Ssa Form 150 2003: Fill & Download for Free

The 10 years of UPA was a turning point in Indian history. In those 10 years, the govt got more people out of poverty, created more infrastructure than ever before, improved the condition of our cities, opened up the economy and many more. to put it correctly, the country moved forward on all fronts.The secret was in how financial resources were put at the bottom of the pyramid at this was clearly shown in this report Consumption in rural India growing faster than urban areas: CRISILThe impact was that everyone benefited from the growth as the rural growth engines power the rest of the economy. This is something that the current government can learn.There are lots of people who laud the UPA for bringing close to 14 crore people out of poverty but that happened mainly because it was the first time in the history of the country that we had the resources to fight poverty and take the benefits of development and growth to the masses. This was backed by a solid political will to back these initiatives.So what happens when people escape poverty? They start consuming more http://www.crisil.com/Ratings/Brochureware/News/CRISIL-Research-proteins-inflation-pr_221012.pdf?cn=null . You create an aspirational class which wants more and that is where Shri Modi's narrative fitting in, during the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.The following are the list of 150 things that the UPA did. It would be good to see how the present government is performing on these: These are not difficult to find on the net.India’s national growth rate of GDP dipped from 6.52% to 5.93% during NDA rule and recovered to 8.47% thereafterIndia’s Per Capita Income in 2004-05 was Rs 24,143. It is now increased to Rs 68,747 in 2012-1312.70 Crore Job Cards Have Been Issues under Mahatma Gandhi NREGA in 2012-13. In 2006-07 3.7 Crore Job Cards were issued.Actual expenditure on Minority Schemes have been increased from Rs 143.53 Crores in 2006-07 to Rs. 1593.23 in 2012-13The Expenditure on Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan was Rs 2,730 Crores (2003-04) to Rs 20, 841 Crores (2011-12)The Gross Enrolment Ratio in Primary School has increased from 98.3 % in 2003-04 to 116% in 2010-11The Gross Enrolment Ratio in Secondary School has increased from 62.5 % in 2003-04 to 85.5% in 2010-11The Expenditure on Health Sector has gone up from Rs 7500 Crores in 2003-04 to Rs 27,000 Crores in 2011-2012The Expenditure on Country’s Defence has consistently increased, Now,it is over 2 Lakh crore.Expenditure on Mid-Day Meal was Rs 1,325 Crore in 2003-04, It is now Rs 9,890 Crore in 2011-12 (Inflation Adjusted Figures)India’s Total Fertility Rate (TFR) has come down from 2.9 in 2004 to 2.5 in 2010More than 2 lakh kilometers of new roads have been added to the rural road network in 9 yearsThe annual passengers originating for Indian Railways have increased from 5.1 Crore in 2003-04 to 8.2 Crores in 2011-12Indian exports in drugs and pharmaceuticals increased to all time high figure of Rs 63,347 Crore in 2011-12, while they were Rs 15,213 crores in 2003-04The Rate of Unemployment has come down to 6.6% in 2009-10, which was 8.2% in 2003-04India’s Infant Mortality Rate (per 1000 live births ) has come down to 44 in 2011, which was 58 in the year 2004India ratified the United Nations Convention Against Corruption in May, 2011. The Convention has entered into force for India on 8th June 2011The Lokpal and the Lokayukta Bill has been already introduced in the Parliament.The Public Procurement Bill, 2012 already introduced in ParliamentGrievances Redressal Bill already introduced in ParliamentForeign Bribery Bill already introduced in ParliamentJudicial Accountability Bill already introduced in ParliamentThe Whistle Blowers Protection Bill, 2011 already introduced in ParliamentThe Consumer Protection (Amendment) Bill, 2011 already introduced in ParliamentThe Prevention of Money Laundering (Amendment) Act passed by UPAThe Electronic Delivery of Services Bill already introduced in ParliamentIPRs of Group ‘A’ Central Officers placed in public domainAadhaar- Direct Benefits Transfer- Institutional architecture to facilitate a shift to a system in which benefits from the government would get transferred directly to the bank accounts of individual beneficiaries of various social sector schemesBenami Transaction (Prohibition) Bill 2011 introduced in Parliament. The Bill elaborately covers definition of ‘benami’ property and transaction, and prohibits benami transactions.UPA is the Only Government in Modern India to pass the Historic Right to Information Act, 2005 to usher in transparency in governance through citizen participation.RTI Act has empowered lakhs of individuals and have made the state responsible. A revolution has taken place ever since, and people have become more aware of their rights and proceduresUPA Government is the first Government in India to present a White Paper on “Black Money” in May 2011The Cabinet has approved a proposal to set up a special purpose vehicle -GSTN (GSTN SPV) for providing shared IT infrastructure and services to central and state governments, taxpayers, and other stakeholders for implementation of the goods and services tax (GST), both before and after the rollout of GST.The Government had constituted a Group of Ministers (GoM) in January, 2011,to consider measures that can be taken by the Government to tackle corruption. Government has accepted the recommendations of the Group with minor modifications.E-Governance- A network of more than 100,000 Common Service Centres for electronic delivery of public services to citizens in rural areas has been rolled out.Black Money – In the last few years, more than 12,500 pieces of information regarding details of assets and payments received by Indian citizens in several countries including banking information have been obtained and are now under different stages of processing and investigation.Black Money- In search and seizure action under section 132 of Income Tax Act, the Investigation Wing of the CBDT has detected concealed income of Rs 19,938 crore in the last two (2010 and 2011) financial yearsBlack Money – With a success rate of about 48 per cent convictions or fiscal compounding in the last six years, one of the highest amongst all law enforcement agencies in IndiaThe Delhi –Mumbai Industrial Corridor Project being developed on either side of the Western Dedicated Freight Corridor as a global manufacturing and investment destination, has made significant strides since inception.Plans for 7 new cities have been finalised and work on 2 new smart industrial cities at Dholera, Gujarat and Shendra Bidkin, Maharashtra will start during 2013-14. This project incorporates 9 Mega Industrial zones of about 200-250 sq. km. High speed freight line, 3 ports, and 6 air portsThe average rate of economic growth during the self-declared India Shining period of the BJP was just 5.8% per year, as compared to 8.5% during the five year tenure of the Congress-led UPA government.The strong post-financial-crisis stimulus led to stronger growth in 2009-10 and 2010-11 However, the boost to consumption, coupled with supply side constraints, led to higher inflation. Monetary policy was tightened, even as external headwinds to growth increasedIn September, 2012, Government accepted the main recommendations of the Dr. Vijay Kelkar Committee. A new fiscal consolidation path was announced. Red lines were drawn for the fiscal deficit at 5.3 percent of GDP this year and 4.8 percent of GDP in 2013-14.The 12th Plan projects an investment of USD 1 trillion or Rs 55,00,000 crore in infrastructure The Plan envisages that the private sector will share 47 % of the investment.In the last two years, a number of institutions were allowed to issue tax free bonds. They raised Rs 30,000 crore in 2011-12 and are expected to raise about Rs 25,000 crore in 2012-13 Budget 2013-14 proposes to allow some institutions to issue tax free bonds strictly based on need and capacity to raise money in the market, upto a total sum of Rs50,000 crore.NABARD operates the Rural Infrastructure Development Fund (RIDF). RIDF has successfully utilised 18 tranches so far. Budget 2013-14 proposes to raise the corpus of RIDF-XIX in 2013-14 to Rs 20,000 crore.The Cabinet Committee on Investment (CCI) has been set up to monitor investment proposals as well as projects under implementation, including stalled projects, and guide decision-making in order to remove bottlenecks and quicken the pace of implementationThe next corridor will be the Bengaluru Mumbai Industrial Corridor on which preparatory work has started.Preparatory work has also started for Amritsar-Delhi-Kolkata – Eastern Freight CorridorPetrol has been deregulated under UPAMeasures including the increase in the price of diesel by Rs 5 per litre, allowing oil marketing companies (OMCs) to raise diesel prices by small amounts regularly, and a cap on the number of subsidized LPG cylinders are expected to rein in the fiscal deficit.Subsidies on LPG moderated and has been replaced by cash transfers to the really needy by Aadhaar Based DBTThe battle against inflation must be fought on all fronts. Our efforts in the past few months have brought down headline WPI inflation to about 7.0 % (2012-13) and core inflation to about 4.2 % (Feb 2013)Despite Slowdown Gross Domestic Product (GDP) at factor cost, over the decade ending 2012-13 is 7.9 %Global economic growth slowed from 3.9 percent in 2011 to 3.2 percent in 2012.India is part of the global economy: our exports and imports amount to 43 percent of GDP and two-way external sector transactions have risen to 108 percent of GDP.Between 2004 and 2008, and again in 2009-10 and 2010-11, the growth rate was over 8 percent and, in fact, crossed 9 percent in four of those six yearsAgricultural GDP growth accelerated in the Eleventh Plan, to an average rate of 3.3. per cent, compared with 2.4 per cent in the Tenth Plan, and 2.5 per cent in the Ninth Plan.The percentage of the population below the poverty line declined at the rate of 1.5 percentage points (ppt) per year in the period 2004-05 to 2009-10, twice the rate at which it declined in the previous period 1993-94 to 2004-05The rate of growth of real consumption per capita in rural areas in the period 2004-05 to 2011-12 was 3.4 per cent per year which was four times the rate in the previous period 1993-94 to 2004-05.The rate of unemployment declined from 8.2 per cent in 2004-05 to 6.6 per cent in 2009-10 reversing the trend observed in the earlier period when it had actually increased from 6.1 per cent in 1993-94 to 8.2 per cent in 2004-05.Rural real wages increased 6.8 per cent per year in the Eleventh Plan (2007-08 to 2011-12) compared to an average 1.1. per cent per year in the previous decade, led largely by the government’s rural policies and initiatives.Complete immunization rate increased by 2.1 ppt per year between 2002-04 and 2007-08, compared to a 1.7 ppt fall per year between 1998-99 and 2002-04.Institutional deliveries increased by 1.6 ppt per year between 2002-04 and 2007-08 higher than the 1.3 ppt increase per year between 1998-99 and 2002-04.Net enrolment rate at the primary level rose to a near universal 98.3 per cent in 2009-10. Dropout rate (classes I-VIII) also showed improvements, falling 1.7 ppt per year between 2003-04 and 2009-10, which was twice the 0.8 ppt fall between 1998-99 and 2003-04.UPA Government has launched the flagship ‘Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana’ in 2007 to reorient the agricultural development strategies to meet the needs of farmers.The farmer’s participatory system of seed production was given an impetus under the Seed Village Scheme by organizing more than 65,000 seed villagesAgricultural credit is the driver of agricultural production. India will exceed the target of Rs575,000 crore fixed for 2012-13. Budget 2013-14 proposes to increase the target to Rs700,000 crore.The interest subvention scheme for short-term crop loans started, and a farmer who repays the loan on time will be able to get credit at 4 percent per annumNutrient based subsidy policy for all fertilizers, other than urea, has been introducedProduction of foodgrains is at an all time record level of over 250 million tonnes with production of rice and wheat estimated at all time record levels of 102 million tonnes and 88 million tonnes respectivelyNational e-Governance Plan in Agriculture (NeGP-A) has been launched, which is helping raising farm productivity and income to global levels through provision of relevant information and services to stakeholders.India continues to be the largest milk producing nation in the world The Government has approved the National Dairy Plan Phase-I to be implemented during the period 2011-12 to 2016-17. The scheme is being implemented for increasing productivity of milch animals.The UPA Government has set up a Special Purpose Tea Fund for funding replanting and rejuvenation of old tea bushes for improving the age-profile of tea plantations. Tea has been declared the National DrinkProduction of pulses and oilseeds is estimated at 17.28 million tonnes and 30.53 million tonnes respectively.Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojna – States and Union Territories have been provided Rs22408.79 Crore from 2007-08 to 2011-12. A sum of Rs 9,954 crore is proposed for the same in 2013-14A new category of classical languages has been created and Sanskrit,Tamil, Telegu, Kannada and Malyalam have been notified as classical languages.Rs. 20 crore has been sanctioned for the upgradation of Sardar Patel’s memorials at Ahmedabad and Karamsad.Commemoration of 150th Birth Anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore/ Swami Vivekananda- As a part of ongoing commemoration of 150th Birth Anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore, Ministry of Culture organized a large number of programmes.For commemoration of 150th Birth Anniversary of Swami Vivekananda, Ramakrishna Mission, Belur Math is implementing Vivekananda Value Education Programme for propagating the legacy and philosophy of Swami Vivekananda, for which an amount of Rs100 crore would be provided to the Mission.A capacity of 54,964 MW has been added in the 11th Plan which has a significant contribution from the private sector and the government is making serous efforts to achieve a much higher capacity addition of about 88,000 MW in 12th planUPA has launched Restructured Accelerated Power Development and Reform Program (R-APDRP) to strengthen the Power SectorAs a new initiative for improving the power distribution infrastructure in the country,Government of India has approved setting up of a National Electricity Fund that would provide interest subsidy on loans disbursed to the Power Distribution Companies in the public as well as private sectorIn a bold move to remove fuel supplies bottlenecks, the Government has advised the Coal India Limited to sign Fuel Supply Agreements with the thermal power plants that were either commissioned during the 11th Plan or would be getting commissioned in the first three years of the 12th Plan and that have entered into longterm Power Purchase Agreements with power Distribution Companies.From 2004 to 2008 – The Government has awarded 72 explorationblocks in the last four years which has increased area under exploration by 30%.In the First 8 rounds (2000 to 2010) of National Exploration Licensing Policy (NELP) , Production Sharing Contracts of 235 exploration blocks have been signed.Under NELP – 104 gas discoveries have been made by pvt/JV companies in 45 blocksThe largest natural gas discovery has been made in Krishna-Godavari basin from where production has already commenced since April 2013. As on March 2012, India’s refinery capacity stands at 213.066 MMTPA.The Cabinet Committee on Investment (CCI), in its meeting held on April.2013, cleared 25 NELP blocks for continued exploration of Oil and Gas, out of 31 blocks where work had been stopped on account of security restrictions imposed by the Ministry of DefenceOn 20th October, 2012 , The Prime Minister launched Aadhaar Enabled Service Delivery, thus enabling the beneficiaries to get LPG cylinders by using UID-Aadhaar Card. Deliveries in 18 Districts have started from 1st June, 2013In 2011, Two new refineries came on line at Bina, M.P. and Bhatinda, Punjab.On March 23, 2012, the Prime Minister dedicated GAIL’s 2200 km Dahej-Vijaipur-Dadri-Bawana-Nangal-Bhatinda cross country pipeline to the nation.Following the events at Fukushima in Japan in March 2011, Government directed safety reviews of all nuclear power reactors,whether in operation or under construction The Nuclear Safety Regulatory Authority Bill, 2011 was introduced in Parliament. The CivilThe success of the Government’s international civil nuclear initiative was manifest in the highest ever generation of electricity from nuclear power during the year 2011 at 32,455 million units.India, under UPA has signed Civil Nuclear Agreements with record number of countries – Russia France, Germany, UK, US, S. Korea, Mongolia, (Japan in Pipeline)With the discovery of an additional 9620 tonnes of reserves of uranium oxide in Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Meghalaya and Jharkhand, the country’s uranium resources increased to about 1,72,400 tones of uranium oxide.Wind Energy – The total installed capacity of grid interactive renewable power has reached about 25,000 MW by the end of 2011-12.Of this, about 5,000 MW generation capacity was added during 2011-12, which is the highest ever renewable capacity addition in any one yearIndia has emerged has emerged as a leader in Asia, and holds 4th rank worldwide in wind power.Nearly 99 % Enrolment at Primary Level by successfully implementing the “Right to Education Act”. Making Education a Fundamental Right to All Citizens guaranteed by the Constitution.Literacy rate in India is now 74 ( Males- 82.1 and Females- 65.5)A substantial increase from the figures , 10 years ago, ushered by Social Revolution by UPAGross enrolment in higher education, which was 12.3 % in 2006-07, has gone up to 18 % in 2011-12.A provision has been made for central assistance for setting up of a model degree college in each of the identified 374 educationally backward districts where Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) for higher education is less. Out of 153 proposals received, 78 have been approved and 42 are under process.Massive Expansion in Higher Education – 7 NEW IIM’S , 8 NEW IIT’S, 10 NEW NITs EstablishedSince the RTE Act, 2,14,561 Primary and 1,76,361 Upper Primary schools have been sanctioned under SSA till date , of which 96% are operational479 residential schools/ hostels to cater to 66,181 children have been sanctioned under SSA out of which 432 are functional.Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas for Upper primary girls-3609 sanctioned, 3501 operational with enrolment of 3.2 lakhs girls.19,76,502 teacher posts have been sanctioned under SSA, 12,34,016 have been recruited9.94 crore children were supplied free text books in 2012Uniforms to all girls, SC, ST and BPL children, have been provided for 504.83 lakh children.Special training for Out-of- School children for age appropriate admission in regular schools has been provided for 27.89 lakh children10.54 crore children studying in 12.31 lakh institutions have availed of the Mid Day Meal.Under the scheme for setting up of 6,000 model schools at Block level at the rate of one school per block 1,880 model schools have been sanctioned out of 2,266 which are approvedSaakshar Bharat has been sanctioned in 372 out of 410 targeted eligible districts in 25 statesAbout 15.7 lakh literacy learning centres are functioning in different States of the Country.Kendriya Vidyalaya Sangathan established its 07 new Regional Offices4752 primary and secondary get IT InfrastructureTeacher Education Scheme – Strengthening of existing institutes of advanced and upgradation of departments of education of universities into institutes of advanced study in education\116. Block institutes of Teacher Education (BITEs) in 196 identified SC/ST/Minority concentration districts16 new Central Universities established10 new National Institutes of Technology (NIT’s) established. 5 new Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (IISER’s) established2 new School of Planning and Architecture established, 6 new Law Universities establishedThe Scheme for setting up of 20 new IIITs in PPP mode. 15 State Governments having identified land for setting up of the Institutes. Bill in this regard already introduced in Lok SabhaA grant was provided to set up 26 new polytechnics during the year 2011-12. In addition, the second and third installments were given to 85 and 92 polytechnics. 148 polytechnics were provided grant for women’s hostels.Under National Mission for Information & Communication Technology (ICT) in Education- Virtual Private Networks and internet connections have been provided to 392 universities and 18,189 colleges/polytechnics across the country.Advanced Version of Aakash-2 Tablet was launched on 11th Nov, 2012. In the first phase 1,00,000 tablets are being distributed for the purpose of testing by users all over India in different climatic and usage conditions.National Knowledge Network, connects all higher education institutes through via high speed broadband networkCommon Admission Examination Process with Weightage to Performance in Class 12th Board from 2013The Government has approved the proposal for Strengthening and Restructuring of ICDS Scheme with an over-all budget allocation of Rs. 1,108,503 crore during 12th Five Year PlanIndia’s Life Expectancy has been increased to 66.1 (2010) from 61.9 (2000)Life Expectation at Birth increased to 69.6 for Females and 67.3 for MalesSince the launch of the National Rural Health Mission, over 1.57 lakh personnel have been added to the health system during 2005-12.Infrastructure has been strengthened by taking up 594 District Hospitals, 2,721 Community Health Centres, 5,459 Primary Health Centres and 31,001 Sub-Centres for new construction or renovation.The Crude Birth Rate (CBR) at the National Level at 22.1 in 2010 declined 1.7 points over 2005-12 The Crude Death Rate during the same period ndeclined by 0.4 points.Infant Mortality Rate has registered a decline from 58 per 1000 live births in 2005 to 44 per 1000 live births in 2011The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) which stood to 2.88 in 2004 declined to 2.5 in 2010The Maternal Mortality Ratio declined from 254 in 2004-06 to 212 in 2007-09Over 8.6 Lakh ASHAs appointed to act as bridge between the communities and the health facilities in villagesA total of 70,000 beds have been increased in government health institutions for provision of essential and emergency services.Scheme for the promotion of menstrual hygiene among adolescent girls of rural areas in the age group of 10-19 years covering 1.5 crore girls in 152 districts of 20 states. Girls get sanitary napkins at Rs1 per pack of 6No polio case has been reported in the country since January 2011 owing to immunization drives. The World Health Organisation has taken India out of the list of polio-endemic countries.Mortality due to Kala-Azar has shown a declining trend. The total number of reported Dengue cases was also lower in 2011 as compared to 2010.HIV – The numbers of new annual infections have decreased by 56% over the past decade and the epidemic has begun to stabilize. NACP- III has been acclaimed globally as a successful programme.The Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India, came into existence as a separate Ministry with effect from 30 January, 2006.Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 – was passed by Parliament in May, 2012 to address the issue of child sexual abuse,Under Integrated Child Protection Scheme – 548 Child Welfare Committees and 561 Juvenile Justice Boards have now been established.Emergency Outreach Services through Childline 1098 has been expanded to 264 cities/districts of the countryThe National Mission for Empowerment of Women (NMEW) was launched by the Government of India on International Women’s Day in 2010 strengthen the inter-sector convergence . Mission headed by Prime Minister of IndiaGovernment has launched an Information, Education and Communication (IEC) Campaign against malnutrition with pro-bono services from Shri Aamir KhanSexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act was passed by Parliament on February 26, 2013ICDS Scheme has been universalised with effect from 2008-09. There were just 5267 Projects-operational under ICDS in 2004. Now there are 13.71 lakhsA total of 9.72 Crore (9,72,655,22 ) beneficiaries have benefitted through the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) as on January, 2013 out out which 7.46 Crore (7,46,809,32) are children in the age group of 0-6 yearsThere are 13.71 lakhs as on January 2013. The restructured and strengthened ICDS is been Anganwadi centres rolled out in 3 phases with focus on the 200 high burden districts for malnutrition during 2012-13 and additional 200 districts in 2013-14 including districts from the special category States and NER and the remaining districts in 2014-15.

I really hate “sub-Saharan African countries” used as a code expression for Black African countries.Someone rightly put it : Sub-Saharan Africa neither exists linguistically (Afro-asiatic languages), ethnically (Tuareg), politically (African union, Arab League), in terms of religion (Islam), economically (CEN-SAD, COMESA), [nor ecologically (the Nile Basin Initiative]. I will also add that by 1879, Imperial Egypt was really huge. It controlled Sudan, South Sudan, portions of Eritrea as well as northern Uganda and northeastern DRC. Egyptians had control over the Upper Nile region along the Congo-Nile Divide.Some people continue to use the expression just to make a statement : Blacks in North Africa are a minority. They mostly live in southern regions, rural areas and and isolated communities in the north and center.Yes, there are a number of groups in North Africa who have lookalikes in “sub-Saharan” Africa. The Nubians of Egypt, the Tebu of Libya, the Korandje speakers of Algeria are not sub-Saharan people and yet, they are North African Blacks.Others continue to use the expression just to create the illusion of a Saharan “racial” divide. North Africa is full of “White Afro-Mediterraneans” whereas Africa south of the Sahara is full of “Black “Sub-Saharans”.This is just an illusion. North Africa is not just the coastal regions along the Mediterranean Sea inhabited by light skinned North Africans with a lot of Eurasian admixture and the descendants of Eurasian settlers and slaves. No continental region has been reduced to its coastal regions along the Mediterranean Sea. Why is it done in North Africa? Anti-black racism so that the lie of a “White North Africa” continues.All North African countries are also Saharan countries, including Tunisia.Southern Tunisia is a desert zone, the Tunisian Sahara. It is very difficult to whitewash Saharan people. The Sahara is one of the driest and hottest regions on earth with average temperatures over 30°C and in the summer time, temperatures can go as high as 40°C.All Saharan regions of North Africa are inhabited by indigenous Blacks. North African Blacks who are indigenous populations are called the “Southerners” because of that.Saharan countries like Chad, Mali, Niger and even Eritrea are inhabited by Blacks up to 90%. Saharan Sudanese are black people. Actually, Sudan means a country of Blacks. Mauritanian Fulani are black people.The Sahara was not always a desert.It used to be a green, fertile and humid region of Africa full of animal and human life. There were rivers, lakes and farming communities. As someone noted : It is in the humid Neolithic Sahara that lies the key to the birth of Egyptian civilization and at the same time that of the cultural unity of Africa.North Africa is satured with black genes from its earliest inhabitants who were migrants from the Horn of Africa and the Saharan regions. The average North African is dark skinned with visible and well documented black ancestry dating back to prehistoric times. Countless North Africans complain about racial profiling in Europe because they look part black.Les noirs de l'Afrique - Maurice Delafosse - Hachette Livre BNFCourtesy of Google TranslateIt is also possible that the same cause must be attributed to the very ancient traces of black blood found both among the Egyptians of the time of the Pharaohs and among modern Abyssinians and among many Berber or Arab-Berber tribes. irrespective of the crossbreeding produced later by unions with black slaves.And let there be no mistaking it: the "Ethiopians" of which we have just spoken were indeed Negroes and not the ancestors of the present-day Abyssinians, to whom we commonly give the name of Ethiopians. Herodotus himself specifies this detail a little further (same Book, § LXX) by designating the Abyssinians as "Eastern Ethiopians" and observing that they differed from other "Ethiopians" in that they had straight hair, while Negroes or Western Ethiopians, whom he calls "Ethiopians" or "Ethiopians of Libya", had "more frizzy than all other men." He adds that they both spoke different language.The written word of ancient time is crystal clear as to what ancient Egyptians and ancient Berbers, the Moors, looked like.Strabo: Geography, c. 22 A.D., XVII.iii.1-11And I have heard this man say that beyond the country which he ruled there was no habitation of men, but desert land extending to a great distance, and that beyond that there are men, not black-skinned like the Mauretanii.6th A.D. – Procopius in his History of the Wars book IV contrasting the Germanic Vandals who had settled in North Africa with the Moors claimed the Vandals were not “black skinned like the Maurusioi.Aristotle (384-322 B.C.E.) Greek philosopher, scientist, and tutor to Alexander the Great. Aristotle is said to have written 150 philosophical treatises."Too black a hue marks the coward as witness Egyptians and Ethiopians and so does also too white a complexion as you may see from women, the complexion of courage is between the two." (Physiognomics, Vol. VI, 812aGreek historian Diodorus Siculus. From his own statements we learn that he traveled in Egypt around 60 BC. His travels in Egypt probably took him as far south as the first Cataract."They say also that the Egyptians are colonists sent out by the Ethiopians, Osiris ["King of Kings and God of Gods] having been the leader of the colony . . . they add that the Egyptians have received from them, as from authors and their ancestors, the greater part of their laws……All Africa is linked and North Africa is bound with the rest of Africa by geography and destiny.North Africa Is Still Africa: Time To Stop Excluding The Region When We Talk About The Continentby Matt Grahamn 4th June 2019Matthew Graham stresses the importance of including North Africa in any analysis of the African continentWhat is ‘Africa’? This is an easy one you shout. Finding a map of the world, you point to the easily identifiable contours of the continent, and you have correctly established the location of Africa. Next question please! If only the answer was so easy. In fact, the simple response conceals a number of intense public and academic debates about the nature and composition of the continent, which can often obscure its diversity, magnitude, and complexity. Consequently, a reductive, simplistic and often misleading public narrative of the continent is perpetuated (re: ‘Africa is a country’).In reality, the biggest challenge I faced before I started writing Contemporary Africa was conceptualising this very question: ‘what is Africa?’