Spain did so under Franco The principal reason for this was that the war was widely seen as a conflict between communism and Christianity at a time when Irish society was profoundly influenced by Catholicism.On July 20, 1936 reports of a rebellion by army officers in Spain appeared in Irish newspapers. Aside from the Irish Times (which was associated with Protestant and Unionist opinion), most Irish newspapers were strongly pro-Franco.The Irish Independent, which would become the loudest cheerleader of the pro-Franco lobby, warned that a victory for the Spanish government would lead to a ‘Soviet State’ and urged its readers to support the Nationalists ‘who stand for the ancient faith and traditions of Spain.’The Irish Press declared that Franco ‘must have a large measure of public support’ because of the Republican government’s anti-clericalism: ‘churches have been burned, schools secularized, Communistic schemes carried out.’ Clergy, politicians and the provincial and Catholic press expressed the same opinions.Within weeks the catholic hierarchy was openly calling for Franco’s victory. In the face of this pro-Franco consensus, a tiny campaign of support for the Spanish Republic organized by a small number of left-wing republicans and communists struggled to be heard. The campaigners often fell victim to anti-communist mob violence on the streets. By the autumn of 1936, pro-Franco meetings were sweeping the country and two military brigades were preparing to fight in Spain.Most Irish people knew little about Spain or its complicated politics when Franco’s rebellion began. Spain was viewed, like Ireland, as a Catholic nation and, since the early 1930s, the Irish bishops and Catholic press had portrayed Spain as a Catholic state besieged by communism and atheism.When the civil war began the complexities of the conflict were largely ignored. That the Republic comprised not just communists but also socialists, liberals, middle-class progressives, landless labourers, workers, Catalonians and Catholic Basques was little reported.Similarly, Franco’s Nationalists were supported not only by the Catholic Church but a reactionary coalition of fascists, army officers, landowners and industrialists was ignored. Instead, Irish attention was gripped by news of the anti-clerical violence that swept Republican Spain after Franco’s rebellion (and resulted in the murder of twelve bishops, 4,000 priests, 2,000 monks and 300 nuns). The sensational press reports of these atrocities had an enormous impact on Catholic Ireland.Support for Franco began to develop into a popular movement. In September 1936 Cardinal MacRory, primate of all Ireland unambiguously expressed the church’s support for Franco: ‘There is no room any longer for any doubts as to the issue at stake in the Spanish conflict . . . It is a question of whether Spain will remain as she has been so long, a Christian and Catholic land, or a Bolshevist and anti-God one.’ The depiction of the conflict as a holy war continued in the following year’s Lenten pastorals in which more attention was devoted to communism and the Spanish Civil War than any other issue. One bishop spoke of ‘war between Christ and anti-Christ,’ while another described Franco’s soldiers as ‘gallant champions of the Cross who are fighting so gloriously for Christ."The most significant popular support for Franco came with the establishment of the Irish Christian Front (ICF) in August 1936. Its manifesto declared: “Anyone who supports the Spanish government supports church burning and priest slaughter. We should wish for the success of the Patriot arms in Spain, not that we are the least concerned with the temporal issues at stake there, but that we want the advance guard of the anti-God forces stopped in Spain and thereby from reaching our shores.”The ICF spread throughout Ireland, organizing public meetings at which local priests, politicians and trade unionists declared their support for Franco. The success of its campaign placed Fianna Fáil in a difficult position because de Valera’s government continued to recognize the Spanish Republic.Fine Gael was quick to call on de Valera to recognize Franco, a demand strongly backed by the ICF, the Irish Independent, local bodies and bishops. The problem for de Valera was that Irish recognition of Franco would entail joining the diplomatic company of the fascist states and undermining Irish neutrality at a critical time in international affairs. Given the public mood, de Valera’s refusal to give in to this demand was a considerable achievement. The government was to come under further pressure as Irishmen began fighting in Spain.In August 1936, General Eoin O’Duffy, the former Garda commissioner and Blueshirt leader, announced the formation of an Irish Brigade to fight for Franco. O’Duffy claimed that he was motivated by the historic links between Ireland and Spain, his own anti-communism and his desire to defend the Catholic Church. But O’Duffy – a failed politician – was also motivated by his fascist beliefs and a desire to resuscitate his own political career. His proposal was very popular. By late August he claimed to have received 7,000 applications although, due to numerous complications, only 