Employing A New Unity Minister Recommended Procedures: Fill & Download for Free

Pre-Independence (before 1947)Post 1757 , when East India Company started to rule, they created CCS(Covenanted Civil Services) whose members signed covenants with company's board of directors.There was great corruption in British Bengal because of the political patronage. In 1773, British parliament enacted the 'Regulating Act' in India which established the post of Governor General.The India Act, 1784 established the principles of governance in India. Lord Cornwallis(1786-93) splitted the bureaucracy into two parts :- political branch responsible for civil governance and commercial branch for commercial activities.In 1800, Lord Wellesley setup the Fort William College in Madras in 1800 to induct new entrants into CCS.After 1886, It was called as Imperial Civil Service and its members were appointed under section XXXII of Government Of India Act, 1858.In 1914 5 % were Indians and In 1942, there were 597 Indians and 588 British.Macaulay Committee gave India its first modern civil service in 1854 which recommended that the patronage based system of the East India Company should be replaced by permanent civil service based on merit based system through competitive entry examinations.[4]The Report made it clear that only the best and the brightest would do for the Indian Civil Service (ICS).Aitchison Commission was setup in 1886 under the chairmanship of Sir Charles Umpherston Aitchison so that Indians can get employment in public service.It gave some recommendations :-Max age of entry = 23 yrs old3 tier classification :- Imperial, Provincial and Subordinate civil Services.Abolishment of Statuary Civil Services.Certain seats in Imperial to be filled from Provincial.The statuary Civil Service was abolished in 1892.Islington Commission was established in 1912 which was Royal Commission on Public Services in India.It gave following recommendations in 1915 :-Services under Govt of India to be classified into Class1 and Class 2.25 % of superior posts to be filled by Indians.Probationary period of 2 yrs for direct recruits.Recruitment to superior posts should be made partly in India and partly in England.The Montagu-Chelmsford Report accepted in principle the demand for Indianisation of the higher civil services and accordingly a provision for this was made in the Government of India Act, 1919[6]From 1922 Onwards, ICS exam began to be held in India.The Royal Commission of the Superior Civil Service in India under the Chairmanship of Lord Lee, in its 1924 Report, recommended setting up of Public Service Commission of India. The Public Service Commission of India was set up on 1st October, 1926 under the Chairmanship of Sir Ross Barker.The All India and class 1 central services were designated as Central Superior Services as early as 1924.By 1934 , Administration in India consisted of seven All India Services and five central departments, all under the control of Secretary of State for India, and 3 central departments under joint Provincial and Imperial Control.The Government of India Act, 1935 provided for the establishment of a Public Service Commission for each ProvincePost Independence (After 1947)Indian political leaders chose to retain some elements of the british structure of a Unified Administrative System such as open entry system based on academic achievements, training,permanent tenure, important post at union, state and district level for civil service etc.[5]The civil services can be categorised into :-1. All India Services : Whose members serve both the union and state governments2. Central Civil Services : serve only the union government.3. State Civil Services : state government.Article 312 of constitution empowers Parliament to create the All India Services on the fulfillment of certain conditions.Section 3 of AIS Act,1951 and the rules and regulations made by the government prescribe the selection process for the IAS. Similar provisions exist for IPS and IFoS.[7]Objectives behind AISPreserving national unity and integrity and uniform standards of Administration.Neutrality and Objectivity - non political,secular and non-sectarian outlook.Competence, efficiency and professionalism - at entry by attracting the best and brightest and throughout the career.Integrity and Idealism.The first administrative reforms Commission was setup in January, 1966 . It submitted 20 reports covering many aspects such as State,financial,personnel administration, machinery of GOI etc containing 537 major recommendations.A report indicating the implementation position was placed in parliament in Nov 1977.A gist of the recommendations are as follows :-Need for specialization :- A method of selection for senior management posts was laid down.Unified grading structure :- A structure based on qualifications and nature of duties and responsibilities was suggested.Recruitment : A single competitive exam for the Class 1 service with age limit raised to 26 yrs;discontinuation of direct recruitment to Class 2 services etcRecruitment agencies : A new procedure for appointment of members of the UPSC and State PSC was suggested; selection of recruitment board for selection of clerical staff was recommended.Training : A national policy on civil service training to be designed.Promotions : Detailed guidelines for promotions were outlined.Conduct and Discipline : Reforms in disciplinary enquiry proceedings and setting up of Civil Service Tribunals was suggested.Service Conditions: Th e Commission also gave recommendations on matters related to overtime allowances, voluntary retirement, exit mechanism, quantum of pension, government holidays, incentives and awards to be given on timely completion of projects, and establishing work norms for various posts that maybe reviewed by the Staff Inspection Unit.Various Commissions have been set