. I spent many agonising months weighing up the various options, reading as much literature as I could, and grappling philosophically with this dilemma, mindful that whatever choices I made at this stage would shape the entire framing and direction of the book. It was far from an easy process.Therefore it might come as a surprise that when tackling this question I decided to include the North African nations in my analysis of the continent. For many people, the concept of not including the Maghreb when examining the continent might appear like a ludicrous suggestion; the North African states of Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, and Egypt, are quite clearly on the continental landmass, and ‘Africa’ even comprises part of the regions designation.Image credit: 'Koutoubia Minaret, Marrakech' by russavia. Available on Wikimedia Commmons via CC BY-SA 2.0Ask different people from across the world and you will be given a variety of answers as to whether North Africa is ‘African’ because, fundamentally dependent on the specific context, it represents different things for different people, including its inhabitants. However, the common response is that the region is regarded as distinct and separate from the rest of Africa; for example you only have to look at World Bank reports in which the organisation is clear in only looking at sub-Saharan Africa in its analysis to see this sharp north-south distinction being made. There are many good reasons for this perspective, which is driven by the cultural, historical, religious and political differences between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. The Sahara therefore marks the delineation between two very different worlds.Indeed, the academic consensus has by and large adopted such an approach too, by solely focusing upon sub-Saharan Africa; you’ll find that the vast majority of books on Africa will exclude the north. In fact, in the early stages of writing this book, I was strongly advised by the anonymous reviewers that I should jettison all mentions of North Africa because by doing so the book wouldn’t fit in with the status quo. They argued that these nations belonged with Middle Eastern rather than African history, and any discussion of developments in this region would ‘complicate’ the continental narrative.The reality is that people across the region certainly don’t see a solid dividing line on the ground.After an existential crisis, I stuck by my decision to include North Africa in the book for several reasons. The first is that there are many historic and contemporary links between the north and south, such as the spread of religion, the migration of peoples, and the interconnected economic systems, which criss-cross the Sahara Desert. The reality is that people across the region certainly don’t see a solid dividing line on the ground. If you ignore this, it has a direct effect on our understanding of developments and trajectories of the nations either side of the Sahara. Moreover, by establishing such an artificial division, it is doing so on the basis of race and religion: a predominantly Arabic, Muslim north standing in contrast to the majority Black, Christian south. There is, however, no neat split on the map, and these overarching assumptions and generalisations based on race and religion do not bear historical scrutiny. Finally, the African Union (AU) categorically and officially identifies the north as being part of the continent, with all these states included within the structures of the institution, many of whom play active and enthusiastic roles in pan-continental affairs.Therefore this book sets out to provide different ways of thinking about Africa and to highlight the diversity and multitude of differences across the continent. Africa provides a fascinating canvas from which to study a range of political, historical, economic, societal, and cultural themes, and an omission of the North of the continent would, I argue, inhibit a deeper and more nuanced understanding of its complexities and the influential roles played by nations such as Algeria and Libya which have shaped pan-continental affairs. For example, following its independence in 1962, Algeria became a beacon for African liberation movements from across the continent. Furthermore, the former Libyan President Colonel Gaddafi was a keen advocate of Pan-Africanism, and he played a crucial role in pushing forward the idea of a transformed continental bloc in the shape of the new AU in the late 1990s, as well as actively interfering in the domestic politics of many sub-Saharan nations. These nations identified with, and sought to influence the rest of the continent and not to isolate themselves from the political, economic, or social developments to the south. Ignoring North Africa from our analysis obscures the realities and the myriad linkages that cross the Sahara. Therefore by including the region in this book, a clearer perspective of the subtly and detail of contemporary African developments can be reached that encompass the whole continent.….http://www.leadershipandsocieties.com/index.php/lds/article/view/96/79#:~:text=Pan%2DArabism%20is%20best%20defined,of%20Arab%20States%20(LAS).Reconciling Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism: The North African Leadership DilemmaBy Radwa SaadNorth-African leaders have been highly instrumental in shaping and advancing both Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism. Pan-Arabism is best defined as efforts to achieve one single political and economic unity that serves the higher interests of Arab states and populations. The ideology was instrumental in shaping post-colonial state-building process in North Africa and has led to the construction of the League of Arab States (LAS). Similarly, Pan-Africanism, best defined as ‘the determination to promote unity, solidarity, cohesion and cooperation among the peoples of Africa and African States’, has led to the development of the Organization of African Union (OAU) and its successor the African Union (AU). 1 Adherence to both ideologies has bestowed North-African leaders with diverging aspirations and commitments. A common policy that serves the higher interests of Arabs can be incompatible with a common policy transcending race, ethnicity, and religion to serve the interests of the African continent.Wedged between their Pan-Arab and Pan-African commitments, NorthAfrican leaders have struggled to demonstrate a genuine commitment to African affairs. At best, they are viewed as gateways to wider alliances outside the African continent, particularly the Middle East and parts of Asia.2 At worse, they are perceived as a homogenous entity with ongoing ‘family quarrels’ utilizing Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) as a geographic arena to contest their ideological rivalries through the manipulation of conflicts and political processes. 3 This claim is often supported by the reality that in almost every state where Arab and African identities intermingle, conflict is ripe.The Arab-African politics behind the protraction of the civil war in Somalia, the conflict between North and South Sudan, the enslavement of black Africans in Mauritania and the general discrimination against African minorities in predominantly Arab states, all give weight to the claim that Afro-Arab unity is a fallacy. Whereas a clear tension between Arab and African identities persists throughout Africa, it is often overlooked and understudied by scholars. There remains a need to deconstruct the nature of Afro-Arab relations and investigate under what conditions Arab and African interests can be synchronized. Such understandings can enhance cooperation within the African continent by allowing North-African leaders to engage in more constructive and defined relations with the remainder of the continent.……..Pan-Arab and Pan-African Unity: A Paradox?Pan-Arabism is best summarised as the belief in the cultural and political unity of Arab states. It is a corollary of Arab nationalism, the belief that all Arab people share a unique bond based on a shared language, history and religion. It was started by a small class of mobile intellectual elites seeking autonomy from the Ottoman Empire during the early 20th century but reached the peak of its popularity in the 1950’s/1960’s. Spearheaded by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who quickly became the de facto leader of the Arab word following the 1956 Suez Canal crisis, Arab political elites constructed a plan to solidify a common Arab culture. 24 Through the penetration of the Arabic language and the use of national broadcasting systems and radio programs, Pan-Arabism became an embedded cultural phenomenon. 25 As articulated by El Amrani: ‘Arab states... put culture at the service of politics (giving rise to such terms as Arab national culture, national identity culture, Islamic identity culture, resistance culture, the ruling party culture and centralized official culture) rather than putting politics at the service of culture.’26The humiliating defeat of the Arabs in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, the dissolution of the short-lived United Arab Republic (UAR) in 1971, the feebleness of the LAS and the appallingly low-level of integration among Arab states highlight Pan-Arabism’s failure to translate into a viable political project. Nonetheless, its strength as a cultural movement has enabled its resilience despite incessant political defeats. In 2011, the Arab Research Centre published the results of a comprehensive public opinion survey accounting for 80% of Arabs across 11 states including Egypt, Sudan, Morocco and Algeria. The survey revealed that over 71% of correspondents still believe in the existence of a united Arab nation, over 81% could identify threats to ‘Arab national security’ and 75% were in favour of adopting integration formulas to support greater unification. 27 The cross-border solidarity, coordination and exchange of influence on behalf of youth leaders and civil society organizations during the ‘Arab spring’ uprisings is yet another reflection of Pan-Arabism’s resilience. 28This strand of PanArabism, however, embodies a more bottom-up grassroot dimension anchored on demands for democratic reform, inclusivity and good governance. 29 If Pan-Arabism is a parochial cultural movement anchored on a shared language and ethnic identity, then Pan-Africanism’s is a more ambitious ideology transcending ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious affiliations. Pan-Africanism was first articulated as a movement that sought to restore pride, independence and dignity ‘among all those of Negro stock’, by establishing a greater sense of solidarity and oneness that can connect the displaced people of the diaspora with their descendants in Africa. 30However, it has since evolved to five dimensions each of which speak to contestations over whom is entitled to an African identity: Sub-Saharan; Trans-Saharan; Trans-Atlantic; West Hemispheric; and Global PanAfricanism. Others view these dimensions as part of an evolutionary sequence demonstrating the growth and inclusivity of the movement. 31 Collin Legum derived nine key objectives from Pan-Africanism as it was articulated in the mid-20th century: ‘Africa for Africans’ and independence of the whole of Africa; United States of Africa: through a series of interlinking regional federations; African renaissance of morale and culture; African regeneration of economic enterprise; African Nationalism to transcend regional and tribal affiliations; Belief in democracy; Rejection of violence as a method of struggle; Solidarity of black peoples everywhere; Positive neutrality: but ‘neutral in nothing that affects African interests’.32 When viewed in light of these objectives, Pan-Africanism appears to be making notable institutional progress.The AU is now the most formally acknowledged advocate of Pan-Africanism and is assuming increased leverage in international affairs. Its progressive and robust mandate for intervention in crimes against humanity; the deployment of AU troops in peacekeeping operations such as AMISOM; the increased number of democracies emerging across the continent; the ratification of Agenda 2063; and the growing role of regional economic communities (RECs) in fostering integration and managing conflict, all point to a slow but dynamic process of realizing longstanding Pan-African ideals. This process is indisputably ridden with challenges, the most conspicuous being the AU’s inability to finance its own peace-keeping operations, to act in the face of wide-spread human rights abuses and to exercise authority over despotic leaders who pursue self-interest at the detriment of regional interest.Nonetheless, the organization has left its mark on the continent by making notable progress towards change, particularly when compared to its counterpart, the LES. Attempts to merge Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism involved more compromise from the side of the latter. It was not until Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser put forward a series of initiatives in the 1950’s to increase Arab-African cooperation that Pan-Africanism was expanded to include North-Africans. 