700 Irishmen made it to Nationalist Spain.Many of the Brigade’s officers, who were former Blueshirts or members of O’Duffy’s fascist National Corporate Party, were motivated by fascism or loyalty to their leader. Some of the volunteers sought adventure or, as one priest put it, a change from ‘standing around staring at the pump’ but many were genuinely motivated by the belief that the Spanish civil war was a religious crusade against communism. Most were young men from rural Ireland, few of whom had been exposed to any other analysis of the conflict. Newspaper accounts convey the atmosphere of militant Catholicism as they left Ireland.Large crowds gathered to sing ‘Faith of Our Fathers’ as volunteers were blessed by priests and handed Sacred Heart badges, miraculous medals and prayer books. Although the Brigade’s organizers told the volunteers they were ‘part of a crusade prepared to fight under the banner of the Cross to help deliver Spain,’ they were to find the war a very different kind of crusade from what they imagined.Following the formation of the Irish Brigade, and partly in response to it, a smaller contingent of men left Ireland to fight for the Spanish Republic. Led by the left republican, Frank Ryan, and organized by the Communist Party of Ireland, around 200 Irishmen (mainly working-class republicans from urban areas) enlisted in the International Brigades.Members of the ‘Connolly Column,’ as they later became known, fought for a variety of motives – anti-fascism, the defence of Spanish democracy, revolutionary idealism, loyalty to the Communist Party or a desire for adventure. Like Franco’s supporters, many believed in the vital importance of Spain.As one Belfast communist declared: ‘Spain is the acid test, on the question of victory or defeat depends on the whole future civilization.’But in contrast to O’Duffy’s followers, most of these men were experienced activists. Many had served in the anti-treaty or post-Civil War IRA and had been members of left-wing revolutionary organizations such as Saor Éire and Republican Congress. For these men, Spain represented the depth of their commitment to revolutionary goals which appeared impossible to achieve in the conservative Irish Free State.Both sides, although situated close to one another on either side of the Battle of Jarama, met with very different experiences. The Irish Brigade was blighted by bitter infighting between O’Duffy and his officers, and Franco was unimpressed by its lack of military expertise. The Brigade’s first battle in February 1937 occurred when another Nationalist battalion mistook them for the enemy while their next (and final) action ended in failure when the Brigade’s officers mutinied, refusing an order to attack the well-defended village of Titulcia.Drunkenness and indiscipline added to these problems and the humiliated Brigade was disarmed and ordered out of Spain by Franco. But there were also some difficulties among their International Brigade compatriots on the other side of the front-line.The great republican tradition of ‘the split’ survived in Spain. On finding themselves enrolled among the English, Scots and Welsh of the ‘British Battalion,’ some Irishmen chose to join the American contingent rather than fight alongside the British (some of whom had seen military service for the Crown during the War of Independence in Ireland). But in marked contrast to O’Duffy’s men, the ‘Connolly Column’ – motivated by more clearly defined political beliefs and forming part of the more disciplined and committed International Brigades – fought bravely on several fronts between 1936 and 1938, notably Jarama, Brunete, Teruel and the Ebro. Close to a third of their number died in Spain and many more were injured.By the time they returned to Ireland, the Spanish Civil War was no longer an important political issue. Atrocities such as the German bombing of Guernica, a village in the Catholic Basque region, undermined the simplistic notion of the Spanish Civil War as a religious crusade. By the summer of 1937, the Irish Brigade had returned in failure and the Christian Front had collapsed under its own internal pressures. Despite this, many veterans of the Connolly Column chose not to return to Ireland where they knew they would be treated as pariahs; some of those who did return faced suspicion and discrimination for decades to come.The Spanish Civil War is now remembered in Ireland as a conflict between democracy and fascism rather than Christianity and communism. As a result, the veterans of the International Brigades have gradually come to be regarded as heroes, while the Irish Brigade’s crusaders have been forgotten or are reviled as supporters of fascism. Such are the vagaries of history.in the Spanish civil war be they Socialists in The Connolly Column or the Blue Shirts in the Irish Brigade. it was basically a continuation of the Irish civil war on Spanish soil. - Viva la Quinta Brigada .The Irish took sides in the Spanish Civil War 80 years ago this summer | IrishCentral.comIrish involvement in the Spanish Civil War - WikipediaThe Connolly Column: the story of the Irishmen who fought for the Spanish Republic 1936–1939Irish Brigade (Spanish Civil War) - Wikipedia