up from time to time to make recommendations for Recruitment:-Report on Public Administration by A.D. Gorwala, 1951: no scope for patronage.Report on the Public Services (Qualifications for Recruitment) Committee, 1956 – also known as Dr. A. Ramaswami Mudaliar Committee Report: compulsary university degree for higher services, age limit 21-23.Report on Indian and State Administrative Services and Problems of District Administration by V.T. Krishnamachari, 1962: Recruitment to class 1 and 2 should be made annualy.ARC’s Report on Personnel Administration,1969: Single competitive exam , age limit 26, rectt boards for class 3 and 4 employees.Report of the Committee on Recruitment Policy and Selection Methods, 1976 – also known as the D.S. Kothari Committee Report: Two stage examination process - preliminary and mains, changes in training pattern.Report of the Committee to Review the Scheme of the Civil Services Examination, 1989 – also known as the Satish Chandra Committee ReportReport of the Civil Services Examination Review Committee, 2001, also known as Professor Yoginder K. AlaghCommittee Report: testing the candidates in a common subject rather than optional ones.Report of the Committee on Civil Service Reforms also known as the Hota Committee Report, 2004 : age 21-24, 5 yrs concession for SC/ST and 3 yrs for OBC, aptitude test may be introduced, probationers may be given 1 month time after starting of training to choose service.Recommendations on Training :-1951 A.D Gorwala Report : There must be an induction, trainings at intervals, director of training.1962 V.T Krishnamachari Report : trainings for State Civil Service Officers.1969 ARC report : national policy on civil services training, central training division.2003 Yugandhar Committee : need of mid career training programmes.ARC recommended 8 areas of specialization :- Economic, Industrial, Agriculture and Rural Development, Social and Educational, Personnel, Financial, Internal Security and Defence, Planning.The selection to these areas should be made through mid career competitive examination . All Class 1 officers with 8-12 yrs exp would be eligible.[8]Appleby report (1953): suggested the establishment of Organization & methods machinery and Institute of public administration . Both these recomm were implemented by government.Accountability :-Vigilance division in every Department.Article 311 for conducting disciplinary proceedings against civil servants.After completing 25 or 50 yrs , servant may be retired. Its in rule 56(j) of the Fundamental rules.ARC recommended the establishment of lokpal at centre and lokayukta in states to deal with complaints.Implementation of RecommendationsMany of the recommendations involving basic changes have not been acted upon and therefore, the framework, systems and methods of functioning of the civil services based on the Whitehall model of the mid-nineteenth century remains largely unchanged.Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academyof AdministrationOn April 15, 1958 the then Home Minister announced in the Lok Sabha a proposal to set up a National Academy of Administration, where training would be given to all the recruits of the Civil Services. The Ministry of Home Affairs decided to amalgamate the IAS Training School, Delhi and the IAS Staff College, Shimla to form a National Academy of Administration at Mussoorie.The Academy was set up in 1959 and was called the 'National Academy of Administration'.Its status was that of an 'attached office' of the Government of India under the Ministry of Home Affairs.In October 1972, its name was changed to "Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy of Administration" and in July 1973, the word "National" was added and the Academy is now known as the “Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration".The prestigious "Charleville Hotel" built around 1870, provided the location and initial infrastructure for the Academy. There have been subsequent expansions and several new buildings have been constructed and others acquired over the years.The Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration imparts training to members of the Indian Civil Services in a common Foundation Course for the All India Services and the Central Service Group-A; and professional training to regular recruits of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS).The Academy also conducts in service training courses for middle to senior level members of the IAS and induction level training for officers promoted to the IAS from the state civil services. It offers a range of specialized inputs for a diverse clientele. Individuals, Non-Government Organizations, the corporate sector, and Governments both within India and abroad are offered customized courses, which cater to their research and training requirements.The first director of the academy was A.N. Jha.Facilities at AcademyAcademy has all basic facilities e.g. equipped lecture rooms, conference halls, auditorium, library, mess, hostel, sports complex, dispensary, bank, post office, EPABX, computer lab, Internet, SVGA projectors to handle computer screens and VCR output, Slide and overhead projectors and Video recording of classroom sessions.The academy dispensary provides medical services, manned by a Senior Medical Officer, a Lady Medical Officer, nursing and technical staff. Academy has a pathology lab, an X-ray unit and a free homeopathic dispensary etc. Article -civilservicesias.com