33 This, however, was not achieved without opposition. Many leaders at the time insisted that unifying Black Africa should remain the priority and that Arab internal quarrels would add unnecessary frictions in the Pan-African movement, a claim that still bears truth to date.34 Nonetheless, the fight against colonialism required wider alliances among ‘peoples of other colours’ who were also victims of white supremacy, hence DuBois’s famous statement that ‘the problem of the 20th Century’ is ‘the problem of the colour line - the relation of the darker to the lighter races of men in Asia and AfricaPan-Africanism’s expansion into a racially inclusive process anchored on elements of humanitarianism and democratic regionalism can account for why the AU has enjoyed relatively greater success in establishing a viable political project. At the core of the AU is a desire to produce an ‘African personality to recast African society into its own forms, drawing from its own past what is valuable and desirable’. This indefinite approach allows space for the African identity to be continuously negotiated while simultaneously embarking on political reforms that complement and strengthen this process of identity formation. 36Pan-Arabism, on the other hand, remains a linear ideology that advances Arab thought and processes without much consensus of what constitutes an Arab in the modern world and a refusal to negotiate its political shortcomings. 37 This reality makes it difficult to identify Africa’s role in North-African affairs. For example, when an attempt was made by the OAU to intervene in the Algerian-Moroccan border conflict, Arabs rejected African intervention deeming the conflict ‘an internal Arab affair’.38 This paper’s subsequent case studies examine the extent of which power possessed by North-African states is translated into influence in Africa and attempts to extract conditions under which the PanAfrican and Pan-Arabism can be synchronized.……EDIT # 1A return to Africa: Why North African states are looking southSUMMARYNorth African countries, each for their own reasons, are increasingly turning their attention towards sub-Saharan Africa.Morocco is pursuing a comprehensive campaign to increase its influence and win support with regard to Western Sahara.Algeria may be showing new flexibility in its response to security threats to its south.Tunisia is beginning to look for new economic opportunities in Africa.Egypt is responding to a series of strategic concerns, particularly over the waters of the Nile.Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia are also all dealing with increased migration flows, with migrants seeking to work on their territories or pass through it to reach Europe.This North African turn to sub-Saharan Africa offers opportunities for European cooperation. But the EU should be aware of the distinctive agendas of North African countries and the reservations that their initiatives engender in some countries.INTRODUCTIONEuropean policymakers have generally looked at North Africa through a Mediterranean lens. Since at least the Barcelona process of Euro-Mediterranean partnership was launched in 1995, European nations have seen the countries on the Mediterranean’s southern shore, from Morocco to Egypt, primarily in the context of their own neighbourhood. Behind this approach rests a history of close links stretching back through the colonial period as well as deep economic relations; Europe is the most important trading partner and investor for the majority of these countries.But this vision of North Africa, which was always too simplistic, is increasingly at odds with the reality of how these countries see themselves. Across the region, North African countries are turning their focus towards their own continent and stepping up their engagement with sub-Saharan Africa.The North African turn towards Africa is driven by several factors. Some countries are engaged in an effort to win diplomatic support on significant questions of national interest: for Morocco and Algeria, the dispute over Western Sahara and their broader strategic rivalry; in the case of Egypt, its concern about the giant dam that Ethiopia is building on the Nile. Beyond this diplomatic effort, the focus is also a response to the rising security threats and flow of migration reaching North African countries from the south.Finally, the shift is driven by economic concerns. North African countries are searching for new markets and seeking to position themselves for the economic and demographic growth expected in sub-Saharan Africa in the coming years. This has been given new impetus by the continuing slow growth rates of North Africa’s traditional European trading partners. The turn to the south is also a reaction to the failure of regional integration within North Africa, where trade between countries remains low. Economic and political cooperation, for example through the Arab Maghreb Union, is held hostage in particular to the Algerian-Moroccan stand-off over Western Sahara.The impact of covid-19 is likely to impose some short-term limitations but also offer new areas of focus for this process. At the time of writing, Africa has seen a lower death toll and infection rate than other continents, with 8,630 reported deaths. Many African countries have responded effectively and innovatively to the crisis. Nevertheless, the peak of the disease may not yet have arrived in Africa. In any case, the economic and social impact of the coronavirus on the continent is likely to be profound, with widespread job losses, difficulties in meeting debt payments, and a possible food crisis. At the same time, these effects could spur a transformation of African economies towards greater self-sufficiency, including in the production of food and medicines. They could also lead to a bigger emphasis on renewable energy and greater digitalisation. Such a transformation could offer further opportunities to those North African countries that have well-developed technology, health, and renewable energy sectors.At a time when the EU is also seeking to deepen its relationship with sub-Saharan Africa, based around a joint communication of the European Commission and the High Representative unveiled in March 2020, the North African turn southwards deserves greater European attention. EU policymakers could benefit from understanding North African engagement in sub-Saharan Africa in two ways. Firstly, they should recognise that North African partner countries have their own policy agendas in areas like migration, trade, and investment that are not directed towards Europe, and that EU-North Africa cooperation will be more successful if it takes this into account.Secondly, an understanding of North African strategies could also lead to a greater awareness of where Europe and North African countries could cooperate in sub-Saharan Africa. However, even as they look for synergies, Europeans should also remember that not all North African initiatives are welcomed, or accepted at face value, by sub-Saharan countries. Europeans should be aware that accepting North African offers of triangular cooperation may in some cases have drawbacks that outweigh the advantages they offer.This policy brief offers a stock-take of the African strategies of Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Egypt. It excludes Libya – which had an intensive engagement with sub-Saharan Africa and with the African Union (AU) in the years before 2011 – because the political crises and civil war that the country has witnessed in the last few years have left it unable to pursue any far-reaching African strategy at the state level for the moment.MOROCCO: REJOINING “THE FAMILY”Morocco rejoined the AU in January 2017 after an absence of 33 years. The step was a key symbolic moment, illustrating the determined way that the country has tried to reinforce its ties with sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. Morocco had quit the AU’s predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity, in 1984 to protest against the body’s admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) as a member. The SADR is the state declared by the Polisario Front in the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara, which Morocco claims as its territory and most of whose territory it controls. Morocco regards the dispute over Western Sahara as a vital question of national interest. Its return to the AU represented a shift in its strategy to win backing for its control of the territory.But Morocco’s ambitions in sub-Saharan Africa extend beyond the search for support over Western Sahara. It also has economic and security goals, and is seeking to establish itself as a major player on the continent. King Mohammed VI said when Morocco rejoined the AU: “At a time when the Kingdom is among the most developed African nations … we have decided to join our family again.”Morocco’s decision to enter the AU without securing the SADR’s expulsion marked a recognition that its “empty chair” approach was not working. After Morocco’s readmission, the AU agreed in July 2018 to set up a troika consisting of the current AU chairperson as well as the previous and incoming chairs. This troika aims to support the UN process on Western Sahara, and effectively removed the subject from discussion in the AU’s Peace and Security Council (PSC) in Addis Ababa by kicking it up to head of state level. This move bracketed AU disagreements on Western Sahara but did nothing to resolve them. The AU remains “blocked” on the topic. At the same time, Morocco has made little secret of its ultimate ambition to force the SADR out of the AU.Morocco has also continued to try to normalise its control of the territory by persuading African countries – primarily, but not entirely confined to, its traditional francophone supporters – to open consulates in the territory. Ten have done so in recent months. Nevertheless, South Africa, Algeria, Kenya, and other influential African countries continue to support the Polisario Front and uphold the AU’s traditional position in favour of the right to self-determination of the Sahrawi people.Morocco’s diplomatic push on Western Sahara has been matched by an economic drive to expand its investment and business operations in Africa. Since Mohammed VI became king in 1999, he has made a series of high-profile visits to African countries. These include business delegations and the visits are often accompanied by the announcement of large-scale investments. Between 2003 and 2017, Moroccan foreign direct investment in Africa totalled 37 billion dirhams (roughly €9 billion), making up around 60 per cent of the country’s overseas investment. By 2017, Morocco had become the leading African investor in West Africa and was second only to South Africa as the largest African investor across the continent as a whole.Investments have been particularly concentrated in the banking and telecommunications sectors, led by large enterprises such as Attijariwafa Bank, Banque Centrale Populaire, and Maroc Telecom. Initially focused on Morocco’s traditional West African francophone allies like Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire, the country has more recently expanded the range of its investments. Among other agreements, the phosphate conglomerate OCP signed a deal for a giant fertiliser production plant with Ethiopia in 2016. In the same year, Morocco also agreed a major project to build a gas pipeline from Nigeria to its Mediterranean coast.Morocco’s increasing ties with non-francophone African countries that have traditionally opposed its policies on Western Sahara reflect a shift in the continent from ideological to more pragmatic approaches, according to African analysts. But there is still a good deal of suspicion of Morocco’s ambitions in Africa. This has been evident particularly in the reaction to Morocco’s application in 2017 to join the 15-member Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). West Africa absorbs the majority of Moroccan exports within Africa, yet, since goods from Morocco still make up only a small proportion of West African imports, there is evidently room for Morocco to expand its market share.However, although Morocco’s bid was approved in principle in 2017, progress towards full membership has stalled. The question was not even on the agenda at the two most recent ECOWAS summits. Some ECOWAS members are worried that Morocco’s competitive economy could lead to the erosion of domestic manufacturing, and that Morocco’s free trade agreements with the EU and the United States could open a “back door” for goods from these regions to enter West Africa. West African economic lobbies see the bid as “a predatory move by companies in the kingdom to compete unfairly in their markets”. There is also concern among anglophone West African countries that Morocco’s accession could undermine the position of Nigeria, the dominant country in ECOWAS, and tilt the balance of power in favour of the francophone group of countries within ECOWAS. Finally, many ECOWAS member states question whether Morocco is ready to implement the provisions allowing the free movement of people across the bloc.Morocco’s Africa strategy also incorporates a large soft power element, based around development cooperation, education, and religious training. According to Mohamed Methqal, the head of the Moroccan International Cooperation Agency (AMCI), Morocco’s “long history of links with the rest of the continent means it is well placed to help other African countries replicate the development story of Morocco”.