Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual: Fill & Download for Free

GET FORM

Download the form

How to Edit The Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual quickly and easily Online

Start on editing, signing and sharing your Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual online with the help of these easy steps:

  • Push the Get Form or Get Form Now button on the current page to access the PDF editor.
  • Wait for a moment before the Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual is loaded
  • Use the tools in the top toolbar to edit the file, and the edits will be saved automatically
  • Download your completed file.
Get Form

Download the form

The best-rated Tool to Edit and Sign the Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual

Start editing a Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual right now

Get Form

Download the form

A quick guide on editing Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual Online

It has become very easy in recent times to edit your PDF files online, and CocoDoc is the best online PDF editor for you to make a series of changes to your file and save it. Follow our simple tutorial to start!

  • Click the Get Form or Get Form Now button on the current page to start modifying your PDF
  • Add, change or delete your text using the editing tools on the toolbar on the top.
  • Affter altering your content, put the date on and draw a signature to complete it.
  • Go over it agian your form before you save and download it

How to add a signature on your Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual

Though most people are adapted to signing paper documents using a pen, electronic signatures are becoming more usual, follow these steps to sign a PDF!

  • Click the Get Form or Get Form Now button to begin editing on Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual in CocoDoc PDF editor.
  • Click on the Sign tool in the toolbar on the top
  • A window will pop up, click Add new signature button and you'll have three choices—Type, Draw, and Upload. Once you're done, click the Save button.
  • Drag, resize and settle the signature inside your PDF file

How to add a textbox on your Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual

If you have the need to add a text box on your PDF and customize your own content, do some easy steps to accomplish it.

  • Open the PDF file in CocoDoc PDF editor.
  • Click Text Box on the top toolbar and move your mouse to position it wherever you want to put it.
  • Write in the text you need to insert. After you’ve put in the text, you can use the text editing tools to resize, color or bold the text.
  • When you're done, click OK to save it. If you’re not happy with the text, click on the trash can icon to delete it and take up again.

A quick guide to Edit Your Chapter Ii Literature Review And Conceptual on G Suite

If you are looking about for a solution for PDF editing on G suite, CocoDoc PDF editor is a recommendable tool that can be used directly from Google Drive to create or edit files.

  • Find CocoDoc PDF editor and set up the add-on for google drive.
  • Right-click on a PDF document in your Google Drive and choose Open With.
  • Select CocoDoc PDF on the popup list to open your file with and give CocoDoc access to your google account.
  • Modify PDF documents, adding text, images, editing existing text, mark with highlight, fullly polish the texts in CocoDoc PDF editor before saving and downloading it.

PDF Editor FAQ

Do philosophers use the philosophical method?

The answer is ‘yes’ they do, but this means very little as the question is what is or are philosophical methods or what is the nature of philosophizing or the doing of philosophy? It is like saying artists use the artistic method or painters use the painting method, pianists use the or a piano or pianistic method and scientists use the scientific method.Philosophizing is part of the processes of theorizing, see my book for FREE download Philosophizing is part of the Process/es of Theorizingit is one stage in those processes and it employs all sorts of philosophical tools. For many philosophical tools see section 4 (ii) in this book of mine, also for FREE download PHILOSOPHY – Aims, Methods, RationalePhilosophical methods, rather than the one or the philosophical method, implies and can include many techniques, tools, skills and methods, employed in terms of different approaches, assumptions, perspectives, frames of references, schools and movements. Compare what Marx, Hegel, Kant, Spinoza, etc do when they use ‘the philosophical method’ - and the outcomes of what they do are very different, with different aims, approaches, motivations and theories.Some of the things of what this philosophical method or methods are discussed here -Philosophical methodology - WikipediaPhilosophical method (or philosophical methodology) is the study of how to do philosophy. A common view among philosophers is that philosophy is distinguished by the ways that philosophers follow in addressing philosophical questions. There is not just one method that philosophers use to answer philosophical questions.1.1Doubt and the sense of wonder1.2Formulate questions and problems1.3Enunciate a solution1.4Justify the solution1.5Philosophical criticism1.6MotivationScholarly methodScientific methodSocratic methodHistorical methodDialecticThe Cambridge Companion to Philosophical Methodology edited by ...https://www.cambridge.org/...philosophical-methodology/781DFE6A15FF4092B65E...Mar 25, 2017 - Cambridge Core - Philosophy: General Interest - The Cambridge Companion toPhilosophical Methodology - edited by Giuseppina D'Oro.The Cambridge Companion to Philosophical Methodology ...https://www.amazon.com/...Philosophical-Methodology...Philosophy/dp/1107547369The Cambridge Companion to Philosophical Methodology offers clear and comprehensive coverage of the main methodological debates and approaches within philosophy. The chapters in this volume approach the question of how to do philosophy from a wide range of perspectives, including conceptual analysis, critical ...Amazon.com: The Oxford Handbook of Philosophical Methodology ...https://www.amazon.com/Oxford...Philosophical-Methodology.../dp/0199668779"Outstanding and timely...There is no better place than this volume for graduate students and professional philosophers to get a sophisticated introduction to recent debates about philosophical methods. Some of the contributions not only provide helpful surveys of recent debates but also help push those debates forward, ...Philosophical Methodology - Philosophy - Trinity College Dublinhttps://www.tcd.ie/Philosophy/postgraduate/MPhil/course-structure/research/Jun 16, 2016 - What do we do when we 'do' philosophy? There are many different views on this and it is itself an important philosophical question. This course is intended to stimulate students to think critically about this question and will proceed via a close reading of a number of important texts on the question. Aquinas ...Philosophical methodology: The current debate - Taylor & Francis Onlinehttps://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09515089.2010.490940by AJ Vaidya - ‎2010 - ‎Cited by 11 - ‎Related articlesJun 24, 2010 - In this paper I investigate current issues in the methodology of philosophy. In particular, the epistemology of intuition and the status of empirical work on the use of intuition in philosophy. Keywords: Experimental Philosophy, Intuition, Philosophical Methodology ...Philosophical methodology and strikes. - NCBIhttps://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/11642908by DC Thomasma - ‎1991 - ‎Cited by 2 - ‎Related articlesPhilosophical methodology and strikes. Thomasma DC. ...how do we train residents to employ ethical reasoning? This is a good question, not only for the problem of strikes, but also for all medical training. The best method is inductive, since that most closely parallels the clinical reasoning processes that define the reality of ...Intuition, Imagination, and Philosophical Methodology - Oxford ...www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/.../acprof-9780199589760In Part I, the first two look at the role of thought experiments in science; the next two at the role of thought experiments in exploring philosophical questions about personal identity; and the final two at a number of issues concerning intuitions and philosophical methodology more generally. In Part II, the first two chapters ...The Philosophical Method – Richard Brownhttps://onemorebrown.com/2008/08/15/the-philosophical-method/Aug 15, 2008 - It seems to me that philosophy is distinguished from other endeavors by the method that it adopts. This is not unusual, as science is usually identified by the scientific method. But what is thephilosophical method? This question is obviously controversial but I think a good case can be made that the ...The Oxford Handbook of Philosophical Methodology - Herman ...https://global.oup.com/.../the-oxford-handbook-of-philosophical-methodology-97801...The first part is devoted to broad traditions and approaches to philosophical methodology (including logical empiricism, phenomenology, and ordinary language philosophy). The entries in the second part address topics in philosophical methodology, such as intuitions, conceptual analysis, and transcendental arguments.What is Philosophical Methodology? - Oxford Handbookswww.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/...001.../oxfordhb-9780199668779-e-34by J Dever - ‎Cited by 1 - ‎Related articlesTo provide a robust data pool, it takes all occurrences of the word “methodological” in entries of the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophynford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, and considers what plausible theories of Philosophical Methodology can be fitted into that range of usage.[PDF]Philosophical Methods Ihttps://www.ed.ac.uk/files/atoms/files/phil-eem-intro.pdfCourse aims and objectives. This course offers an introduction to philosophical methodology, with a particular focus on thought experiments, conceptual analysis and the role of rational intuitions. Conceptual analysis was once considered to be of primary concern to philosophers: to understand what a particular property is ...The Oxford Handbook of Philosophical Methodology // Reviews ...https://ndpr.nd.edu/news/the-oxford-handbook-of-philosophical-methodology/Jan 29, 2017 - Herman Cappelen, Tamar Szabó Gendler, and John Hawthorne (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Philosophical Methodology, Oxford University Press,2016, 752pp., $150.00 (hbk), ISBN 9780199668779.The Cambridge Companion to Philosophical Methodology // Reviews ...https://ndpr.nd.edu/news/the-cambridge-companion-to-philosophical-methodology/Feb 19, 2018 - As the editors make clear in their introduction, philosophical methodology is a branch of metaphilosophy, but one that cannot be surgically separated from the other branches, such as investigations on the nature and value of philosophy. In fact, in talking about the methods of philosophy, one cannot entirely ...Philosophy as Methodologyhttps://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/spirkin/works/dialectical.../ch01-s03.htmlPhilosophy as Methodology. The general concept of methodology. The world presents us with a picture of an infinite diversity of properties, connections and events. This kaleidoscope of impressions must be permeated by an organising principle, a certain method, that is to say, by certain regulative techniques and means of ...Philosophical Methods - Bibliography - PhilPapershttps://philpapers.org/browse/philosophical-methods_What is this thing called Philosophical Methodology?_ is the ideal introduction for students challenged with the idea of 'doing' philosophy for the first time. This textbook explores this socially-engaged and collaborative discipline in an accessible and comprehensive way by carefully weighing up the costs and benefits of ...GetWiki : Philosophical Methodgetwiki.net/-Philosophical_MethodPhilosophical Method (or philosophical methodology) is the study and description of how to "do" Philosophy, arguably the "Mother" of all the Arts and Sciences. The basic feature of such a method is the questioning of "given" things, or things assumed to be true. The method also has to do with one's motivation in studying ...Philosophical Methodology | Arche - University of St Andrewshttps://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/arche/projects/philosophical-methodology/Philosophical Methodology (2008-2012) Funded by: Leverhulme Institutional Network Grant, 'Intuitions and Philosophical Methodology'; and. Major 4-year AHRC grant 'Intuitions andPhilosophical Methodology'. Major Events September 2008: a workshop on The Philosophy of Philosophy April 2009: a conference on .https://www.ed.ac.uk/files/atoms/files/phil-eem-intro.pdfThis course offers an introduction to philosophical methodology, with a particular focus on thought experiments, conceptual analysis and the role of rational intuitions.þ Have a grasp of fundamental issues in philosophical methodology, e.g. the nature of thought experiments, the role of rational intuitions, conceptual analysis. þ Be able to critically analyse and engage with literature by key philosophers in this field. þ Be able to present arguments clearly and concisely both within a classroom context and in a 2,500 word essay. þ Gain transferable skills in research, analysis and argumentationhttp://getwiki.net/-Philosophical_MethodPhilosophical Method (or philosophical methodology) is the study and description of how to "do" Philosophy, (My note: I specialize in meta-philosophy. One of the things I study is the methods used to do philosophy).Philosophy is, therefore, often a quest for the best arguments. A good argument is a clear, organized, sound statement, the "reasons" which cure the original doubts in a problem. However, in Philosophy, something which concerns the most fundamental aspects of the Universe, the experts rarely agree. So, philosophical criticism, including scientific criticism, is constructing "counter-arguments" and "refutations" to engage someone else's argumentsThe Oxford Handbook of Philosophical MethodologyA team of thirty-eight of the world's leading philosophers present original essays on various aspects of how philosophy should be and is done. The first part is devoted to broad traditions and approaches to philosophical methodology (including logical empiricism, phenomenology, and ordinary language philosophy). The entries in the second part address topics in philosophical methodology, such as intuitions, conceptual analysis, and transcendental arguments.The Philosophical MethodBook by John A. McConeObservation, interpretation and intention are required for meaningful action. While the scientific method can improve the way we observe and interpret, it cannot systematically form or improve our intentions.I commenced with my theses - that philosophizing is part of the processes of theorizing, that it consists of many tools, that the manner in which and the reasons why these tools are employed depends on a number of factor, for example the philosopher’s aims, perspectives, assumptions, etc.I tried to show that these these are meaningful by providing a number of references, each of which refers to and deals with some of the many philosophical tools. A list of such tools can be seen here in section 4 (i) PHILOSOPHY – Aims, Methods, Rationale