The geography of the subcontinent is such that it gave rise to three broad historical trends.The first trend is of formation of multiple ethnicities due the diversity in landscapes, as it encouraged varied modes of production and social structures.The second trend is the presence of multiple regions within the subcontinent which could serve as a cores for strong agrarian kingdoms.This stable configuration lead to the emergence of mandala politics of overlapping soveriegnities and of strong regional identities during the medeival era.Third is the interconnectedness of South Asia with rest of world, with it serving as a transition zone between the arid central and west-asia and the tropical, wet south-east asia.Hence it has both recieved and transmitted much cultural influence from outside, adding to its already maddening diversity.Despite these fissiparous tendencies, the republic of India has managed to encapsulate this diversity in a unified polity.The reasons can be broadly divided under the headings :SocietalStructuralPolicyNote : there is a summary at the end for readers short on time.Contributions of Indian society :Though political unity of the subcontinent was fleeting when seen from the larger scope of history, it did lead to diffusion of ideas and institutions that brought about a measure of homogeneity, a character that is distinctly Indic. This is apart from circuits of trade, pilgrimage and migrations that lead to cross pollination of regional cultures.The British then united the subcontinent much like the Mauryans and the Mughals did, rudely dragging the country into the modern era, sweeping aside the layered system of sovereignty of earlier times and replaced it with a single centralized authority. This created broadly two political categories, the English elite and the proletarian other.The Indian leaders could then draw upon those aspects of homogeneity and shared experience of subjugation to articulate a new vision of society and the nation.This vision spread wide under the aeigis of the Indian independence movement, building legitimacy in a Weberian sense[1] for the idea of coexisting under a single state.This was enabled by the trappings of modernity, including the press, railways, literate middle class and a state that was more intrusive than any empire before it.The idea however was also fiercely contested under the twin currents of communalism and regionalism, eventually dragging the subcontinent into a bloody partition, whose wounds fester to this date.Above : India on eve of her independence.After independence this feeling national unity further deepened as the new republic got embroiled in wars with Pakistan and China.The expanding public sector and higher education brought together people across various regions and communities. As one student of the IITs remarked “I came here as a Madrasi but left as an Indian”[2]This feeling continues to deepen due to increased interconnectedness through better transportation, awareness through various forms of media and private economic opportunity.Above : IIT Kharagpur. One of the first few technical institutes established by independent India.Secondly, it's the same fissiparous tendencies that paradoxically strengthen the stability of the Indian state. Indian identities are, as the political scientist Donald Horowtiz defined it, cross cutting that is an Indian at every given time has multiple identities to chose from depending on the context.This lends a distinct centrist flavor to Indian politics, where any political party attempting to capture power has to carry with it a large coalition of groups whose interests may not always coincide and shift according to the political context.For instance despite the rightward shift seen in politics of current day India, the ruling dispensation has not radically altered social welfare programs of the previous government nor taken any steps against affirmative action for lower castes, despite the vociferous demands of it's core group of supporters.Structural factors :Donald horowitz again talks of two types of ethnic configurations, the centrally focused ones where ethnic groups are large enough to destabilize the centre of the polity and dispersed ones where the groups are locally concentrated and hence it does not make sense for them to extend their politics beyond their localities.Above : Distribution of major ethnic groups in the subcontinent.The Indian state is large enough that even the biggest ethnic configurations, the linguistic subnations are not large enough to individually effect the centre and thus is a type of dispersed ethnic configuration.This gives the Indian center some breathing room, where usually trouble in one part of the country in concentrated in that part alone and it can be addressed by redirecting resources from other parts of the country.Examples would be insurgencies in Kashmir, North East and the Maoist rebellion in Central India.The only ethnic configuration that runs along the entire country is the Hindu-Muslim divide and that is why the current political polarization can potentially lead to dangerous instability.The second structural factor is the design of the federal polity. There are four components of that design which are relevant here :strong federal centerthe governor and president's rulethe all India servicesthe central paramilitary forcesThe central government in India reserves the right to legislate on a large number of subjects, including residuary subjects not listed in the constitution and has overriding authority on subjects listed in the concurrent list.Further more it is entitled to a larger share of the taxes which ensures the states are not financially independent.The Governor is centrally appointed and although in most cases has to act on the advice of the elected council of ministers of the state, he does possess the discretionary power to reserve for consideration of the union president any bill passed by the state legislature who in turn possess absolute veto powers over it.Further the Governor also has the discretionary authority to decide which party shall form the state government when there is no clear majority and can recommend the imposition of president's rule when the state is not governed according