[1] Through its cooperation agency, Morocco has developed partnerships with 46 other African countries. It provides both humanitarian assistance and capacity building in a range of development fields, including public administration, health, education, power generation, and rural electrification. Morocco has focused particularly on bringing students from across Africa to the country for higher education; since 1999, 23,000 students from Africa have graduated from Moroccan universities or technical programmes, and 11,000 were registered in 2018-19, with most receiving Moroccan financial support.Morocco has also focused on religious diplomacy and education, drawing on the country’s moderate tradition of Islam and the traditional networks of Sufi orders such as the Tijaniyya, which link Morocco and West Africa. In 2015, Morocco established the Mohammed VI Foundation for African Ulema to promote a tolerant vision of Islam among partner countries, with an emphasis on West Africa. It has also trained hundreds of African imams in Morocco through the Mohammed VI Institute in Rabat. In the words of one analyst, Morocco’s religious diplomacy is now a structured and comprehensive policy that aims to build on the Moroccan-African joint spiritual heritage “in consolidating the establishment of long-term vital strategic partnerships with African countries”. Moroccan officials also argue that the programme plays a security role, helping provide a counterpoint to Islamist radicalisation in the Sahel, and represents a distinctively “soft” alternative to the counter-terrorist approach that Morocco’s arch-rival Algeria has promoted through the AU. At the same time, Morocco has also offered training and financial support to members of the G5 Sahel joint force, a French-backed security initiative in which Algeria does not participate.Finally, Morocco has attempted to position itself as a leader in Africa on the topic of migration. King Mohammed VI was given a lead role on migration issues within the AU and in 2018 Morocco secured AU agreement to host a new African Observatory on Migration, which will track migration dynamics and coordinate government policies on the continent. Morocco’s approach to migration can be seen as an attempt to turn a complex policy challenge to its advantage. Long a source of migrants itself, Morocco has also become a transit and destination country for migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, with the number of immigrants rising from 54,400 in 2005 to 98,600 in 2019, according to government figures.Eager to show itself as a reliable partner for Europe in restricting irregular migration from its territory to the EU, Morocco has also tried to move beyond a repressive approach. Following past accusations of violating migrants’ rights and evidence of racism towards African migrants in Moroccan society, the country launched a comprehensive migration reform drive in 2013 and has offered legal status to nearly 50,000 migrants, most of them from sub-Saharan Africa. Nevertheless, there is evidence that Morocco continues to face difficulties in integrating African immigrants and offering them economic opportunities, and there may be a risk that these problems could come to damage relations with sub-Saharan countries.The Moroccan authorities like to say that their growing engagement with Africa presents an opportunity for Europe. Mohamed Methqal of AMCI argues that Europe’s future depends on sustainable development in Africa and that the EU should partner with Morocco to promote this, since the country “has relevant expertise that is adapted to local realities”.[2] Morocco also promotes itself as an economic bridge between Europe and Africa, and established the Casablanca Finance City to offer international firms a base for operations on the continent; Casablanca is now ranked as the leading financial centre in Africa. In many areas of development, such as renewable energy or health, there may be advantages in coordinating international cooperation. But Europeans should also recognise that Morocco’s strategic agenda in sub-Saharan Africa is, unsurprisingly, geared towards its own interests and complex relationships, and that its engagement with African partners involves continuing tensions as well as goodwill.ALGERIA: THE PURSUIT OF LOST INFLUENCEAlgeria has a long history of ties with sub-Saharan Africa. Following its independence in 1962, Algeria became a beacon of inspiration to anti-colonial and revolutionary movements across the continent. During the 1990s, the Algerian civil war lowered the country’s diplomatic profile. But by the early 2000s, Algeria had regained influence in Africa, particularly within the AU and on issues of peace and security. Algeria built on its own experience of the “black decade” to position itself as a leader in confronting international terrorism.Algerian officials played an influential role in designing the African Peace and Security Architecture that underpins the AU’s security policy. Algerians have also occupied the key role of AU Commissioner for Peace and Security continuously since the AU was set up in 2002. The first two holders of the office were Saïd Djinnit and Ramtane Lamamra, two of Algeria’s most senior and internationally recognised diplomats. Algeria hosts the Africa Centre for Studies and Research on Terrorism and ensured that counterterrorism was included as one of the areas of responsibility of the PSC. Beyond security, Algeria was also central to the setting up of the AU’s New Partnership for Africa’s Development in 2002. Algerians’ confidence of their influence within the AU led one diplomat to claim in 2012: “Algeria can sway the AU in its direction without, however, putting great pressure.”In recent years, however, Algeria’s influence across the continent has weakened. After President Abdelaziz Bouteflika was largely incapacitated by a stroke in 2013, his engagement with other African heads of state faded away and Algeria’s bilateral ties with sub-Saharan countries were eroded. Guided by a vision of national self-sufficiency, Algeria chose not to set up a sovereign wealth fund that could purchase overseas assets with the revenues from its gas and oil reserves. The fall in hydrocarbon prices after 2014 then dealt a major blow to Algeria’s economy, but any hopes of diversification through expansion into African markets were limited by regulations that constrained overseas investment. Under rules that were updated in 2014, private companies are only allowed to invest abroad for activities that are complementary to their domestic business, and transfers of capital still require official authorisation.A high-profile conference organised in Algeria in 2016, the African Forum for Investment and Business, was overshadowed by feuding between members of the elite, as the prime minister, Abdelmalek Sellal, walked out in protest at the role taken by the influential businessman Ali Haddad. Nevertheless, some observers believe the forum helped lay the ground for increased commercial ties in the future.Algeria has long seen itself as playing a dominant role in the Sahel, but here too its place has been somewhat eclipsed as the jihadist threat has escalated in recent years. Algeria’s army is the most powerful in Africa after Egypt’s, yet the country has long had a commitment to the principle of non-intervention. This stance is formally enshrined in Algeria’s constitution, which states that “Algeria does not resort to war in order to undermine the legitimate sovereignty and the freedom of other peoples.” As a result, Algeria has pursued an approach in the Sahel based on coordinating the responses of regional states to security threats. In 2010 Algeria established a regional security organisation, the Comité d’État-Major Opérationnel Conjoint (CEMOC), which brings together Algeria, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger to cooperate and share intelligence in the fight against armed groups. Yet CEMOC and the associated Fusion and Liaison Unit have largely proved ineffective. Algeria’s commitment to non-intervention led it to resist sending troops to push back armed groups in Mali in 2013, when domestic forces were unable to manage the threat, though Algeria did allow French forces to use its airspace.Even within the AU, Algeria may have lost some of its dominant influence over the security portfolio. The current Algerian PSC commissioner, Smaïl Chergui, was only narrowly re-elected to a four-year term in 2017, and some observers believe that Algeria may no longer hold the position after next year’s vote. Algeria was also unable to prevent its rival Morocco from gaining a seat on the PSC in 2018.Algeria has also deployed a largely security-focused response to the increase in migration into the country over the last few years that seems to pay little heed to sub-Saharan sensibilities. Migration into Algeria rose after 2015 as the civil war in Libya diverted migrants who might previously have sought work in Libya or used it as a staging post to try to reach Europe. The increasing visibility of sub-Saharan immigrants in Algerian cities provoked some hostile reaction, including a public campaign in 2017 under the slogan “No to Africans in Algeria”.While the government pushed back against this campaign, and promised to start work on a plan for regularisation, it has also forcibly deported large numbers of irregular migrants to Niger and Mali, including some from other African countries. Many have reportedly been abandoned in Algeria’s southern desert and left to make their way across the border on foot. In a protest against their treatment, a group of Malians who had been deported from Algeria attacked the Algerian embassy in Bamako in 2018. In the words of one Algerian specialist, the Algerian authorities never treat the reception of migrants as a diplomatic or geopolitical opportunity to improve relations with sub-Saharan African countries.Against this backdrop, Abdelmadjid Tebboune, who was elected president in December 2019, has said he wants to lead a policy of re-engagement with Africa. Tebboune became president through a process that was rejected by Algeria’s large protest movement, and he is seen by domestic critics of the Algerian regime as a compromised leader. Nevertheless, he has set out an ambitious programme to rebuild Algeria’s continental profile. Tebboune attended the AU summit in February this year and used his speech to announce Algeria’s return to Africa, both in the context of the AU and in bilateral relations. In particular, the president announced that Algeria would set up an international cooperation agency focused on Africa and the Sahel (and evidently modelled on Morocco’s AMCI). Late in 2019, Algeria also ratified the agreement for the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). In June 2020, it completed construction of a key part of a projected trans-Saharan highway that is designed to connect Algiers and Lagos, with links to Chad, Mali, Niger, and Tunisia.Finally, in May, Tebboune unveiled proposed amendments to Algeria’s constitution that would allow the country to send military forces overseas to take part in multilateral peacekeeping or peace-enforcement operations, and to restore peace in countries at the invitation of the host government. The change is evidently designed to help restore Algeria’s role as the leading power in providing security in its neighbourhood.It will be some time before the success of these moves can be assessed. Some commentators have suggested that the new international cooperation agency is an outdated method of trying to gain influence, harking back to a time when sub-Saharan Africa was seen as a collection of poor countries needing help, and when Algeria had the wealth to undertake large and expensive projects. One observer of Tebboune’s speech to the AU commented that it did not seem to resonate with its audience.[3] Rather than dangling large projects that it cannot afford, Algeria might be better advised to make it easier for its firms to trade and invest in Africa by improving transport links, particularly flight connections, and loosening regulations governing foreign investment.Meanwhile, in the field of security, the impact of any revision to Algeria’s doctrine of non-intervention will depend on the country also changing its strategic culture. That culture has tended to adopt a rigid approach and rejected support for any missions that are not conducted on Algeria’s terms. There have been signs recently of a shift in this direction, including renewed talks on regional issues between Algeria and France, and Algeria’s recent announcement of the provision of military aid to Mali, including the offer of 53 military vehicles. Such a shift would complement the role that Algeria has continued to play in promoting and supporting negotiations between the government and armed groups in Mali.TUNISIA: UNTAPPED ECONOMIC POTENTIALTunisia is unique among North African countries in that its growing interest in sub-Saharan Africa has no obvious geopolitical motive. Tunisia is not seeking to deepen its engagement with the rest of the continent because of any strategic rivalry or security concerns, but essentially for economic reasons. The outgoing prime minister, Youssef Chahed, hosted a US-Tunisian event to promote investment in Africa in February this year, and said that Tunisia wanted to launch a privileged partnership with African countries. The new prime minister, Elyes Fakhfakh, who took office soon after, has promised a strategic investment plan for Tunisia’s future that is also based on opening new markets in Africa.Tunisia starts from a low base in trying to expand its reach into sub-Saharan Africa. President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, who ruled the country for 23 years before the 2011 revolution, tried to orientate Tunisia towards Europe rather than Africa. While the first post-revolutionary president, Moncef Marzouki, visited several African countries, Tunisia’s governments since 2011 were more focused on addressing socioeconomic problems through subsidies and public employment than on seeking new markets overseas. In 2018, only 3.1 per cent of Tunisia’s exports went to sub-Saharan Africa, representing little increase from a share of 2.8 per cent ten years earlier. Tunisia suffers from a shortage of diplomatic and infrastructure links with the continent. Beyond the North African coastal countries, it has only 12 embassies to cover 49 African countries. The national airline, Tunisair, only serves eight sub-Saharan destinations, all in West Africa.Tunisia took a step towards greater trade integration with sub-Saharan Africa when it joined the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) in 2018. However, Tunisia only began trading under COMESA rules in January 2020 and its exports to COMESA countries remain for the moment overwhelmingly focused on North African neighbours Libya and Egypt. In the meantime, Tunisia also received observer status with ECOWAS in 2017 (its position in the centre of North Africa makes it eligible for both eastern and western regional economic organisations). However, after Tunisia signed up to the AfCFTA, the Tunisian parliament failed to ratify the agreement when it was put to a vote in March 2020. The agreement can be resubmitted to parliament after an interval of three months, but the rejection seems to show that Tunisia’s political class has not yet embraced the idea of engagement with Africa.The head of the Tunisia-Africa Business Council, Anis Jaziri, says that Tunisia’s commercial potential on the continent is held back by burdensome foreign exchange regulations