Why would the Federal government and/or police be corrupted and how?

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW …“Police Ethics encompass a broad range of behavior from interpersonal relations to outright criminal activity” (Hyams, 1990, pp. 40-41). As such, it is intertwined in the definition of corruption. This section will attempt to focus on philosophical aspects, while following sections discuss the specifics and ramifications of unethical acts.Kleinig (1990) stated, "Police ethics is characterized by a particular focus rather than a particular set of values" (p. 3). In other words, the situational context within law enforcement may differ, but the underlying philosophy, or decision-making process, cannot vary from the culture represented. He further cites John Stewart Mill's description of an ethical decision maker as using his senses and mental abilities to first collect the information necessary, then to make the decision, and further to stay the course once the decision is made.Spader (1994) paraphrased Plato: "All major legal issues are simultaneously ethical issues" (p. 100), and "justice" is "the act of giving each person his 'due'" (p. 83). Spader also stated, "[W]hether the ends justify the means is central to due process" (p. 83). This leads to the so-called “dirty hands” dilemma.That is, on some occasions a public official may find that the only way he can do his job successfully, meet his official obligations, is to do something that, from the perspective of private life, would be morally unacceptable. (French, 1983/1992, pp. 243-244)French (1983/1992) differentiates public obligations from private obligations by identifying the primary objective. Public obligations emphasize “the accomplishment of certain recognized ends, whereas ... private-sector obligations concern the way things are done and what particular things are done, and less with outcomes” (p. 251).Kleinig (1996) pointed out that this dilemma was discussed early on, from ancient Greek tragedies to The Prince, and includes Sartre more recently. Plato wrote, “[W]e must discover who are best guardians ..., that they must do whatever they think at any time best for the city” (1935/1992, p. 93). Modern advocates of this point of view still believe thatanyone who would act up to a perfect standard of goodness in everything, must be ruined among so many who are not good. It is essential, therefore, for a Prince who desires to maintain his position, to have learned how to be other than good, and to use or not use his goodness as necessity requires. (Machiavelli, 1910, p. 53)A social and ethical phenomenon described by Pollock (1994) is the glorification of "strong" criminals vs. ridicule of "weak" moralists (e.g., public acclaim for Bonnie and Clyde), the antithesis of morality. Popular culture seems to project a similar justification for police who exceed their authority in pursuit of justice, as portrayed by the “Dirty Harry” character and many of a similar nature.A scenario from a Dirty Harry screenplay has Harry forcibly extracting the location of a kidnap victim from the perpetrator by shooting him in the leg, only to have the case dropped when his tactics are exposed in court (Delattre, 1994; Kleinig, 1996). Barker (1996) highlighted this mixed message when he wrote that “’Dirty Harry’ may be a character we applaud on the screen, but” (p. 51) “[w]e, as a free society, will not tolerate a law enforcement agency staffed by Dirty Harry’s, who use illegal and unethical means to accomplish what they perceive as legitimate ends” (p. 12).Delattre (1994) indicated that “[e]nds do justify the means up to a point, and in certain ways, depending on what you mean, but not simply or unqualifiedly” (p. 193). Every person is significant and worthy, “even if that person appears without merit” (p. 193). Once prohibitions against cruel treatment are broached without recourse, even in the area of rights for innocent victims versus perpetrators, the implications are poor for all civil liberties.However, Delattre (1994) also added “that illegal conduct in a specific case may or may not be excusable—and I believe that it could be—depending on the particulars, and even the minute details, of the case” (p. 212-213).In The Ethics of Policing, Kleinig (1996), a recognized police ethics scholar, discussed the dirty hands concept at length. Two primary issues were raised by this concept. First, was the consideration that two alternative courses of action are in fact wrong. He argued that it would not be morally wrong to adhere to the law and therefore not seek a desirable outcome. And, secondly, if it is true that both actions are wrong, what should be done about the person who made a decision under those circumstances?Kleinig (1996) wrote that Machiavelli advocated resignation or punishment for officials caught in such a situation. Kleinig stated that he has sought not to accept the premise of the necessity to commit a crime to thwart a crime, while acknowledging that it is accepted by others. But he still raised the issue of the public being placed in the position of punishing a person who performed a service that could be identified with the preservation of social order, thereby raising the dirty hands question for those who would inflict the punishment.Skolnick and Leo (1992) pointed out that "the acceptability of deception seems to vary inversely with the level of the criminal process" (p. 3). It is legally acceptable to lie during the course of an investigation. Undercover investigations and "sting" operations are almost routine. Courts have upheld the authority of police to lie during interrogations under most circumstances. However, deception is supposed to stop when testimony is called for.Whether it does or not is questionable, for example, when investigations encompass the use of what is sometimes referred to as a "wall" between a confidential covert investigation and the parallel construction of a prosecutable case that has been creatively disengaged from the original source of information.In further exemplification, a confidential informant in a position to be of long-term use reports that he/she will be receiving money identifiable as narcotics proceeds. The investigation for record purposes, and future testimony, begins once the delivery has been made, without further reference to that event.Investigation from that point will focus on the person that made the delivery and subsequent activities and contacts, totally excluding the informant’s participation. The tainted money will be passed on within the criminal organization. This deception will help to ensure the safety of the informant and facilitate the detection of future crimes. However, it will also allow criminals to profit, even if only in the interest of potential neutralization of the organization in the future.In 1992, Skolnick and Leo warned that authorized deception "tends to encourage further deceit, undermining the general norm" (p. 10). Kleinig (1996) identified four negative aspects and consequences of lying: (a) it violates expectations of truthfulness in interpersonal relations; (b) it subverts the natural purpose of language; (c) it negates the concept of humans as worthy of dignity and respect by denying them an accurate reflection of reality; and, (d) it does not meet ethical requirements of universalizability.Universalizability has to do with the “fundamental requirement of morality, as the activity of a rational being, that we act only on maxims that we could, without ‘contradiction,’ will to be universal laws” (Kleinig, 1996, p. 125). It would be impossible to rely on untruth as a universal law. In consequence, “Not only does the liar violate another’s being, but also his own” (p. 126). …Fishman (1994) presented an analysis of two celebrated cases of police corruption involving Robert "Prince of the City" Leuci and Frank Serpico, which differed from the interpretation of the acts of these men by Pollock (1994). Pollock equates the two and failed to note, as Fishman did, that Leuci was a pragmatist. He was caught "red handed" and acted in his own self interest when he cooperated with a corruption investigation (Fishman, 1994).Serpico was apparently honest in his personal acts but prudently silent about the corruption swirling around him until it reached a level he found to be overly destructive. He had at first known that it was unlikely that he could change the system, so he worked within it, thereby remaining employed.When a parolee convicted of killing a police officer was released on a subsequent charge due to graft, he was overcome by what can be characterized as a violation of natural law and became the first New York City officer to testify against his own on corruption charges. "In short, Serpico practiced prudential realism because his fight against lawlessness was based on moral ideals, but he did not ignore material circumstances" (Fishman, 1994, p. 201). …Chief G. S. Kniffen (1996) cited a lack of ethics as a cause for numerous problems in law enforcement within recent years, from Rodney King, to O. J. Simpson, to the federal shoot-out in Idaho. Kniffen laid these problems at the feet of leadership, and more specifically a lack of ethical leadership. He quoted the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) Law Enforcement Code of Ethics from 1957, and decried a lack of compliance. He also cast aspersions on suggestions that it be "updated to reflect the changes in this postindustrial age" (p. 9). However, there has been a change. In 1992, the IACP added a line to the code addressing cooperation in internal investigations (Pollock, 1994)(see Appendix C).Barker’s (1996) Police Ethics: Crisis in Law Enforcement examined the four questions:(1) Is law enforcement a profession? (2) Can law enforcement officers be professional? (3) What forms of behavior are the major law enforcement ethical violations? and (4) Can we control police ethical violations? (Barker, 1996, p. v)Barker (1996) addressed each of these questions as they relate to and are exemplified by the IACP’s Law Enforcement Code of Ethics. He concluded that law enforcement falls short of professional standards on several counts. It is deficient on admission standards based upon educational achievement, and also with regard to standardized certification and decertification.Both Delattre (1994) and Kleinig (1996) agree with this assessment. Failure to reach professional status has at least in part been attributed to internal organized bargaining pressures. Representatives of organized bargaining entities have displayed interest in preserving the status quo in the interest of their membership, who may be negatively affected by increased requirements (Barker, 1996).Inasmuch as the term “professional” refers to behavior, Barker (1996) is convinced that officers can be professional. Common forms of corruption (addressed in following sections of this chapter) can be controlled, according to Barker, through reducing opportunity, eliminating peer support for unethical behavior, and increasing the likelihood of punishment for such behavior.Delattre (1994) stated that codes of ethics may be useful, but they “do not motivate people to behave well. They assist only people who want to do so” (p. 33). If an organization’s leaders do not take seriously failure to live up to the codes, they “will be treated as worthless platitudes” (p. 33). Sherman (1991) stated that "[s]uch codes provide useful frameworks ... but are usually too general to provide guidance" within the "complex circumstances" of law enforcement (p. 10).According to Pollock-Byrne (1989), calls for codes of ethics may be missing the point, and the codes themselves may be counter-productive. "Since they are so far removed from reality, they are worse than ignored since they in fact encourage officers to believe there are no relevant ethical guides to behavior" (p. 96).Felkenes (1984) conducted a study in several police agencies to determine how officers view professional ethics outlined in the Law Enforcement Code of Ethics and the Canons of Police Ethics. The results indicated that a majority of the respondents clearly understood the requirements for honesty and self-restraint under provocation, although more than 20% were unclear about “obligations to colleagues, the profession of law enforcement, other officials, and criminal subjects” (p. 215).About 60% of the respondents were neutral, unclear, or very unclear about “[o]bligations in relation to confidentiality, enforcement of the law without fear, and engaging in appropriate private conduct” (Felkenes, 1984, p. 215). Thirty-eight percent responded “that it was not wrong to accept small gifts from the public” (p. 215), in spite of explicit identification of this behavior as unethical in the Code.Twenty-nine percent agreed that “[l]aw enforcement’s professional ethics serve primarily as a pledge rather than as a guide to action” (Felkenes, 1984, p. 215). And 97% of the respondents indicated that they rely on personal ethical beliefs in professional matters.Another attempt at developing ethical law enforcement personnel, with similar inherent problems, involves specific written organizational policy. Murphy and Caplan (1989) state that policy manuals normally contain "provisions so unrealistic that no officer, however dedicated, can obey all of them all the time" (p. 317). They cite the all-pervasive specter of punishment induced by policy manuals as a cause for people to conceal unintentional and minor violations, which in turn creates the environment that could stimulate corruption. Pollock-Byrne (1989) stated that studies suggested "extensive rules seem to be present in inverse proportion to high ethical standards" (p. 96). …Another reason Kleinig (1990) believes that collegiate ethics training is necessary is the partisanship of academies brought on by "social isolation" and organizational identity (p. 7). Kleinig further stated that the fact that law enforcement recruits do not come morally prepared for the decisions they must make and argued for inclusion of ethics in basic training.In 1997, the IACP conducted the “most extensive ethics training survey ever conducted by law enforcement” (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1998, p. 2), with over 900 responses. Over 80% of the responding agencies reported providing ethics training for new officers, and over 70% provided some type of in-service ethics training. For more than 70% of these agencies, ethics training consisted of 4 hours or less in the classroom. Just over 50% of these agencies sought outside assistance in course design.