to constitutional provisions.The all India services man the senior positions in regional administration and police, described as strategic by BR Ambedkar for the excercise of power in the states.These centrally trained services such as the IAS and the IPS, who although are deputed to work under states, still lie under the overall control of the center. They are possessed of similar pay, status, outlook and are generally posted outside the state of their origin.It is this design that ensures when president's rule is imposed, there is a smooth handover of the regional administration to the center, without the need for large scale shuffling of officers and usage of force.Above : The rashtrapathi bhavan, residence of president of India.The central paramilitary forces or the CAPFs act as a countervailing weight against the dominance of both the Indian army and local political forces, who would be effectively in charge of the state police and can draw upon the civil society in the event of a disturbance.The CAPFs thus buttress the authority of the center during the imposition of president's rule and also act as the second line of defence against local troubles in the over-politicized society of India, thus reducing the need to declare martial law and bring in the army.The third structural factor would be the institutional design and investment done after independence.Political scientist Devesh kapur says that India, since independence has seen decline in many of its old institutions for instance the IAS in it's role in center state coordination due socio-political factors.However their place was taken up by other institutions which roughly did manage to fill up the gaps in governance.The best example would be the increased role of Supreme court by the means of public interest litigation, in the face of poor performance of the executive.Another example would be the inter state council and national development council picking up the slack from the IAS.This institutional renewal is in part due to strong provisions for their independence in the constitution which allows them to come on to their own when the political conditions are amenable. For instance we have the assertive role played by the election commission under T N Seshan.Above : office of the election commission of India.Along with that the independence of core institutions of democracy, such as the election commision, the delimitation commision has ensured at the very least the formal procedure of Indian democracy remains intact , unlike in US where they have widespread problems with gerrymandering and denial of voting rights to minorities.Another institutional feature of Indian polity is that the appointment and tenure of senior officials at the center is independent of the election cycle.That is India has an independent institution, the UPSC which recommends a pool officers for appointment at that level from which alone the central government must choose it's appointees,ensuring that a minimum standard of merit is maintained.This along with the fact that tenure is fixed implies that at least at the center there is no immediate shifting of officials on change of government.All these factors have contributed to the systemic stability of the polity despite the high turn over rate of elected officials. It also ensures that the politicians cannot ride roughshod over policy.Policy decisions :Politics in subcontinent with it's history of diversity and deep inequality always carries within it the potential to be explosive.The adoption of democracy, however flawed has ensured that the ability to protest, vent in media and vote out the incumbents has served as a valve to release the popular pressure.Inadequate representation at the center and attempts to impose forcible unity have always backfired in context of the subcontinent, for instance we have the Bengali liberation movement in erstwhile East Pakistan and Tamil Ealam movement in Sri Lanka.India avoided dragging itself in such a quagmire by measures such as allowing for creation of linguistic states and withdrawing the proposal for Hindi imposition.Though it must be added that the insurgencies in Punjab and Kashmir did have increased autonomy as a substantial demand initially.Also underrepresentation of states from the north east due to the inherent design of the Lok and Rajya Sabhas ( bicameral central legislature ) have contributed to the unrest and insurgencies there.Above : anti-Hindi protests in South India.Further, the socialist policies of India through out the years certainly have contributed to stalling of economic growth but has also ensured the stability of the country by shielding the rural populace and the urban poor from the worst effects of modernisation and capitalism.For instance the incomplete land reforms in India a have ensured the Zamindars( big landowners) have vanished as a class and instead have been replaced with smaller peasant proprietors.The smaller proprietors who would have otherwise been at the forefront of organizing peasant unrest with other marginal peasants and laborers, via their leadership and resources were satiated.Though they as a class subsequently blocked further attempts at land distribution, a crucial component for organizing agrarian revolution in the maoist fashion was denied.Further the commercialisation of agriculture via green revolution which started in 60s and continued till 90s, did increase regional disparity and rural inequality but contributed to overall stability.To offset the worst effects of the former and in general, the government parallelly initiated a range of welfare schemes such as fertilizer subsidy, famine relief, public distribution system in both urban and rural areas, extension of agricultural loans( enabled by nationalisation of banks) and purchase of food grains from the farmers at a fair price.Above : a