and the weak international links of the country’s banks, as well as the shortage of transport connections. At the moment, Tunisian exports to Africa are mainly in industrial goods, including building materials, cables, and medical equipment. Some Tunisian firms, like the construction company Soroubat, have made successful investments in West Africa. But Jaziri argues that Tunisia has enormous potential in other higher-value areas of goods and services, ranging from higher education and medical services to information technology. Tunisia’s success in handling covid-19 may increase the appeal of its health sector to the continent. With better transport links, Tunisia also has potential as a base for European and other international companies that are looking for local African partners in sectors like health or IT.Migration is also a factor in Tunisia’s relations with sub-Saharan Africa. According to official figures, there are around 7,500 sub-Saharan Africans living in Tunisia, but, when undocumented immigrants are included, many people believe the true figure could be around 20,000. The majority of these are from West Africa – particularly Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, and Nigeria. Until recently, the number of sub-Saharan Africans trying to use Tunisia as a base to reach Europe was minimal. According to the researcher Matt Herbert, only 401 out of the 4,678 irregular migrants apprehended by Tunisian authorities in 2018 trying to leave for Europe were non-Tunisian citizens. The deterioration of conditions in Libya has led to an increase in the proportion of foreigners trying to use Tunisia as a transit country, but the number of migrants trying to reach Europe from Tunisia remains low.Many African immigrants in Tunisia have complained that they face racism and discrimination. A detailed study released recently by the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights found that migrants consistently said they felt unwelcome in the country. There is no formal asylum system. Most migrants are only able to work in the informal economy and they have suffered badly from the impact of covid-19. According to the UNHCR, 53 per cent of refugees and migrants in Tunisia have lost their jobs because of coronavirus restrictions. Tunisia adopted a landmark law against racial discrimination in 2018, but activists complain that there is no political commitment to follow through on it. Tunisia’s failure to integrate African migrants more effectively seems to indicate a continuing sense of detachment from sub-Saharan Africa.EGYPT: PROTECTING NATIONAL INTERESTSFrom February 2019 to February 2020, Egyptian president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi served as chair of the AU. This was the first time Egypt had been chosen for the position (which rotates annually between different African regions) since the body’s creation in 2002. Sisi’s selection underlined the increasing attention that Egypt has given to Africa and the AU in the last six years. Under the presidencies of Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s foreign policy was focused on the Middle East, and its relations with the US and Europe overshadowed its engagement with its own continent. After Sisi seized power in 2013, overthrowing the popularly elected president Mohammed Morsi, the AU went so far as to suspend Egypt’s membership for a year. But since then, Sisi and Egypt have made a concerted effort to repair their ties to Africa.The shift reflects the changing nature of the security risks that Egypt faces. Since 2011, the spread of jihadist groups across North Africa and the Sahel, and the civil war in Libya, have led Sisi to see potential threats across Egypt’s African borders. At the same time, Sisi’s campaign against the Muslim Brotherhood at home has led him to identify all offshoots of the Brotherhood as allied to terrorism, and to orientate Egypt’s foreign policy towards preventing the spread of political Islam across the region. The overthrow of Sudan’s long-time president, Omar al-Bashir, after massive popular demonstrations also raised the spectre of instability in a neighbouring country. Most significantly, Ethiopia’s decision in 2011 to begin building the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Blue Nile close to its border with Sudan threatened Egypt with the disruption of the water supply on which it overwhelmingly depends. Ninety per cent of Egypt’s fresh water comes from the Nile, and the river has been central to Egyptian life and identity for thousands of years. Sisi told the United Nations in 2019 that the water of the Nile was “a matter of life and an issue of existence for Egypt”.Egypt’s size and wealth guarantee that it has influence in Africa when it chooses to engage. It has the third-largest economy on the continent after Nigeria and South Africa, and its 2019 growth rate of 5.6 per cent was much the highest of the three. Egypt has an experienced and skilled diplomatic service and an extensive network of 40 embassies across sub-Saharan Africa. During its period as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 2016-17, it won friends in Africa by working to coordinate the activity of the African members of the UNSC and the PSC. Observers of the body say that Egypt has been careful to put high-quality officials into the AU, including the organisation’s legal counsel, Namira Negm.[4] Egypt is particularly active within the AU on security questions and won agreement to host the AU’s Centre for Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development in Cairo. According to news reports, Egyptian diplomats describe these efforts as part of an attempt to increase its influence within the organisation.Nevertheless, during its period chairing the AU, Egypt did not focus the organisation on its own most pressing regional challenges, which it prefers to address in other ways. Egypt’s ambassador to the AU cites the coming into force of the AfCFTA, improving the efficiency of the AU, infrastructure development, and progress on the Centre for Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development as the signal achievements of its term. But, because it has taken positions that diverge from the majority view within the organisation, Egypt has not promoted AU involvement on the crisis in Libya, the transition in Sudan, and the Ethiopian dam. It sought the AU chair as part of a general campaign to build influence rather than as a way of directly pursuing its strategic goals.On Libya, Egypt has strongly supported the renegade general Khalifa Haftar, which renders it unfit to lead any mediation effort, in the view of other AU member states. Egypt has also been at odds with the majority of AU countries over the transition in Sudan. In the belief that Sudan’s army provides the best foundation for national stability, Egypt has joined its Middle Eastern allies, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, in backing the Sudanese military in their continuing power struggle against civilian officials. Sisi met with the influential general Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (widely known as Hemeti) in Cairo last July and emphasised Egypt’s desire to support “the stability and security” of Sudan. But the AU has been more favourable to the pro-democratic civilian movement. Against Sisi’s opposition, the AU suspended Sudan for three months in June 2019 after a military attack on protesters. And the AU weighed in behind Egypt’s rival, Ethiopia, in its mediation efforts last summer, leading to a power-sharing deal and a transitional roadmap.The Ethiopian dam remains Egypt’s most important regional priority. Work on the GERD is more than 70 per cent complete and Ethiopia says it will be ready to start filling the reservoir behind it this year. It has been estimated that if the reservoir were filled over seven years, Egypt would lose 22 per cent of its annual water budget. Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan signed a declaration of principles in 2015, but since then technical negotiations on the details of an agreement have stalled. The remaining points of disagreement between Egypt and Ethiopia concern the legal status of any agreement, mitigation measures in case of drought, and how to handle disputes. The World Bank and, more recently, the US have tried to mediate, but Ethiopia rejected a US-crafted deal earlier this year. Instead, Ethiopia has sought to involve the AU and its current chair, President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa, in a new round of mediation. In late June, the parties met under AU auspices and announced that they hoped to resolve the outstanding issues within two weeks. If the discussions are successful, this would represent an instance of Africa resolving its own disputes and help dispel Egyptian doubts about the AU’s fairness on this topic.Like other North African countries, Egypt has also tried to increase its economic ties to sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. Egypt has been a member of COMESA since 1998 and was one of the first countries to ratify the tripartite free trade area linking COMESA with the East African Community and the Southern African Development Community that was agreed in 2015. Egyptian trade with fellow COMESA member states increased by 32 per cent between 2018 and 2019. Egypt has also undertaken a series of large cooperation projects with Nile basin countries in recent years, above all in irrigation and water management, and organised a series of investment forums in Cairo. Nevertheless, Egypt’s trade with sub-Saharan Africa remains comparatively low, accounting for only 5.7 per cent of its exports and 1.5 per cent of imports in 2018. The impression persists that Egypt treats its security interests in Africa as a priority, and sees economic links, at least in part, as a way to promote its strategic goals.CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONSNorth Africa’s “return to Africa” has been a striking feature of the region’s foreign policy in recent years. All four of the countries analysed in this policy brief have stepped up their engagement with sub-Saharan Africa, recognising it as both a leading emerging market and a region whose influence in international politics is likely to increase in the coming years. But this report has also shown how North African countries are pursuing distinctively national agendas in Africa and have met with a correspondingly mixed response from sub-Saharan African countries. North African countries have returned to Africa for their own reasons, and their initiatives have often left existing tensions with sub-Saharan countries unresolved.Morocco and Egypt, in particular, have brought a strong sense of their strategic interests into their engagement with Africa. Many sub-Saharan countries have maintained their wariness of these positions even as they welcome the attention to African institutions and processes. North African countries have also continued to equivocate about their position in Africa. In what has been called a “double pursuit”, they are committed to maintaining their privileged relationships with the EU even as they deepen their ties to their own continent. North African countries have shown no interest in being associated with negotiations between the EU and the African, Caribbean, and Pacific group of states about a successor to the Cotonou Agreement, which expires at the end of this year. North African development cooperation with sub-Saharan Africa offers benefits to the continent but can also provoke resentment if it is cast in a tutelary form, with North African countries seeming to offer the benefit of their more advanced status.The EU should take account of the complex nature of North African engagement with sub-Saharan Africa in its relations with the continent. Firstly, it will get better results from its cooperation with North African countries on migration if it understands the African context of its partners’ policies. As Tasnim Abderrahim has argued for ECFR, the EU and its member states should appreciate that migration is a sensitive issue for North African countries as well as European ones. European and sub-Saharan African interests can be in tension, and any impression that North African countries are acting as Europe’s enforcers or gendarmes will complicate their relations with source countries. Cooperation on border management, and supporting the integration of migrant communities, is likely to be more effective than pushing North African countries to accept migrants intercepted at sea.In the field of security, the EU and its member states should welcome signs that Algeria is re-engaging in the Sahel and encourage it to build links with the G5 Sahel and to contribute actively to stabilisation and development. The EU should also be prepared to step up its involvement in efforts to resolve the Nile dam dispute if the current round of talks falters. Europe may be better able to present itself as a neutral power than the US, which is seen as close to Egypt.As the EU looks to deepen its relationship with Africa, it should naturally seek to coordinate where possible with North African continental initiatives. Commercial ties between Maghreb countries and the Sahel could help European objectives of promoting stability. Supporting African economic integration is one of the goals mentioned in the guidelines for a new EU-Africa strategy. This could be promoted by helping to create better infrastructure links between north African countries and the rest of the continent.There is also scope for Europe to pursue triangular cooperation with North African countries in sub-Saharan Africa, joining together on projects in areas where North Africa has relevant experience to share. Morocco, in particular, has sought to promote this idea, which was endorsed in a joint EU-Morocco declaration in June 2019. Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia have international cooperation agencies that have carried out many projects in third countries in association with international institutions and developed countries, and Algeria has announced the creation of an international cooperation agency. In several areas, includingpublic health, rural electrification, renewable energy, and digitalisation, North African countries are pursuing similar development cooperation goals as Europe and have relevant experience, and it would make sense for efforts to be coordinated.At the same time, the EU should remain cautious about aligning itself too strongly with North African strategies in Africa. Triangular cooperation is only valuable to the extent that all parties genuinely share objectives and the arrangement offers added value. As the EU tries to move towards a more reciprocal partnership approach with Africa, it should remember that many sub-Saharan countries look at the posture of North African states with some distrust. Where North African countries are thought to approach the rest of the continent with a sense of their own more advanced status, it may not help Europe to ally with them. Above all, European policymakers should be aware of the interests, tensions, and rivalries that underlie North African policies on the continent. Sub-Saharan Africa’s stance towards North Africa is increasingly pragmatic. A correspondingly pragmatic approach – that looks for convergence where possible but remains alive to the national agendas of powerful North African countries – would provide the best foundation for Europe’s own relationship with Africa.ABOUT THE AUTHORAnthony Dworkin is a senior policy fellow at ECFR. He works on North Africa and also on a range of subjects connected to human rights, democracy, and the international order. He is also a visiting lecturer at the Paris School of International Affairs at Sciences Po and was formerly executive director of the Crimes of War Project.