“One major finding was that the amount of time devoted to ethics training did not appear to be consistent with how important the needs were, based on the responses” (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1998, p. 5). One of the survey questions requested participants to “provide us with any ‘working definition of ethics’ your organization uses” (p. 8). “[O]nly a handful [of respondents] provided any ‘working definition’” (p. 8).Recommendations of the IACP Committee on Police Image and Ethics arising from this study (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1998) included (a) adoption of a law enforcement oath; (b) job specific ethics training; (c) an enhanced curriculum and training style; and (d) insistence on recruit ethics training that incorporates ethics training by field training officers.As suggested at the beginning of this section, any discussion of ethics is simultaneously a discussion of corruption.Corruption DefinedThe definition of corruption may be limited by some to receipt of financial or other considerations in exchange for overlooking crime in some manner. Corruption can include "those activities regarded by society as illegitimate or seen by the power elite as contradictory to the logic of the system" (Jacek Tarkowski cited in Johnston, 1992, p. 160). Police corruption is an occupational crime within the institutions responsible for control of crime, and a form of "elite" deviance (Henderson & Simon, 1994).Punch (1985) provided a four-element definition of police corruption. With an added a fifth element, this definition guided the present study.I Straitforward Corruption: something is done or not done for some form of reward....II Predatory (Strategic) Corruption: the police stimulate crime, extort money and actively organize graft ...III Combative (Strategic) Corruption: 'flaking', 'padding', falsifying testimony, 'verbals', intimidating witnesses, buying and selling drugs, 'scoring' or 'burning' informants, and paying informants with illegally obtained drugs. ('Flaking' refers to 'planting' evidence on a suspect; 'padding' means to add to drugs or evidence to strengthen a case; 'verbals' is used in Britain to indicate where words attributed to a suspect are invented by a policeman to help incriminate him; 'scoring' concerns shakedowns where police take money, drugs or goods from suspects or prisoners, and 'burning' means revealing the identity of an informant). Most of these practices are involved in 'building a case' ... in which the major goal is to make arrests, obtain convictions, confiscate drugs, and get long sentences for criminals. It may involve accommodations with some criminals and certain informants but it is posited on using illicit means for organizationally and socially approved ends....IV Corruption as Perversion of Justice: lying under oath, intimidating witnesses, planting evidence on a suspect, etc.... It involves the perversion of justice largely in order to avoid the consequences of serious deviant behavior. (Punch, 1985, pp. 13-14)The fifth element is any abuse of power or authority—such as excessive force, theft while on duty, or other acts under color of law. The Knapp Commission (1974) (or the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption and the City's Anti-Corruption Procedures, instituted in 1971) added other offenses to the list of corrupt practices, such as illegal wiretaps, financing of drug transactions, soliciting customers for drug traffickers, kidnapping witnesses, providing security for drug dealers, and offering to assist in murder of witnesses.The fifth element was added as a personal evaluation and in consideration of a dictionary definition of corruption that includes the following: "1. a changing or being changed for the worse; making, becoming, or being corrupt. 2. evil or wicked behavior; depravity" (Guralnik & Friend, 1968, p. 332). This definition is consistent with a statement by Jacek Tarkowski (cited in Johnston, 1992): "Also 'corrupt' are those activities regarded by society as illegitimate or seen by the power elite as contradictory to the logic of the system" (p. 160).The Mollen Commission (The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption and the Anti-Corruption Procedures of the New York City Police Department), formed in 1992, seems to support this expanded definition of corruption by stating that "twenty years ago police officers took bribes to accommodate criminals ... today's corrupt cop often is the criminal" (Commission to Investigate Allegations, 1993/1995, p. 31).This is also consistent with the assumption of the researcher that acts of criminal justice personnel leading to their own incarceration are an aberration from the state of their moral and ethical behavior at the commencement of their criminal justice career, in other words, a change for the worse.The Mollen Commission described brutality and corruption as being on a continuum, “with brutality against citizens serving as a sort of ‘rite of passage’ toward corruption” (cited in Human Rights Watch, 1998, p. 46). Commission interviews indicated that brutality was often the first deviant act, and when officers were not subjected to negative consequences as a result of this deviance, it became easier for them to progress to other abuses of authority.This seems consistent with self-reports of criminal involvement in a sample of the general population that “suggest a clear escalation in the seriousness of criminal behavior over time” (Elliott, 1994, p. 12). “[T]he behavioral repertoire was [found to be] accompanied by an increase in offending rates for all types of offenses” (p. 13).Public definitions of police brutality can include perceptions of verbal abuse, unnecessary stops for questioning, display of weapons, or physical contact short of levels that could cause physical harm (Klockars, 1996). Current legal definitions hinge upon the finding in Graham v. Connor [490 U.S. 386 (1989)].In accordance with the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution, “’[O]bjective reasonableness’ of a police officer’s use of force would be ‘judged from the perspective of a reasonable officer on the scene rather than with the 20/20 vision of hindsight’” (cited in Klockars, 1996, p. 6). A single punch, or anything short of that, is not generally considered excessive.Worden (1996) differentiated between “excessive force” and “unnecessary force,” the former being more than reasonable force, and the later being where no force is reasonable. James Fyfe (1996) also subdivided excessive force.Extralegal violence—brutality—is “the willful and wrongful use of force by officers who knowingly exceed the bounds of their office.” Unnecessary force, by contrast, is the result of ineptitude or carelessness and “occurs when well-meaning officers prove incapable of dealing with the situations they encounter without needless or too hasty resort to force.” (Fyfe, 1996, p. 165)The IACP defines "excessive use of force" as "the application of an amount and/or frequency of force greater than what is required to compel compliance from a willing or unwilling subject" (Neubauer, 1999, p. 6). …Criminological TheoryIn the late 19th century, Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) (cited in Cohen & Machalek, 1994/1997) proposed “that crime is ‘normal’ behavior performed by normal individuals living in unexceptional social systems” (p. 113). Durkheim’s theory, in summary, consists of the contention that, since crime is known in all societies, it is therefore a fundamental element of societies.He [Durkheim] reasoned that a certain level of crime is both necessary and beneficial to society because (1) individual deviation from the social norm is a primary source of innovative social change; (2) increases in crime rates can warn or alert officials to damaging problems existing within social systems that give rise to such crimes; (3) crime enforcement helps to establish and to maintain behavioral boundaries within communities; and finally, (4) crime provokes punishment that in turn enhances solidarity within communities. (Cohen & Machalek, 1994/1997, p. 113)Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) were dismissive of the assertion that crime is “normal learned behavior” (p. xv). Cohen and Machalek (1994/1997) theorized that evolutionary and ecological explanations should be incorporated within Durkheim’s theory in order to make it viable. Ecology was incorporated in the form of availability of resources. …Criminological theories on crime causation supported by research include opportunity theories and rational choice theories. Opportunity theories generally state that three elements must coexist: (a) motivation, (b) an appropriate target, and (c) lack of deterrence. Rational choice theories assume a relatively constant level of criminal activity, with crime rates fluctuating due to increased or decreased opportunity (Cohen & Machalek, 1994/1997).Intrinsic to the perceptions of risks and rewards involved in rational choice theory is the thought that if one was a police officer, a lessened fear of the police might be assumed. In addition, the common presence of the code of silence, loyalty to other officers, and cynicism could be inferred to reinforce the perception of lessened risk.Conflict theory looks at crime as a "label produced by social values and political power" (Maxfield & Babbie, 1998, p. 40). Marxism is a macro level form of conflict theory. Conflict theory holds that prosecution is most likely when the violator lacks power and the public is aroused due to the nature of the violation (Henderson & Simon, 1994).Strain theory shares a similar outlook, in that it asserts that we are socialized to seek rewards (in effect positing of goals), and when the rewards are blocked strain is created that can be relieved by law breaking (Henderson & Simon, 1994). Burton et al. (1994/1997) conducted an empirical assessment of strain theory on three levels: strain created by the difference between aspirations and expectations, blocked opportunity, and relative deprivation.Burton et al. (1994/1997) found that only blocked opportunity and relative deprivation have a significant effect on adult deviance, with relative deprivation having the greatest correlation. However, they also measured self-control as a variable and found that it had a greater effect than any other variable. …Self-Control TheorySelf-control, an ability to control one’s emotions, desires, and actions (Guralnik & Friend, 1968), is considered an enduring individual difference, a personality trait that remains relatively consistent throughout life (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). Nagin and Paternoster (1993/1997) identify six elements of self-control: impulsiveness, desire for simple tasks, preference for risk, preference for physical activity, self-centeredness (selfism), and temper. Those “who lack self-control will tend to be impulsive, insensitive, physical (as opposed to mental), risk-taking, short-sighted, and nonverbal” (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990, p. 90).In 1990, Gottfredson and Hirschi published A General Theory of Crime, in which they suggested that crime results from the sum of opportunity and low self-control, and stated that “people ... differ in the extent to which they are vulnerable to the temptations of the moment” (p. 87). The theory assumed that parental monitoring of childhood behavior, recognizing deviance, and consistently and appropriately punishing such deviance within a child’s first 8 years establishes self-control that leads to socially appropriate responses throughout life. Failure in this area leads to low self-control.Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) intended for their theory “to explain all crime, at all times, and, for that matter, many forms of behavior that are not sanctioned by the state” (p. 117), to include juvenile delinquency, sex-based differences, cross-culture comparisons, street crime, and occupational crime. A later publication elaborates upon the above statement:Our theory does not claim that self-control (or self-control and opportunity) is the only cause of crime. On the contrary, we explicitly mention important causes of crime that self-control cannot explain (e.g., age). To invoke an analogy we have used before ... : Trees and tides have gravity in common but more than gravity is required to account for their peculiar features. To admit this in no way limits the generality of the theory of gravity. (Hirschi & Gottfredson, 1993, p. 50) …Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) theory posited that opportunity and self-control standing alone have little meaning, and that "[f]raud and force occur primarily when individuals with low self-control encounter opportunities to engage in fraud or force," according to Grasmick, Tittle, Bursik, and Arneklev (1993/1997, p. 180). Grasmick et al. cited and concurred with Gottfredson and Hirschi’s claim that "low self-control is a personality trait established early in life, which remains relatively stable over the life course" (p. 188), which was also accepted by and Nagin and Paternoster (1993/1997). …Gottfredson and Hirschi have credited individual motivation with too much influence, according to Henderson and Simon (1994). Henderson and Simon also took exception to the contention fostered by Gottfredson and Hirschi that white-collar criminals (to include corrupt police) share the same primary causative factor (i.e., self-interest) as other criminals. One particular factor noted is that recognizing that they hold jobs makes them less likely to commit crimes, which seems somewhat spurious in light of the known existence of criminal justice corruption.Hirschi and Gottfredson (1993) addressed this area of criticism, as exemplified by Henderson and Simon above.In the context of discussion of white collar crime, we have argued that position in the occupational structure is in part caused by self-control. Thus white-collar workers should on the whole have higher levels of self-control than those outside the labor force. White-collar offenders should therefore have higher levels of self-control on the average than offenders among the unemployed. It seems obvious to us that their criminal records should therefore show fewer offenses and “offense types,” a result that white-collar researchers … take to be actually contrary to our theory! Our theory is also said to be called into question by the finding that white-collar offenders start “later … in life than common offenders”.... In fact, a decade ago we pointed out that the connection between frequency and age of onset is a statistical necessity. (Hirschi & Gottfredson, 1993, pp. 53-54) …Corruption TheoryCorruption has been conceptualized as having been based upon either affinity or affiliation. Affinity represents the predisposition of individuals to commit crime that exists prior to their being hired as police officers. Affiliation refers to the subjecting "of the honest police recruit ... [to] a dishonest police subculture" (Sherman, 1974, p. 192).A more common label for affinity has been the “rotten apple” theory, wherein the rotten apple taints the barrel of apples. Conversely, the affiliation theory is commonly referred to as the “rotten barrel” theory. The barrel is responsible for making the apples rot.The affinity/affiliation question points out the different levels of inquiry and theorization. Macro level examination focuses upon entire societies. Middle level, or intermediate, inquiry focuses upon organizations, and micro level involves individuals (Sherman, 1974). One example of macro-level impact is described as follows:Richardson put the police graft system in its proper perspective: the political and ethnic conflicts of a fast-growing pluralist society. On the ethnic level New York was a classic case of culture conflict, where the puritan morality of the original settlers was intolerable to the new immigrants. Laws prohibiting liquor sales, gambling, and prostitution were focal points for this conflict.Seen from the functionalist perspective, corruption was a means of easing the conflict and satisfying both sides. Politicians won the support of Yankee groups with rhetoric against vice, while maintaining immigrant support by giving the police a free hand to permit vice—in exchange for a price. But the police hand was so free that graft grew to be intolerable, although the Lexow commission [of 1894] was the first indication ... of how large it really was. After Lexow, police graft became more sophisticated and centralized, surviving investigations right up to the present. (Sherman, 1974a, p. 45)In 2000, Klockars, Ivkovich, Harver, and Hagerfeld published research based upon an organizational theory of police corruption “which emphasizes the importance of organizational and occupational culture” (p. 1). They presented officers from 30 different departments with 11 hypothetical situations and asked them to rate the levels of seriousness, whether they would report these incidents, and their support for punishment for each situation. In the more serious scenarios (e.g., stealing from a crime scene, bribery, or excessive force), most officers indicated that they would report violations by a fellow officer. However, “substantial differences in the environment of integrity” (p. 2) were observed among the different departments.In comparing one high-scoring department (all scenarios were considered to be more serious violations relative to other agencies) to one low scoring department, it was found that the high-scoring department’s officers expected more severe discipline and would be much more likely to report violations by fellow officers. These characteristics of a department’s officers are said to provide a description of a department’s “culture that encourage its employees to resist or tolerate certain types of misconduct” (Klockars et al., 2000, p. 7).In 1997, a survey was administered to criminal justice students at Florida State University oriented toward determining values and expectations (Brand, 1999). Thirty-one percent said that they would not leave a party where marijuana was in use, 28% believed that a person with a felony arrest record should not be excluded from being hired as an officer, and about 18% believed that it may be acceptable for an officer to lie. Police will undoubtedly reflect the culture that surrounds them, as suggested by the writings of C. Wright Mills (cited in Henderson & Simon, 1994).Causes of corruption can best be described as being the result of an intricate matrix of potential actions and interactions impacted by numerous inputs (societal, organizational, biosociological, and psychological). Both middle-level and micro level aspects of corruption will be examined for cause-and-effect clues in the following review, in recognition of their apparent interrelatedness. In particular, the elements of conflict, control, differential association, interactional, neutralization, opportunity, rational choice, strain, symbolic interaction theories, and stress will be examined with sufficient depth that the criminality causation elements they propose can be inferred to exist for the purpose of this study.Ideology figures into criminological theory and corruption theory, from Marxism on the left to Lombrosians on the right, particularly when politicians attempt to establish policy (Henderson & Simon, 1994). Karl Marx (1818-1883) was a classical conflict theorist who deplored exploitation of the masses by a limited number of power-wielding elites. Classical criminological theory began with Cesare Lombroso (1835-1909), an Italian physician apparently influenced by Darwinism, who theorized that criminals were evolutional throwbacks, and who believed in biological determinism (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990).Henderson and Simon (1994) stated that conservatives generally embrace anomie and liberals generally embrace affiliation causation. A dichotomy generally equivalent to the affinity/affiliation theory described above.Henderson and Simon (1994) characterized the Christopher Commission as "liberal" based upon the suggested improvements in minority concerns. Conservative and liberal perspectives both lack sociological perspective, according to Henderson and Simon. Also lacking is an attempt to show the interconnection among macro, intermediate, and micro levels.Theories of occupational crime may have some relevance, but police corruption is a unique subcategory—crime within the institutions responsible for control of crime—and a form of "elite" deviance. Henderson and Simon (1994) proposed a synthesis of theoretical perspectives to account for this subcategory based for the most part upon the theory of C. Wright Mills (1917-1962).Mills stressed social structure (macro level composition, interrelationships, significance of the parts, etc.), historical epoch (cultural ascendancy or decline, what is considered historically significant, characteristics of change, etc.), and biography (roles of the individual, impacts of family, culture, and institutions, etc.).One important attribute of Mill's model is that institutions actually select and shape social character. This is because success in institutional settings ... requires that people, as role players, accept (internalize) the “expectations of institutional leaders” (elites). (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 34)Alienation was an important concept to Mills for understanding the structure of behavior; and it can occur at macro, intermediate, and micro levels (Henderson & Simon, 1994). Two types of alienation were identified: inauthenticity and dehumanization. Inauthenticity exists when outward or acknowledged appearances are stated in a positive manner, while the known situation is negative. A macro example would be the coupling of sexual images in advertising with alcohol or cigarettes.In a police department, alienation could be characterized by the Mollen Commission finding that anticorruption efforts were focused more on preventing disclosure than identifying and eliminating corruption (Commission to Investigate Allegations, 1993/1995). The consequence of this form of alienation is dehumanization (Henderson & Simon, 1994).Victor Bernard (cited in Henderson & Simon, 1994) argues that dehumanization is the result of a disconnection of mental concepts from one another and "unconscious denial, repression, depersonalization, isolation of effect, and compartmentalization" (p. 36). Dehumanization is a defense mechanism to internal and external stressors achieved through blinding oneself to the humanity of another.There are two types of dehumanization. The first is self-directed, wherein one mutes emotion and becomes robot-like. This can be a response to anxiety caused by being a powerless part of a bureaucracy. The second is object-directed, wherein one lessens the humanness of another through negative labeling and stereotyping, a self-protection against feelings of guilt and shame. "These two types of dehumanization are mutually reinforcing; reducing one's feelings for other people lessens one's feelings for the self, and lessening the humanness of one's self-image limits one's capacity to relate to others" (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 36).Consistent with alienation theorization is neutralization theory (Henderson & Simon, 1994). Guilt feelings that tend to prevent crime can be minimized by rationalizations learned previous to crime commission. Deviant groups commonly construct guilt neutralizing terminology and strategies, such as shifting blame to the victim, dehumanizing the victim, professing loyalty to the group that sanctions or condones the crime (following orders), and condemning the condemners (soft on crime).Henderson and Simon (1994) criticized neutralization theory as deficient because of an intentional disregard for the effects of cultural and societal norms. They pointed out that cultural patterns of crime have been shown to exist.Drawing from Mills and control, differential association, and neutralization theories, Henderson and Simon (1994) made the following theoretical statements:1.Criminal behavior is widespread in American society, including within the criminal justice system. It is widespread because it is often learned, tolerated and/or encouraged within the organizational contexts that make up criminal justice agencies....2.Only a tiny percentage of such crimes are explained by extreme behaviors of abnormal personalities.... The behavior and the ideologies that justify and excuse them are part of an organization's cultural value system.3.Crime as caused by the inability of immature individuals to delay gratification is a widespread occurrence, so widespread that it is part of the American character....We are not saying that human nature is evil.... We are saying that people are born innocent and relatively "blank" concerning their criminal propensities, and that criminal behavior is a socially acquired attribute. (Henderson & Simon, 1994, pp. 34-35)Sherman (1974c) wrote that it is appropriate to begin corruption causes and effects theorization with a simple model. He chose to "treat police corruption simply as a dependent variable—as effect not cause" (p. 2). However, he pointed out the complexity of the issue by asking: "Why are there different kinds and extents of police corruption in different communities, and in the same communities at different points in their history?" (p. 3). Sherman proposed a sociological theory of police corruption containing the following propositions that are identified as independent variables, or more likely, interdependent or covariant:COMMUNITY STRUCTURE1. There will be less police corruption in a community with little anomie, in terms of corrupters and corruptees.2. There will be less police corruption in communities with a more public-regarding ethos.3. There will be less police corruption in a community with less culture conflict.ORGANIZATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS4. A punishment-centered police bureaucracy will have the least corruption, a representative pattern will have more, and a mock pattern will have the most. [In a representative pattern there is enforcement of and obedience to rules to which workers can contribute. A mock pattern exists when action is only taken due to bad publicity.]5. There will be less corruption in a police agency having leadership highly reputed for integrity.6. There will be less organized police corruption when there is less work group solidarity.7. The less gradual the probable steps in a corrupt policeman's moral career, the less the ultimate 'seriousness' (self-defined) of the grafting.8. The greater the policeman's perception of legitimate advancement opportunities, the less likelihood there will be of their accepting corruption opportunities.LEGAL OPPORTUNITIES9. A decrease in either the scope of morals laws or the demand for the services they proscribe, while holding the other constant, will reduce police corruption opportunities (also the converse).10. An increase in either the scope of the regulative law or the economic incentive to violate it, while