ration shop, outlet for the PDS system.All this ensured the masses were not at the brink of starvation and even the marginal peasants and laborers did survive even if they could not thrive.Summary :Unity of India was enabled through the spread of nationalism and legitimacy of the idea of living under a strong central authority.Such an idea did have its opponents on communal and regional grounds and which ultimately lead to the partition.However what remained was drawn together through common employment under government, increased interconnection via transportation, media and economic opportunity. The occasionally wars with China and Pakistan did their bit as well.The very fact that Indian society is so diverse means that it's hard for extremists to forge a coalition to get elected without compromise.That along with the manner in which Indian institutions were designed ensured that any elected power could not ride roughshod over the status qou and stability was ensured despite rapid turn over of politicians, especially in the era of coalition politics.That design also left open the possibility for institutional renewal which ensured upcoming institutions took up the slack of the old declining ones.As for those who could not be incorporated in the system, they are stacked up against a strong state, building on the colonial authoritarian legacy.The job of the state was further made easier by the way ethnic groups in India are situated, ensuring trouble in one part does not threaten the systemic stability, giving the center ample breathing room.The independence of the institutions also ensured that atleast the formal procedure of democracy was maintained and the people kept their faith in the electoral process.Democracy in turn then served as valve in venting the popular pressure that is the result of India's diversity and entrenched inequality.So despite the poor governance it does ensure legitimacy of the entire system remains intact.The democracy also enabled questions of representation to be tackled better, for instance repealing of Hindi imposition and creation of linguistic states, in contrast to neighbouring Pakistan and Sri Lanka which were wracked by civil wars.Lastly the policies of independent India did ensure the zamindari class was eliminated and that coupled with green revolution lead commercialisation of agriculture resulting in rural stability.This is relevant when seen in the light of the fact that India is an overwhelmingly agrarian nation that has only recently begun to industrializeTo offset the worst effects of the former and in general, a slew of welfare policies followed which ensured even the marginal land owners, landless laborers and the urban poor were not left starving.References :An agrarian history of India & India and South asia : a short history - David Ludden.Battles half won : India's improbable democracy - Ashutosh VarshneyEthnic groups in conflict - Donald Horowitz.Democracy and authoritarianism in South asia - Ayesha Jalal.Public institutions in India : performance and design - Pratap Bhanu Mehta & Devesh Kapur.Democracy and economic transformation in India - Partha Chatterjee.Footnotes[1] Essay on Legitimacy: Meaning, Sources and Types[2] 701 Devesh Kapur, Fraternity in the making of the Indian nation

I think this shit show was entirely predictable, and frankly, I’m not impressed with the amount of people who are infected, nor the amount dead, nor the amount predicted to die.I’m not impressed with the cfr or the ifr of the coronavirus. Nothing about these “thousands” (gasp!) of deaths tells me that quarantining the entire fucking world is even remotely close to a rational strategy.The media is constantly reporting that the sky is falling every day - it just gets worse and worse. Where was everyone when 100k died of flu last year? Where was the quarantine? Where was the end of the world journalism then?If we hit 400,000 deaths over this virus - will it have been worth it to lose the greatest country the world has ever known?Because, let’s not fool ourselves, the natural repercussions of this quarantine are going to make covid-19 look like chicken little. Right now, best case scenarios are estimating gdp will be cut in half.Add to that at least 30% unemployment. Let’s not forget certain hyper inflation due to the 2.3 trillion (are you fucking kidding me???) stimulus package. And if anyone thinks supply lines will hold under this stress, I’m paying a million to one if you’re right.Historically, when these sort of economic failures occur, chaos ensues. But, what has happened in the US (and probably most of the world) is unprecedented. When - not if - food prices begin rising, or god forbid there are shortages - we can officially kiss goodbye any chance of saving our country. Martial law won’t work if everyone is hungry.We need to get back to work. This is urgent. We need to think critically now. We need to make sacrifices now. Today.I’m ready to die. My kids are too. But I still think it’s worth a shot to at least try. Let the vulnerable shelter in place and the rest of us go back to work. We still have a chance, but the time is ticking.Ask yourself, when was the last time you had any faith in media reporting? If fear is our own worst enemy, then at least we have identified who promulgates it.Here, 87 years ago, FDR’s words ring true to this day in his Inauguration Day speech addressing the country in the midst of full blown depression. Are we repeating history? At this point, we’d be lucky if we did:I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impel. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources…Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States—a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption…We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.Take action now. Start asking questions now. Let’s get to work.