70 years, yes it’s been 70 years since “that” midnight seasoned with aspirations of a million people. India and Indians have come a long way; gone are the days when India was totally depended on the western world for all that’s “cutting-edge”. Today, India is a proud member of the science & technology high table.India’s commitment to the use of science & technology as a key instrument in national development has been clearly articulated time and again in various policy documents right from the early years of independence.And indeed, the progress made by our country since then in attainment of the stated goals in policy and plan documents has been substantial.In the past five decades 200 universities affiliating around 3000 colleges have been established to serve as an incubation ground for producing lakhs of technically qualified professionals.India today is acknowledged as the third largest storehouse in the world for technically qualified workforce.The pioneering Indian spirit has manifested itself in many fields; many frontiers have been won over.Agricultural Research and DevelopmentThere was a time when Indian policy makers were worried about ways to feed the ever growing population. Limited forex reserves meant importing food was never a feasible idea, the other option was to bring more area under cultivation and that would have meant cutting the forests.The solution was “Green Revolution” aimed at increasing the yield per hectare of land by using hybrid, high-yielding varieties of seeds.Green revolutionUnder a man; a visionary whose dream was to rid the world of hunger and poverty, the great Dr M S Swaminathan, better known as the "Father of the Green Revolution”; India developed into a country that fed itself.Under the aegis of Indian Council of Agricultural Research, more than 2300 high yielding, hybrid varieties of food grains and cash crops have been developed. The achievements have been substantial by all means:The Indian National Gene Bank established by the ICAR as a part of the National Bureau of Plant Genetic Resources, has preserved more than 1, 50,000 accessions and samples. The capacity of this gene bank has been increased to about 1 million making it the largest gene bank of the world. It has more than 7100 accessions of underutilized crops.World’s first hybrid cotton, pearl millet, the first hybrid sorghum, the first hybrid castor, the first hybrid mango are some of the amazing achievements of Indian agricultural research.After China, India is only the second country in the world to develop its very own hybrid rice.The first amber coloured commercial Triticale dwarf and very high-yielding wheat varieties were developed by ICAR, thereby providing sustenance to millions of hungry Indians without actually cutting into the forest cover or being depended on imports.Besides the green revolution, the yellow revolution in oil seeds, white revolution in milk production, blue revolution in fish production and golden revolution in horticulture bear ample testimony to the contribution of our agricultural scientists in making our country self sustained in terms of food production.Bhakra DamThe Bhakra Nangal dam in itself stands as a proud testimony to the technical prowess of Indian engineers. For all those NRIs who love to gawk at America’s Hoover dam, it would come as a surprise that the Bhakra at 741 feet is one of the highest gravity dams (compare Hoover Dam at 732 ft). The dam provides irrigation to 10 million acres, thus playing a pivotal role in making the green revolution a true success.Defense Research and DevelopmentBy far the most remarkable achievement of India in the S&T sphere is the triumph over innumerable international sanctions to develop indigenous defence infrastructure. The bigger the challenge, the more determined Indian scientist became.Kaveri EngineThe GTX-35VS Kaveri is a low-bypass-ratio afterburning turbofan developed by the Gas Turbine Research Establishment (GTRE), a lab under DRDO. Kaveri engine is an indigenous Indian design intended to power production models of the HAL’s Tejas fighter, also known as “Light Combat Aircraft" (LCA) as well as the proposed twin-engine Medium Combat Aircraft (MCA). Further evolution of the Kaveri design is envisioned for armored fighting vehicles and for ship propulsion.The Kaveri engine has been specifically designed for the demanding Indian operating environment, which ranges from hot desert to the highest mountain range in the world.With its development India no longer has to go around the world begging for engines to power its indigenous fighter planes and launch vehicles.TejasTejas Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) is India’s answer to the F-16s, understanding the pressing need to be self reliant in defence it was developed indigenously by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited.HAL’s Tejas is an advanced, lightweight, supersonic multi-role fighter aircraft. Its tailless compound delta wing design powered by a single engine makes it ones of the best multi role aircraft around.SonarsDRDO, Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and the Indian Navy have developed a range of Sonars for the Navy`s frontline combat ships. These include the APSOH (Advanced Panoramic Sonar Hull mounted), HUMVAD (Hull Mounted Variable Depth sonar) and the HUMSA (Hull Mounted Sonar Array), Panchendriya Submarine sonar and fire control system, sonobuoy Tadpole, Simhika.Sonars may be considered one of DRDO`s most successful achievements, years of toil has now assured that today, the Indian Navy`s most powerful ships rely on Indian made sonars.TorpedoesDRDO is currently developing multiple Torpedoes. These include a lightweight torpedo (Advanced Experimental Torpedo). Apart from it DRDO is also developing heavy weight wire-guided torpedo Varunastra and Thakshak thermal torpedo suitable for use against both ships and submarines.Here is a timeline of the indigenously developed missile systems in India.1. Prithvi IPrithvi I was one of the first missiles developed under Government of India's IGMDP. Launched in February 1988, Prithvi I is a single-stage, liquid-fuelled missile. A surface-to-surface missile, it has a range of 150 km and a mounting capability of 1000 kg. It was inducted into the Indian Army in 1994.2. Agni IA nuclear-capable ballistic missile, Agni 1 is the first of the five-missile Agni series launched in 1983 by the Defence Research and Development Organisation. It has a range of 700 km.3. AkashAkash is a surface-to-air missile with an intercept range of 30 km. It has multi-target engagement capability and is in operational service with the Indian Army and the Indian Air Force.4. NagNag is a third-generation hit-to-kill anti-tank missile that was first tested in 1990. The two-stage solid propellant weapon uses the lock-on before launch system where the target is identified and designated before the weapon is launched.5. TrishulTrishul is a short-range surface-to-air missile equipped with electronic measures against all known aircraft jammers. It has a range of 9 km and is used as anti-sea skimmer from ships against low-flying attacks.6. Agni IIAn intermediate-range ballistic missile, the Agni-II was first test fired on April 11, 1999. The surface-to-surface missile has a range of 2000 to 2500 km and can carry conventional or nuclear warheads.7. Prithvi IIIPrithvi III is the naval-version missile with a range of 350 km. A two-stage surface-to-surface missile, Prithvi III was first tested in 2000.8. BrahmosBrahMos is a supersonic cruise missile that is first test-fired on June 12, 2001. It was developed as a joint venture between India and Russia and is the world's fastest anti-ship cruise missile in operation.9. Prithvi Air Defence (PAD)India’s ballistic missile defence got a fillip with the development of PAD, which has been given the moniker Pradyumna. The system was tested with a maximum interception altitude of 80 km, and has been designed to neutralise missiles within a range of 300-2000 km up to a speed of Mach 5.0. The technology employed in the PAD was the precursor to the indigenously developed Advanced Air Defence (AAD) interceptor missile which was tested in 2007, as well as the Barak-2 which was developed in collaboration with Israel.10. K-15 SagarikaThe successful test of the Sagarika marks an inflection point in India’s military history. It forms the crucial third leg of India’s nuclear deterrent vis-à-vis its submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) capability. The K-15 Sagarika, which has a range of 750 km, was successfully tested in February 2008, and was subsequently integrated with India’s nuclear-powered Arihant class submarine.11. DhanushDhanush is a liquid propelled sea-based missile that was envisaged as a short-range version of the Prithvi II ballistic missile. It has a range of 350 km and is capable of carrying nuclear warheads. It was successfully test-fired from a naval warship in March 2011, and carries forward the legacy of the K-15 Sagarika.12. Agni IIIAgni III is an intermediate-range ballistic missile developed as the successor to the Agni II. It is an improvement over its previous iteration, and has a range of 3,500-5,000 km, making it capable of engaging targets deep inside neighbouring countries. It was inducted in to the armed forces in June 2011, enhancing its strike capability.13. Agni IVCarrying forward the success of its predecessor, the Agni III was developed to strike targets within a similar range but with a significantly shorter flight time of 20 minutes. The Agni IV, which has a two-phase propulsion system is designed to carry a 1,000 kg payload.14. ShauryaIt was initially conceived as a surface-to-surface ballistic missile (SSM) variant of the K-15 Sagarika, that can be stored in underground silos for extended periods and launched using gas canisters as a trigger. The nuclear capability of the missile enhances India’s second strike capability reduces the dependence on the K-15 ballistic missile which was built with significant Russian assistance.15. NirbhayNirbhay is a subsonic missile which is ancillary to the BrahMos range. It uses a terrain-following navigation system to reach up to 1,000 km. Nirbhay is capable of being launched from multiple platforms on land, sea, and air.16. PrahaarPrahaar is a surface-to-surface missile with a range of 150 km that was successfully tested for the first time in July 2011. Stated to be a unique missile, the Prahaarboasts of high maneuverability, acceleration and accuracy. Primarily a battlefield support system for the Army, the missile can be fired from a road mobile launchers and is extremely mobile in battle situations owing to its lighter build.17. AstraAstra is a beyond-visual-range (BVR) air-to-air missile (AAM) that was tested successfully in May 2011. In terms of size and weight, the Astra is the smallest missile developed by the DRDO. It was envisaged to intercept and destroy enemy aircraft at supersonic speeds in the head-on mode within a range of 80 km.18. Agni VAgni is India’s first inter-continental ballistic missile (ICBM), with high road mobility, fast-reaction ability and a strike range of over 5,000 km.INS Vikramaditya- This majestic looking 45,570 tonne aircraft carrier that was commissioned on 16 November 2013 at Severodvinsk, Russia, is Indian Navy's latest acquisition that will be force multiplier to the Navy, as the Indian Ocean region is greatly becoming infested by pirates. The former Admiral Gorshkov from Russia went into refits and complete change in its structural design in 2004 to become INS Vikramaditya, causing delay in delivery and cost escalation. The aircraft carrier will have 24 Mikoyan MiG-29K fighter jets and mix of 10 helicopters that might include Ka-28 helicopters ASW, Ka-31 helicopters AEW, ALH Dhruv choppers and SeaKing helicopters. The carrier will be based in INS Kadamba in Karwar, Karnataka.Mountain Strike Corps- Indian Government cleared about 50,000 strong Mountain Strike Corps with two independent infantry and armored brigade, operating along the entire line of actual control (LAC) with China. The Strike Corps will be headquartered at Panagarh in West Bengal. This force will boast of "rapid reaction force capability in mountains" and will be able to strike deep in Tibet in case of Chinese incursions in Arunachal Pradesh, which China claims is its own territory.INS Arihant and INS Vikrant- Indian defense scientists and technologists added another feather to their cap by achieving the crucial criticality of the in-board nuclear reactor. Arihant is India's first indigenously developed class of nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines with five more in the pipeline. It will also complete India's nuclear triad capability.Pilatus PC 7 MK II-This Swiss-made basic trainer aircrafts were inducted into the Indian Air Force for the training of its cadets filling in an important gap in the transition of pilots from ab-initio stage through intermediate and advanced stages into full-fledged operational flying. Since its order the Air Force already has 14 aircraft and 75 more to come.GSAT-7 - This is India's first military satellite, that is exclusively for the Indian Navy and will provide military communications thus improving the maritime security and intelligence gathering abilities over the vast Indian Ocean Area. It will also link ships, submarines, aircraft and command from land in real timeC-130J Super Hercules, C-17 Globemaster III and Boeing P-8I - India's capability for strategic airlift got a boost with the induction of six C-130J Super Hercules and four -17 Globemaster III with six more to be eventually delivered. Both these aircrafts have displayed capability to land or take-off from semi-prepared runways. India has placed another six C-130J Super Hercules on order. India had also ordered