holding the other constant, will increase corruption opportunities (also the converse).CORRUPTION CONTROLS11. There will be a greater perceived risk of apprehension for corruption in police agencies that have an internal investigation unit.12. There will be proportionately less undiscovered corruption in police agencies that have an internal investigation unit using proactive methods.13. Controls will decrease corruption only when they can avoid amplifying the corruption's extent or methods.14. Less corruption will go undiscovered in a police agency watched by a vigorous and uncensored news media. (Sherman, 1974c, pp. 31-32)A study conducted by Herbert W. Eber, presented in 1991 at the annual meeting of Multivariate Experimental Psychology, as reported by Lorr and Strack (1994), administered a Clinical Analysis Questionnaire to about 15,000 police officer candidates to determine personality characteristics. The most distinctive finding was that personality profiles “were characterized by a strong pattern of self-discipline or Control, Tough Poise, and low Anxiety” (p. 200).Hyams (1990) conducted a study in which he hypothesized that police officers having unethical attitudes would be found to have higher narcissism (or selfism), and have a perception of their policing role as being more oriented toward arrest than service. In this study involving police officers from one West Coast agency, this hypothesis was confirmed; in addition, he found that[t]hose who are officers out of the academy, with higher levels of narcissism, a role perception oriented more toward arrest and apprehension and higher levels of dedication were found to have less ethical attitudes. (Hyams, 1990, p. 89)In 1998, Chamberlin, using Hyams’ police ethical attitudes instrument, conducted an experiment wherein this instrument was administered to treatment and control groups (pretest), followed by an 8-hour in-service training session on ethics for the treatment group. Six to eight weeks later, the instrument was again administered (posttest).The treatment group was found to show no difference in ethical attitudes between the pretest and the posttest. However, the control group was found to have “significantly increased their scores in the ethics, selfism, and role scales,” an indication of a tendency to have a more positive view of unethical behavior (Chamberlin, 1998, p. 82). Chamberlin does make a cautionary statement that because of the necessity of an “extended training effort and repeated testing, the probability of threats to the internal validity of the study due to history [outside influences such as the known focus of the testing] and maturation [gaining in knowledge over time] were significant” (p. 54).Sherman (1974b) used symbolic interationist theory to explain the existence of police corruption. The corrupt cop appears to have a moral view that differs from the view held prior to becoming an officer, and differs from the morality of his family, thus showing divergence and conflict of views.The school stems from the early work of George Herbert Meade, who saw life as a “conversation of significant symbols,” a process in which one continually defines and redefines one's self as a result of interacting with others. In this school of thought, police bribe-taking is to be explained as an individual process of becoming for each policeman, not as a static or “pressured” result of larger community structure. (Sherman, 1974b, p. 172)Consistent with the findings of the Mollen Commission cited earlier, wherein it is stated that unchecked excessive force is a precursor to corruption, Sherman (1974) indicated that corruption of a police officer is gradual and is characterized by the stages of contingencies, moral experiences, and apologia.Contingencies are circumstances or problems which a person must face, often for purely accidental reasons. The moral experience is a reaction to contingencies, often involving decision of action, that alters the "framework of imagery" in which a person evaluates himself and others. The moral experience is a benchmark between the stages in a moral career, which usually culminate (for the deviant) in an apologia: a distorted image of one's life course that brings it into alignment with the basic values of his society. (Sherman, 1974, p. 194)"Mills argued that people often experience their everyday, private lives as 'a series of traps'" (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 35). By this, he meant that people are unaware of how their behavior is unavoidably shaped by their immediate environment. Empirical evidence indicates that as violence-prone officers engage in subsequent confrontations, those confrontations are of increasing intensity (Babcock, 1998).Taylor and Braswell (1978) stated, "All police officers violate departmental rules and regulations and sometimes criminal statutes; it is inherent in their discretionary powers" (p. 177). They quoted a former officer as saying, "It's like a spider web, you're drawn in toward the center" (p. 177), with the center being the point where you have engaged in enough corrupt behavior that you must look the other way when a fellow officer takes another step outside the boundaries.In a similar vein, M. David Ermann (cited in Henderson & Simon, 1994) believed “that white-collar deviance takes place incrementally by merging normal administrative behavior with wrongdoing" (p. 28). In addition, new employees go along with behavior they find present upon their arrival, particularly in organizations that are results oriented. "Organizational crime also frequently occurs in instances where corporate employees are socially and spatially mobile, where they do not consider themselves part of the community in which they live" (p. 29).Biosociology/DemographicsOne consistent finding of research is that males are responsible for substantially more crime than females, “and this conclusion does not depend on the method of measurement (official or self-report), or time period and it seems to hold wherever the matter has been studied by criminologists” (Gottfredson & Polakowski, 1995, p. 68).Both Walsh (1995) and Goldsmith (1991) reported that physiological differences between male and female brains result from differences attributed to hormones and hormone ratios. Increasing testosterone levels in either sex increases assaultive behavior and decreases nurturing behavior, while estradiol decreases assaultive behavior and increases nurturing behavior. Progesterone also increases nurturing behavior, indicating more than mere coincidence regarding the differences of these hormones in males and females (Walsh, 1995). …Analysis yields good evidence that higher levels of testosterone are associated with adult deviance largely because they predispose an individual toward weak social integration and toward juvenile delinquency, and those are factors that considerably increase the likelihood of adult deviance. (Booth & Osgood, 1993, p. 105)Primate studies have shown that “testosterone increases to meet demand” and decreases “when submissiveness is deemed the path of least resistance” (Walsh, 1995, p. 86). It could be inferred that those assuming the role of law enforcer, who must also adopt the trappings (i.e., gun, badge, power to arrest, etc.), will show increased testosterone production. It is also known that as males age the production of testosterone decreases and hormonal ratios favoring nurturant behavior increase. …Gottfredson and Polakowski (1995) related that “[t]he relationship between age and crime is one of the most significant and well established general correlates in the field of criminology” (p. 68). Late adolescence and early adulthood stages account for a "vastly disproportionate amount of crime" (p. 69).The Christopher Commission found that just over 2% of Los Angeles police officers accounted for a disproportionately large number of citizen complaints (Independent Commission, 1991/1995). Lersch and Mieczkowski (1996) conducted a study to test this phenomenon and to determine if there are characteristics shared between officers with higher numbers of complaints, in effect testing the rotten apple theory (affinity theory). They also examined characteristics of complainants and complaints to determine if patterns existed.Lersch and Mieczkowski (1996) reviewed 682 allegations against 274 officers. "A small group of 37 officers, or about 7 percent of the sworn personnel, accounted for over one-third of the total number of complaints filed over the three-year period of analysis" (p. 37). The repeat offenders were all male, and "significantly younger and less experienced than their peers," and they were "more likely to be accused of violent and non-violent harassment resulting from a proactive contact" (p. 37).Babcock (1998) examined "the relationship between individual police officer characteristics, situational factors and the incidence of violent police-citizen encounters" (p. iv). He studied 117 officers in a department numbering about 350. Babcock also found that younger and less experienced officers had a significantly larger number of use-of-force incidents. "The group data suggested that as the number of use-of-force incidents per officer increased, so did the level and severity of violence inflicted by the officer" (p. 246).The age related findings of Lersch and Mieczkowski (1996) and Babcock (1998) were consistent with the findings of Burton et al. (1994/1997), who also reported that age was significantly related to nonutilitarian crime (not providing economic reward).Girodo (1991) conducted a psychological assessment of 271 undercover drug agents, with the purpose of correlating deviant behavior with personality dimensions. Among other findings, he determined that drug and alcohol abuse and disciplinary problems increased as undercover experience increased, somewhat contrary to the age-related findings cited earlier in this paper.Disinhibition was the significant predictor of risk for corruption in nearly half the agents … Disinhibition, however, did not predict risk for corruption among the best ... [person-environment] fit notwithstanding their obtaining the highest ... [disinhibition] scores of all. Their risk for corruption, while not particularly high, was best accounted for inversely by scores on the trait of Disciplined Self-Image. Finally, the High Extraversion-High Neuroticism agents produced the largest risk for corruption index; their higher scores on Experience Seeking and Neuroticism, would appear to be a poor combination.... The personality traits associated with corruption risk were impulsivity, emotionality, and undisciplined self-image. When these were found together, as in the Extraverted-Neurotic, we also found an increased risk for drug/alcohol abuse and disciplinary problems. (Girodo, 1991, pp. 368-369)Psychological theory has been unable to shed much light on the actions of individual officers, according to Worden (1996). Attitudinal studies, including Worden’s work, have indicated only a weak correlation between use of force and outlooks on human nature and “moral attitudes toward coercive authority” (p. 26). Organizational and social factors were shown to have a greater impact upon behavior. However,A larger body of evidence has accumulated on the relationship of officer’s behavior to their background and characteristics—race, gender, length of police service, and especially education. Officer’s educational backgrounds have been the subject of a number of studies, and although this research has shown that education bears no more than a weak relationship to officer’s attitudes ... and no relationship to the use of deadly force ..., it also indicates that college-educated officers generate fewer citizen complaints.... [O]n most behavioral dimensions the differences [between men and women] are negligible.... [B]lack officers ... are more likely to use deadly force ..., but these differences can be attributed to ... duty assignments.... Finally, analyses of officer’s length of service indicate that less experienced officers ... patrol more aggressively, ... are more likely to make arrests, ... and use deadly force. (Worden, 1996, p. 27)In research by Robert Friedrich (cited in Worden, 1996), published in 1980, the explanations of the use of force were characterized as having three contributory aspects—individual, situational, and organizational—were subjected to analysis. Friedrich found marginal correlation only regarding situational aspects. Provocative acts of a low-class, intoxicated, felon were most likely to evoke the use of force. Officer characteristics were not found to be significant.The GAO noted that police officers “lacking in experience and some higher education were considered to be more susceptible to involvement in illicit drug-related activities" (United States General Accounting Office, 1998, p. 4). Brown and Campbell (1994) concluded that response to stress is related to “personality, and life experiences, as well as variables such as age, gender and family history” (p. 19).StressGary Hankins (cited in Sulc, 1995), an official with the Fraternal Order of Police, related that "[p]olice officers die younger, suffer more injuries and stress-related disabilities than the average American ... [and] have high rates of alcoholism, divorce and suicide" (pp. 80-81). Hankins contended that stress inherent to criminal justice positions exceeds that of most other occupational groups. Corruption has been identified as a reaction to stress (Winter, 1993).In 1973, Haney, Banks, and Zimbardo (1973/1981), psychologists at Stanford University, conducted an experiment wherein “normal” college students were randomly selected as either guards or prisoners for a prison simulation. The planned 2-week experiment was terminated after less than half that time due to unexpectedly high levels of stress, and even distress in some cases, on the part of prisoners.Interactions between guards and prisoners were typically hostile and negative, with guards displaying increasing levels of aggression and authoritarianism. Haney et al. (cited in Maxfield & Babbie, 1998) concluded that their "results are ... congruent with Milgram who most convincingly demonstrated the proposition that evil acts are not necessarily the deeds of evil men, but may be attributable to the operation of powerful social forces" (p. 191). "Moreover, since both prisoners and guards are locked into a dynamic, symbiotic relationship which is destructive to their human nature, guards are also society's prisoners" (Haney et al., 1973/1981, p. 68).The reference to Milgram above concerns an experiment wherein subjects were directed to administer what were in fact simulated electrical shocks to an experimenter's confederate. The device manipulated by the subject was marked to purportedly indicate severity of the shock up to “severe,” while no shock was actually administered.The level of shock the subject was willing to give upon command of the experimenter was the primary dependent variable. Unexpected findings included "the sheer strength of obedient tendencies manifested" and "the extraordinary tension and emotional strain" on the subjects when they complied with orders to inflict high shock levels (Milgram, 1963/1981, pp. 33-34).This reference to stress induced by inflicting punishment is significant to the researcher, and is a stressor not specifically listed as applicable to police in relevant literature. "As former Chief Justice Earl Warren has said, the policeman is more powerful than the President. Only the policeman has the power to deprive an American of his liberty" (Sherman, 1974c, p. vii).Shooting, even shooting at, someone in the line of duty can readily be identified as a traumatic event. Arresting a father and mother while restraining their grieving 4 year-old, particularly when the crime involved is mala prohibida versus mala in se (prohibited by law versus a crime such as murder that is bad in and of itself), can also be an enduringly stressful event, as the researcher can personally attest.This is stress of punishment infliction as opposed to stress from the potential of personal injury at the hands of an arrestee. It would seem easily verifiable that most arrests are for transgressions of the former (mala prohibida). For more than one reason, an arrest—even if one does not fear for one’s own safety—can be stressful.Moreover, “ever-present danger lies in taking an action that is judged improper” (Waddington, 1999, p. 14). A judgment made in haste will be reviewed at leisure though official channels, as well as by a society as a whole.Brown and Campbell (1994) reported that it is “well documented that high levels of stress among employees, whether induced at work or by personal problems, can reduce productivity” (p. 1). Selye (cited in Winter, 1993), a stress research pioneer, stated that law enforcement is "one of the most hazardous professions, even exceeding the formidable stresses and strains of air traffic control" (p. 253). However, Brown and Campbell relate that empirical support for this position is not consistent.Winter (1993) defined stress as "the awareness of potential threat, or in other words [in the context of police corruption], awareness of the potential for a comprehensive change in one's core structures," such as experienced by a newly hired police officer (p. 254). Brown and Campbell (1994) offered three definitions of stress. The first was a model wherein an external factor causes “some degree of physical or psychological discomfort” (pp. 14-15).The second was a process that relies upon Selye’s General Adaptation Syndrome. This included:·The initial alarm reaction. The “fight or flight” response [from exposure to a threat] ... which ... includes physiological changes preparing the body for “fight or flight.”·The stage of resistance. The period during which the person adapts to external stressors and symptoms of stress improve or disappear.·The stage of exhaustion. [I]f the stressor is sufficiently severe or prolonged ... symptoms reappear and the end result is death. (Brown & Campbell, 1994, p. 15) …“The accumulation of evidence ... does indicate that stress levels within the police do play a significant role in absenteeism and wastage through early retirement” (p. 10), and “some research has indeed shown that the police tend to exhibit higher rates of stress-related disease, higher suicide rates and higher divorce rates” (p. 13).United States and British police “listed poor and insensitive supervision, unreasonable workload, shift work, personal safety and volume of paperwork as the most significant sources of stress at work” (Brown & Campbell, 1994, p. 14). However, “police work” being somewhat non-specific, it must be noted that “[r]ank, role, gender, ethnicity and sexual orientation result in some distinctive patterns of stress experiences” (p. 167).For Winter (1993), police stress lies in problems encountered with administrative procedures and legal proceedings that lead torole ambiguity and role conflict (e.g., between the roles of community servant, as exemplified in the stereotype of the general British Bobby, and crime fighter and between the requirement to enforce the law and the procedural constraints imposed on the officer by that same law). (Winter, 1993, p. 254)Kirkcaldy (1993) conducted a study of police stress involving 42 officers from several countries attending a stress. The police officers studied showed a higher level of internal control than the general population, and they "were more likely to be stressed in terms of organizational structure and climate ..., home and work interface ..., and relationships with other people" when compared to the general British population (p. 386). Though not stated in the article, it may be fair to assume that these were not run-of-the-mill patrol officers on this junket to Germany. Whether or not the sample population is representative of the population of street-level officers could be questioned.Violanti and Aron (1993) found that police organizational stressors (court decisions, regulations, nonparticipation in job decisions, disagreeable duties, discipline matters, etc.) were 6.3 times more likely to cause distress than was "police work." This study was conducted in a large New York department and consisted of 103 respondents who submitted a self-report survey.Similarly, Kirkcaldy, Cooper, and Ruffalo (1995) conducted a study of 49 officers in one Illinois town (the size of the department is unknown), and determined that these officers found "factors intrinsic to the job" to be lesser stress producers than "organizational structure and climate" (p. 700). Kirkcaldy et al. observed positive correlation between both psychological and physical illness and stress. In addition, they observed a significant negative correlation between perceived stress and job satisfaction. They recommended providing counseling and coping strategies to enhance self-control.Carona (1998) conducted a study having as its hypothesis the expectation that police departments having high-quality stress-relief programs would have fewer losses to sick leave, fewer resignations, fewer vehicle accidents, and fewer sustained excessive force complaints. Carona discovered no significant correlations in this research. However, it was determined that departments with longer running stress programs had "fewer sustained excessive force complaints" (p. 27).One possibly confounding variable that was apparently not addressed by these studies of stress in police (Kirkcaldy, 1993; Kirkcaldy et al., 1995; Violanti & Aron, 1993) could be the traditional stoicism expected of authority figures, and how this could be affected by self-reporting of police officers through under reporting perceptions of stress caused by intrinsic factors.As stated by Brown and Grover (1998), "Police officers are taught to respond personably rather than personally to their operational duties, to project strength and authority, to deal with events without displaying emotion and put the requirements of the work before their own emotional needs" (p. 181). This phenomenon has also been described as the “cult of masculinity” (Waddington, 1999, p. 11).Brown and Grover (1998) studied police officers and the role moderating factors have on coping and distress when stressors are present. One finding was that those exposed to both high and low levels of stress show the greatest levels of psychological distress when they lack social support, have high negative attitudes concerning emotional expression, and low just world beliefs. Those with low just world beliefs "perceive the threats as being in excess of their capacity to cope," making them unable to assimilate and integrate stressful experiences (p. 181). Also assumed in the definition of low just world beliefs was a feeling of low control on the part of the officer.A Gallup survey of randomly selected workers indicated that "the most common cause of workplace anger ... [is] the actions of supervisors or managers" (Wuensche, 1999, p. 1D). The next most anger-producing circumstances were, respectively, "irritating co-workers" and "dealing with the public" (p. 1D). Donald Gibson (cited in Wuensche, 1999), a Yale University School of Management professor, stated, "In an environment where you think people are satisfied with their jobs, there is a sort of undercurrent of anger and resentment aimed at the workplace that could potentially lead to the kinds of explosions or rage we have seen" (p. 1D). The rage Gibson refers to was that found in "normal" jobs, as opposed to police work.PrejudiceResearch on prejudice disclosed that those who perceive that they have been subjected to prejudice "reported more aggression, sadness, anxiety, and egotism" than those not perceiving such prejudice (Dion & Earn, 1975/1981, p. 281). Winter (1993) reported what appears to be an analogous perception of prejudice when he related that "there is evidence that police officers perceive the public and the press as construing them more negatively than is in fact the case," citing five studies (p. 254). The GAO (1998) also reported that “officers’ dissatisfaction with how they were viewed and treated by the people of the community” has been cited as a factor contributing to corruption (p. 9).The 1968 Kerner Commission examination of the New York police indicated that minorities perceived the police to "symbolize white power, white racism and white repression" (cited in Human Rights Watch, 1998, p. 40). The Christopher Commission surveyed a sample of Los Angeles police officers and found that about 25% of them believed that racial prejudice toward minorities exists and negatively impacts police community relations (Independent Commission, 1991/1995).In 1992, the St. Clair Commission examined excessive force complaints against the Boston Police Department and found that "50 percent of complainants in the sample group were African-American, while 26 percent of Boston's population was African-American" (Human Rights Watch, 1998, p. 41). Worden (1996) related that “empirical evidence confirms that minorities are in fact, overrepresented among the human targets at which police shoot …, but it also indicates that minorities are overrepresented among those whose actions precipitate the use of deadly force by police” (p. 25).The results of a reciprocal negative interchange between police who perceive prejudice from minorities and minorities who perceive prejudice from police, each feeding the negative spiral of the other, should not be overlooked in the search for corruption causes.The Mollen Commission reported in 1993 that the "us versus them" police attitude was particularly strong in minority neighborhoods and contributed to a divisiveness that "makes many police officers feel isolated from, and often hostile toward, the community they are meant to serve" (Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption, 1993/1995, p. 33). The Mollen Commission further reported that the us versus them attitude was "present wherever we found corruption" (p. 33).The GAO (1998) determined that a “commonly identified factor associated with drug-related corruption was a police culture that was characterized by a code of silence, unquestioned loyalty to other officers, and cynicism about the criminal justice system” (p. 4). These characteristics reportedly promote corruption while impeding its detection and control.Paradoxically, the structures of occupation that Durkheim predicted would function to strengthen them as autonomous, professional associations working for the common good (helping to clarify and maintain the value system of the broader society) are often "turned inward." That is, in criminal justice agencies (for several historic, political, economic, and social reasons) professional particularity, the cult of the individual, and extreme social solidarity reflected in a quasi-unification of all authority levels generates the unanticipated consequences of a high degree of corruption and graft in all components of the criminal justice system in virtually every region of the United States. (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 102)One aspect of neutralization theory, consistent with the us versus them characteristic, states that "subgroups take on a culture of their own that has been termed 'groupthink'" (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 30). One groupthink outcome is that prerationalized criminal acts are agreed upon before their commission. "Those objecting to the proposed ‘policies’ are often criticized by other group members, and, if they persist in their criticism, are threatened with ostracism from the group or firing" (p. 30).Reference:Robb, D. L. (2002). An investigation of self-control and its relationship to ethical attitudes in criminal justice personnel. Dissertation Abstracts International, 62 (12), 4343. (UMI No. 3036984)