eight Boeing P-8I for Long Range Maritime Reconnaissance and Anti Submarine Warfare (LRMRASW) with it, receiving two of them on schedule adding teeth to its maritime reconnaissance and anti-submarine warfare.BrahMos SLCM - The BrahMos project is a joint venture between India and its long-time ally Russia that resulted in a development of supersonic cruise missile. BrahMos has been billed as world's fastest cruise missile travelling at speeds of Mach 2.8 to 3.0. With the land variant already in service, the successful testing of the missile under a water pontoon will eventually pave way to its unlimate integration into the Indian naval ships and submarines.ALH-Dhruv Squadron - India commissioned its first Advanced Light Helicopter (Dhruv) Squadron into the Navy at Kochi in November. Dhruv is an indigenous 5-ton multirole helicopter used for transport, utility, reconnaissance and medical evacuation roles.Space ResearchSince its advent, a significant feature of the Indian space programme has been the underlying emphasis on reaping its benefits in the shortest possible time. To achieve this objective simultaneous R&D was initiated in all the three spheres of space technology namely rocket, satellite and space infrastructure development.Indian Satellite SystemsIndian Remote Sensing: The IRS system is by far the world’s biggest constellation of remote sensing satellites. These satellites provide data for applications in agriculture, forestry, water harnessing, land use and land cover mapping, fold mapping and ocean resources survey.INSAT: The Indian National Satellite (INSAT) system is a shining example of what all has been achieved by India’s space technology. The INSAT series is the largest domestic communication system in the Asia-Pacific Region. Active satellites of this series include INSAT-2E, INSAT-3A, INSAT-3B, INSAT-3C, INSAT-3E, KALPANA-1 (METSAT), GSAT-2, EDUSAT (GSAT-3) and INSAT-4A. INSAT satellites provide transponders (about 150) in various bands (C, S, Extended C and Ku) to serve the television and communication needs of India.The development of the INSAT system was a milestone by all means; it gave India the prowess to stand on its own for all critical functions.INSAT & development of India’s intellectual capitalA land mark achievement of the INSAT series has been its role in helping unleash the power of distance learning. Never before had it happened that professors from India’s premier educational institutes were accessible to students even in the remotest part of India. ISRO in association with UGC and Doordarshan through interactive shows like Gyan Vani brought about a silent revolution in the field of education.Innumerable students from all parts of the country benefited from ISRO’s novel methods, thereby immensely adding to India’s intellectual capital.Launch Vehicles: The Indian Satellite Launch Vehicle (SLV) was a project started in the early 1970s by ISRO to develop the technology needed to launch satellites. The project leader was Dr APJ Abdul Kalam. The first launch of the SLV took place in Sriharikota on 10 August 1979.With its launch India joined the elite club of countries with such capabilities. Over the years the technological capabilities of India in this sphere have increased many folds; the SLV was followed by the ASLV (Augmented Satellite Launch Vehicle), the PSLV (Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle) and the latest of them all, the state-of-the-art GSLV (Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle).The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) launched 2 satellites in March and April 2017, which includes the satellite meant for the benefit of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) nations. ISRO also targets launch of second lunar mission Chandrayaan-2 in first quarter of 2018.ISRO has launched a record high of 104 satellites in one go on a single rocket from Satish Dhawan Space Centre in Sriharikota, Andhra Pradesh.ISRO has successfully placed remote sensing satellite RESOURCESAT-2A in orbit, to provide continuity to ISRO's three tier imaging data, which will be extremely useful for agricultural applications.The Indian Space Research Organisation's (ISRO) Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle-C35 (PSLV-C35) has successfully placed eight different satellites in a single rocket mission, including SCATSAT-1 for weather related studies, five foreign satellites and two satellites from Indian academic institutes into orbit.The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has completed its mission of developing India's independent navigation system by launching Indian Regional Navigation Satellite System (IRNSS - 1G), the seventh and final navigation satellite, which will reduce the country's dependency on US Global Positioning System.The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the Airports Authority of India (AAI), aimed at providing space technology for construction of airports, which will help make flight operations safer and provide optimum utilisation of land.Indian and American delegations have discussed an arrangement for Space Situational Awareness (SSA), a programme for monitoring space environment and track potential hazards and security threats, and have set up a bilateral mechanism for sharing information for tracking movements of satellites, avoiding collisions and identifying potential threats to space and ground assets.The Department of Space/ Indian Space Research Organisation (DOS/ISRO) and Kuwait Institute of Scientific Research (KISR) have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on cooperation in the field of exploration and use of outer space.The progress India has made in the field of space technology is incredible in all sense and can be best described in the words of ex ISRO Chairman G Madhavan Nair. The year was 1963; Madhavan Nair was in his final year at Thiruvanathapuram Engineering College, on the last day of his final year papers Madhavan Nair woke up early to make final preparations, to study alone he went to the hostel terrace.Standing there he was witness to a very peculiar site, he saw a man cycling down the road towards Thumba with “something” resembling like a rocket on his cycle carrier. Closely following him, in fact, running behind the cycle was another young man. He was certainly intrigued but didn’t knew he was about to witness history. The man cycling with the “rocket” was none other than the father of Indian space research Dr Vikram Sarabhai and the man following him on foot was Dr A P J Abdul Kalam. They were on their way to Thumba to fire India’s first sounding rocket Nicke Apache. After sometime Madhavan Nair witnessed a rocket rise on the western horizon. He had by chance become witness to ISRO’s first space flight, an organisation he was destined to head one day.Today India is one of the leading nations in the field of space technology. From launch vehicle technologies to satellite design, fabrication to its application in diverse areas like communication, broadcasting, meteorology, disaster management, telemedicine etc. Indian scientists have successfully developed and demonstrated it all.Not amongst those who rest on their past laurels, Indian space scientists have charted out ambitious plans to take Indian space programme to the next level.And, with the successful testing of indigenously built Cryogenic engine, ISRO is confident of meeting its policy targets and take India one notch up on the global space arena.ComputingPARAMPARAM is the series of supercomputers developed by the Centre for Development of Advanced Computing (C-DAC). The development of the same was taken up as a challenge to break the hegemony of the western world when it came to super-fast computing. The western world was reluctant to part with any of their technology as they feared India would use it for its space programme.Indian scientists under Dr Bhatkar developed something that was thought to be impossible until now. He functioned as the architect of PARAM Supercomputers, GIST multilingual technology and Education-To-Home (ETH) mission.Technologies that had far reaching impact on India’s emergence as a pioneer in super-fast computing.The latest machine in the series is the PARAM Padma, which reached No. 171 on the TOP500 in 2003. Others include PARAM 10000 and PARAM 9000/SS. The PARAM 10000 was India`s first TFLOPS computer. C-DAC has also developed a high performance System Area Network called the PARAMNet-II having transfer speeds of up to 2.5 Gbit/s.The major applications of PARAM 10000 are in weather forecasting, remote sensing, drug design and molecular modelling. PARAMs have also helped in India`s space programme.Investment ScenarioInfosys Ltd has invested Rs 14.5 crore (Danish Krone 15.22 million) in a Danish artificial intelligence start-up called UNSILO, which specialises in advanced text analysis and has built a semantic search engine with best-in-class text intelligence.NIDHI (National Initiative for Development and Harnessing Innovations), an umbrella program pioneered by the Department of Science & Technology (DST), has committed Rs 500 crore (US$ 75 million) to implement Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Startup India initiative, by providing technological solutions and nurturing ideas and innovations into successful startups.InnoNano Research, a clean water technology company, has raised US$ 18 million from NanoHoldings, a US-based energy and water investment firm, which will be used to set up manufacturing facility, modern research laboratory and technology delivery offices across North America, Asia and Africa to make India an exporter of water technologies.Ecoppia, an Israel-based developer of robotic cleaning technology for solar sites, has signed a deal with Sanmina Corporation, a US-based Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM), to begin mass production of their E4 robots at a new facility near Chennai.Saama Technologies Incorporation, the Big Data analytics solutions and services company, headquartered in the Silicon Valley, plans to invest US$ 2 million to create the largest pure play data science and analytics hub in India.The Government aims to invest 2 per cent of the country’s GDP on research and development (R&D) in its 12th Five-Year Plan period (2013–17). Accordingly, the Government has undertaken various measures for promoting growth of scientific research, such as:Sustained increase in plan allocations for scientific departmentsSetting up of new institutions for science education and researchLaunch of new Science, Technology and Innovation Policy 2013.Creation of centres of excellence for research and facilities in emerging and frontline science and technology areas in academic and national institutes.Establishment of new and attractive fellowshipsStrengthening infrastructure for R&D in universitiesEncouraging public-private R&D partnershipsRecognition of R&D unitsFiscal incentives and support measures for enhancing industry participation in R&DGovernment InitiativesIndia and Israel have agreed to enhance the bilateral cooperation in science and technology in the next two years, under the aegis of the S&T agreement concluded in 1993, by providing US$ 1 million from each side to support new research and development (R&D) projects in the areas of big data analytics in healthcare and cyber security.India has become an Associate Member State of the European Organisation for Nuclear Research (CERN), which will increase the collaboration between India and CERN’s scientific and technological endeavours, and will increase participation of Indian physicists, software engineers and electronics hardware in global experiments.Ms Nirmala Sitharaman, Minister of State with Independent Charge for the Ministry of Commerce & Industry, outlined plans of setting up a committee to examine and expeditiously implement measures to improve India’s innovation landscape.Dr Harsh Vardhan, Minister for Science and Technology and Earth Sciences, outlined Government of India's plans to pursue a green path to growth by doubling investment in clean energy research to US$ 145 million in the next five years from current investment of US$ 72 million.The Department of Health Research (DHR), Ministry of Health and Family Welfare plans to set up a three-tier national network of Viral Research and Diagnostic Laboratories (VRDLs) under which 160 VRDLs will be set up with capability to handle around 30-35 viruses of public health importance.The central government plans to soon institute a nation-wide consultation process with a view to develop the first publicly accessible Science and Technology policy. The policy ‘Vision S&T 2020’ would articulate the country’s future towards self-reliance and technological independence in the 21st century.The Union Cabinet gave "in principle" clearance for the location of a Laser Interferometer Gravitational-Wave Observatory (LIGO) facility in India which will be the third in the world and will be set up and managed by the IndIGO Consortium (Indian Initiative in Gravitational-wave Observations).The Department of Biotechnology, Ministry of Science and Technology of the Government of India has become only the second country outside of Europe to join the European Molecular Biology Organisation (EMBO), which consists of 1,700 eminent scientists and 84 Nobel laureates, and aims to encourage research in the field of life sciences.The National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the National Remote Sensing Centre (NRSC) under Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and North East Centre for Technology Application and Research (NECTAR) to use spatial technology such as satellite data to monitor and manage national highways.National Council of Science Museums (NCSM), an autonomous organisation under the Union Ministry of Culture, is engaged in the establishment of Science Centres across the country. NCSM is developing a Science City at Guwahati, Assam, which would be handed over to the Government of Assam for future operations and maintenance. The organisation has received proposals from various state governments for setting up of such Science Cities. NCSM has undertaken the Science Centres/Cities projects in a phased manner depending on the availability of resources, project handling capacity of NCSM, and existing level of science centre activities in a particular state.Future challengesDespite achieving a lot in the last 70 years, what is of paramount importance in the present context of fast changing technological scenario is to keep the momentum going and further the efforts in science and technological R&D.The main challenge is to keep pace with the technological changes so as to ensure that the S&T developments are used for socio-economic development and help India develop into a country that can stand tall even amongst the tallest of the all.