Do people who become police officers generally change, and if so, do they become more self-centred?

The examples provided by the Stanford Prison Experiment and Milgram’s electric shock experiment (elaborated upon below), make it apparent that being in a position of power is contributory in inducing changes in behavior. Conclusions drawn from those empirical inquiries indicate the human proclivity (to include large portions of the general population as well as police) to be negatively influenced by circumstances to an extent that greatly exceeds their usual behavior.Group-think appears to also have an effect, to the extent that it engenders an “us versus them” attitude. Group-think can lead to poor decision making, due to belief in group morality, illusion of invulnerability, illusion of unanimity, intimidation of dissent, self-censorship, diffusion of responsibility, collective rationalization, and poor risk assessment. These judgment errors lead to collective action, becoming more severe with group size increase. Even if the role of the group is only to brainstorm, discuss, advocate, or argue for one course of action over others, misleading statements can adversely alter the course of events; which is exemplified in empirical findings indicating that individual effort applied prior to joint group efforts usually provides superior results (Myers, 2012).Other comments on how police corruption comes about from my dissertation: An Investigation of Self-Control and its Relationship to Ethical Attitudes in Criminal Justice PersonnelCHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW …“Police Ethics encompass a broad range of behavior from interpersonal relations to outright criminal activity” (Hyams, 1990, pp. 40-41). As such, it is intertwined in the definition of corruption. This section will attempt to focus on philosophical aspects, while following sections discuss the specifics and ramifications of unethical acts.Kleinig (1990) stated, "Police ethics is characterized by a particular focus rather than a particular set of values" (p. 3). In other words, the situational context within law enforcement may differ, but the underlying philosophy, or decision-making process, cannot vary from the culture represented. He further cites John Stewart Mill's description of an ethical decision maker as using his senses and mental abilities to first collect the information necessary, then to make the decision, and further to stay the course once the decision is made.Spader (1994) paraphrased Plato: "All major legal issues are simultaneously ethical issues" (p. 100), and "justice" is "the act of giving each person his 'due'" (p. 83). Spader also stated, "[W]hether the ends justify the means is central to due process" (p. 83). This leads to the so-called “dirty hands” dilemma.That is, on some occasions a public official may find that the only way he can do his job successfully, meet his official obligations, is to do something that, from the perspective of private life, would be morally unacceptable. (French, 1983/1992, pp. 243-244)French (1983/1992) differentiates public obligations from private obligations by identifying the primary objective. Public obligations emphasize “the accomplishment of certain recognized ends, whereas ... private-sector obligations concern the way things are done and what particular things are done, and less with outcomes” (p. 251).Kleinig (1996) pointed out that this dilemma was discussed early on, from ancient Greek tragedies to The Prince, and includes Sartre more recently. Plato wrote, “[W]e must discover who are best guardians ..., that they must do whatever they think at any time best for the city” (1935/1992, p. 93). Modern advocates of this point of view still believe thatanyone who would act up to a perfect standard of goodness in everything, must be ruined among so many who are not good. It is essential, therefore, for a Prince who desires to maintain his position, to have learned how to be other than good, and to use or not use his goodness as necessity requires. (Machiavelli, 1910, p. 53)A social and ethical phenomenon described by Pollock (1994) is the glorification of "strong" criminals vs. ridicule of "weak" moralists (e.g., public acclaim for Bonnie and Clyde), the antithesis of morality. Popular culture seems to project a similar justification for police who exceed their authority in pursuit of justice, as portrayed by the “Dirty Harry” character and many of a similar nature.A scenario from a Dirty Harry screenplay has Harry forcibly extracting the location of a kidnap victim from the perpetrator by shooting him in the leg, only to have the case dropped when his tactics are exposed in court (Delattre, 1994; Kleinig, 1996). Barker (1996) highlighted this mixed message when he wrote that “’Dirty Harry’ may be a character we applaud on the screen, but” (p. 51) “[w]e, as a free society, will not tolerate a law enforcement agency staffed by Dirty Harry’s, who use illegal and unethical means to accomplish what they perceive as legitimate ends” (p. 12).Delattre (1994) indicated that “[e]nds do justify the means up to a point, and in certain ways, depending on what you mean, but not simply or unqualifiedly” (p. 193). Every person is significant and worthy, “even if that person appears without merit” (p. 193). Once prohibitions against cruel treatment are broached without recourse, even in the area of rights for innocent victims versus perpetrators, the implications are poor for all civil liberties.However, Delattre (1994) also added “that illegal conduct in a specific case may or may not be excusable—and I believe that it could be—depending on the particulars, and even the minute details, of the case” (p. 212-213).In The Ethics of Policing, Kleinig (1996), a recognized police ethics scholar, discussed the dirty hands concept at length. Two primary issues were raised by this concept. First, was the consideration that two alternative courses of action are in fact wrong. He argued that it would not be morally wrong to adhere to the law and therefore not seek a desirable outcome. And, secondly, if it is true that both actions are wrong, what should be done about the person who made a decision under those circumstances?Kleinig (1996) wrote that Machiavelli advocated resignation or punishment for officials caught in such a situation. Kleinig stated that he has sought not to accept the premise of the necessity to commit a crime to thwart a crime, while acknowledging that it is accepted by others. But he still raised the issue of the public being placed in the position of punishing a person who performed a service that could be identified with the preservation of social order, thereby raising the dirty hands question for those who would inflict the punishment.Skolnick and Leo (1992) pointed out that "the acceptability of deception seems to vary inversely with the level of the criminal process" (p. 3). It is legally acceptable to lie during the course of an investigation. Undercover investigations and "sting" operations are almost routine. Courts have upheld the authority of police to lie during interrogations under most circumstances. However, deception is supposed to stop when testimony is called for.Whether it does or not is questionable, for example, when investigations encompass the use of what is sometimes referred to as a "wall" between a confidential covert investigation and the parallel construction of a prosecutable case that has been creatively disengaged from the original source of information.In further exemplification, a confidential informant in a position to be of long-term use reports that he/she will be receiving money identifiable as narcotics proceeds. The investigation for record purposes, and future testimony, begins once the delivery has been made, without further reference to that event.Investigation from that point will focus on the person that made the delivery and subsequent activities and contacts, totally excluding the informant’s participation. The tainted money will be passed on within the criminal organization. This deception will help to ensure the safety of the informant and facilitate the detection of future crimes. However, it will also allow criminals to profit, even if only in the interest of potential neutralization of the organization in the future.In 1992, Skolnick and Leo warned that authorized deception "tends to encourage further deceit, undermining the general norm" (p. 10). Kleinig (1996) identified four negative aspects and consequences of lying: (a) it violates expectations of truthfulness in interpersonal relations; (b) it subverts the natural purpose of language; (c) it negates the concept of humans as worthy of dignity and respect by denying them an accurate reflection of reality; and, (d) it does not meet ethical requirements of universalizability.Universalizability has to do with the “fundamental requirement of morality, as the activity of a rational being, that we act only on maxims that we could, without ‘contradiction,’ will to be universal laws” (Kleinig, 1996, p. 125). It would be impossible to rely on untruth as a universal law. In consequence, “Not only does the liar violate another’s being, but also his own” (p. 126). …Fishman (1994) presented an analysis of two celebrated cases of police corruption involving Robert "Prince of the City" Leuci and Frank Serpico, which differed from the interpretation of the acts of these men by Pollock (1994). Pollock equates the two and failed to note, as Fishman did, that Leuci was a pragmatist. He was caught "red handed" and acted in his own self interest when he cooperated with a corruption investigation (Fishman, 1994).Serpico was apparently honest in his personal acts but prudently silent about the corruption swirling around him until it reached a level he found to be overly destructive. He had at first known that it was unlikely that he could change the system, so he worked within it, thereby remaining employed.When a parolee convicted of killing a police officer was released on a subsequent charge due to graft, he was overcome by what can be characterized as a violation of natural law and became the first New York City officer to testify against his own on corruption charges. "In short, Serpico practiced prudential realism because his fight against lawlessness was based on moral ideals, but he did not ignore material circumstances" (Fishman, 1994, p. 201). …Chief G. S. Kniffen (1996) cited a lack of ethics as a cause for numerous problems in law enforcement within recent years, from Rodney King, to O. J. Simpson, to the federal shoot-out in Idaho. Kniffen laid these problems at the feet of leadership, and more specifically a lack of ethical leadership. He quoted the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) Law Enforcement Code of Ethics from 1957, and decried a lack of compliance. He also cast aspersions on suggestions that it be "updated to reflect the changes in this postindustrial age" (p. 9). However, there has been a change. In 1992, the IACP added a line to the code addressing cooperation in internal investigations (Pollock, 1994)(see Appendix C).Barker’s (1996) Police Ethics: Crisis in Law Enforcement examined the four questions:(1) Is law enforcement a profession? (2) Can law enforcement officers be professional? (3) What forms of behavior are the major law enforcement ethical violations? and (4) Can we control police ethical violations? (Barker, 1996, p. v)Barker (1996) addressed each of these questions as they relate to and are exemplified by the IACP’s Law Enforcement Code of Ethics. He concluded that law enforcement falls short of professional standards on several counts. It is deficient on admission standards based upon educational achievement, and also with regard to standardized certification and decertification.Both Delattre (1994) and Kleinig (1996) agree with this assessment. Failure to reach professional status has at least in part been attributed to internal organized bargaining pressures. Representatives of organized bargaining entities have displayed interest in preserving the status quo in the interest of their membership, who may be negatively affected by increased requirements (Barker, 1996).Inasmuch as the term “professional” refers to behavior, Barker (1996) is convinced that officers can be professional. Common forms of corruption (addressed in following sections of this chapter) can be controlled, according to Barker, through reducing opportunity, eliminating peer support for unethical behavior, and increasing the likelihood of punishment for such behavior.Delattre (1994) stated that codes of ethics may be useful, but they “do not motivate people to behave well. They assist only people who want to do so” (p. 33). If an organization’s leaders do not take seriously failure to live up to the codes, they “will be treated as worthless platitudes” (p. 33). Sherman (1991) stated that "[s]uch codes provide useful frameworks ... but are usually too general to provide guidance" within the "complex circumstances" of law enforcement (p. 10).According to Pollock-Byrne (1989), calls for codes of ethics may be missing the point, and the codes themselves may be counter-productive. "Since they are so far removed from reality, they are worse than ignored since they in fact encourage officers to believe there are no relevant ethical guides to behavior" (p. 96).Felkenes (1984) conducted a study in several police agencies to determine how officers view professional ethics outlined in the Law Enforcement Code of Ethics and the Canons of Police Ethics. The results indicated that a majority of the respondents clearly understood the requirements for honesty and self-restraint under provocation, although more than 20% were unclear about “obligations to colleagues, the profession of law enforcement, other officials, and criminal subjects” (p. 215).About 60% of the respondents were neutral, unclear, or very unclear about “[o]bligations in relation to confidentiality, enforcement of the law without fear, and engaging in appropriate private conduct” (Felkenes, 1984, p. 215). Thirty-eight percent responded “that it was not wrong to accept small gifts from the public” (p. 215), in spite of explicit identification of this behavior as unethical in the Code.Twenty-nine percent agreed that “[l]aw enforcement’s professional ethics serve primarily as a pledge rather than as a guide to action” (Felkenes, 1984, p. 215). And 97% of the respondents indicated that they rely on personal ethical beliefs in professional matters.Another attempt at developing ethical law enforcement personnel, with similar inherent problems, involves specific written organizational policy. Murphy and Caplan (1989) state that policy manuals normally contain "provisions so unrealistic that no officer, however dedicated, can obey all of them all the time" (p. 317). They cite the all-pervasive specter of punishment induced by policy manuals as a cause for people to conceal unintentional and minor violations, which in turn creates the environment that could stimulate corruption. Pollock-Byrne (1989) stated that studies suggested "extensive rules seem to be present in inverse proportion to high ethical standards" (p. 96). …Another reason Kleinig (1990) believes that collegiate ethics training is necessary is the partisanship of academies brought on by "social isolation" and organizational identity (p. 7). Kleinig further stated that the fact that law enforcement recruits do not come morally prepared for the decisions they must make and argued for inclusion of ethics in basic training.In 1997, the IACP conducted the “most extensive ethics training survey ever conducted by law enforcement” (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1998, p. 2), with over 900 responses. Over 80% of the responding agencies reported providing ethics training for new officers, and over 70% provided some type of in-service ethics training. For more than 70% of these agencies, ethics training consisted of 4 hours or less in the classroom. Just over 50% of these agencies sought outside assistance in course design.“One major finding was that the amount of time devoted to ethics training did not appear to be consistent with how important the needs were, based on the responses” (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1998, p. 5). One of the survey questions requested participants to “provide us with any ‘working definition of ethics’ your organization uses” (p. 8). “[O]nly a handful [of respondents] provided any ‘working definition’” (p. 8).Recommendations of the IACP Committee on Police Image and Ethics arising from this study (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1998) included (a) adoption of a law enforcement oath; (b) job specific ethics training; (c) an enhanced curriculum and training style; and (d) insistence on recruit ethics training that incorporates ethics training by field training officers.As suggested at the beginning of this section, any discussion of ethics is simultaneously a discussion of corruption.Corruption DefinedThe definition of corruption may be limited by some to receipt of financial or other considerations in exchange for overlooking crime in some manner. Corruption can include "those activities regarded by society as illegitimate or seen by the power elite as contradictory to the logic of the system" (Jacek Tarkowski cited in Johnston, 1992, p. 160). Police corruption is an occupational crime within the institutions responsible for control of crime, and a form of "elite" deviance (Henderson & Simon, 1994).Punch (1985) provided a four-element definition of police corruption. With an added a fifth element, this definition guided the present study.I Straitforward Corruption: something is done or not done for some form of reward....II Predatory (Strategic) Corruption: the police stimulate crime, extort money and actively organize graft ...III Combative (Strategic) Corruption: 'flaking', 'padding', falsifying testimony, 'verbals', intimidating witnesses, buying and selling drugs, 'scoring' or 'burning' informants, and paying informants with illegally obtained drugs. ('Flaking' refers to 'planting' evidence on a suspect; 'padding' means to add to drugs or evidence to strengthen a case; 'verbals' is used in Britain to indicate where words attributed to a suspect are invented by a policeman to help incriminate him; 'scoring' concerns shakedowns where police take money, drugs or goods from suspects or prisoners, and 'burning' means revealing the identity of an informant). Most of these practices are involved in 'building a case' ... in which the major goal is to make arrests, obtain convictions, confiscate drugs, and get long sentences for criminals. It may involve accommodations with some criminals and certain informants but it is posited on using illicit means for organizationally and socially approved ends....IV Corruption as Perversion of Justice: lying under oath, intimidating witnesses, planting evidence on a suspect, etc.... It involves the perversion of justice largely in order to avoid the consequences of serious deviant behavior. (Punch, 1985, pp. 13-14)The fifth element is any abuse of power or authority—such as excessive force, theft while on duty, or other acts under color of law. The Knapp Commission (1974) (or the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption and the City's Anti-Corruption Procedures, instituted in 1971) added other offenses to the list of corrupt practices, such as illegal wiretaps, financing of drug transactions, soliciting customers for drug traffickers, kidnapping witnesses, providing security for drug dealers, and offering to assist in murder of witnesses.The fifth element was added as a personal evaluation and in consideration of a dictionary definition of corruption that includes the following: "1. a changing or being changed for the worse; making, becoming, or being corrupt. 2. evil or wicked behavior; depravity" (Guralnik & Friend, 1968, p. 332). This definition is consistent with a statement by Jacek Tarkowski (cited in Johnston, 1992): "Also 'corrupt' are those activities regarded by society as illegitimate or seen by the power elite as contradictory to the logic of the system" (p. 160).The Mollen Commission (The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption and the Anti-Corruption Procedures of the New York City Police Department), formed in 1992, seems to support this expanded definition of corruption by stating that "twenty years ago police officers took bribes to accommodate criminals ... today's corrupt cop often is the criminal" (Commission to Investigate Allegations, 1993/1995, p. 31).This is also consistent with the assumption of the researcher that acts of criminal justice personnel leading to their own incarceration are an aberration from the state of their moral and ethical behavior at the commencement of their criminal justice career, in other words, a change for the worse.The Mollen Commission described brutality and corruption as being on a continuum, “with brutality against citizens serving as a sort of ‘rite of passage’ toward corruption” (cited in Human Rights Watch, 1998, p. 46). Commission interviews indicated that brutality was often the first deviant act, and when officers were not subjected to negative consequences as a result of this deviance, it became easier for them to progress to other abuses of authority.This seems consistent with self-reports of criminal involvement in a sample of the general population that “suggest a clear escalation in the seriousness of criminal behavior over time” (Elliott, 1994, p. 12). “[T]he behavioral repertoire was [found to be] accompanied by an increase in offending rates for all types of offenses” (p. 13).Public definitions of police brutality can include perceptions of verbal abuse, unnecessary stops for questioning, display of weapons, or physical contact short of levels that could cause physical harm (Klockars, 1996). Current legal definitions hinge upon the finding in Graham v. Connor [490 U.S. 386 (1989)].In accordance with the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution, “’[O]bjective reasonableness’ of a police officer’s use of force would be ‘judged from the perspective of a reasonable officer on the scene rather than with the 20/20 vision of hindsight’” (cited in Klockars, 1996, p. 6). A single punch, or anything short of that, is not generally considered excessive.Worden (1996) differentiated between “excessive force” and “unnecessary force,” the former being more than reasonable force, and the later being where no force is reasonable. James Fyfe (1996) also subdivided excessive force.Extralegal violence—brutality—is “the willful and wrongful use of force by officers who knowingly exceed the bounds of their office.” Unnecessary force, by contrast, is the result of ineptitude or carelessness and “occurs when well-meaning officers prove incapable of dealing with the situations they encounter without needless or too hasty resort to force.” (Fyfe, 1996, p. 165)The IACP defines "excessive use of force" as "the application of an amount and/or frequency of force greater than what is required to compel compliance from a willing or unwilling subject" (Neubauer, 1999, p. 6). …Criminological TheoryIn the late 19th century, Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) (cited in Cohen & Machalek, 1994/1997) proposed “that crime is ‘normal’ behavior performed by normal individuals living in unexceptional social systems” (p. 113). Durkheim’s theory, in summary, consists of the contention that, since crime is known in all societies, it is therefore a fundamental element of societies.He [Durkheim] reasoned that a certain level of crime is both necessary and beneficial to society because (1) individual deviation from the social norm is a primary source of innovative social change; (2) increases in crime rates can warn or alert officials to damaging problems existing within social systems that give rise to such crimes; (3) crime enforcement helps to establish and to maintain behavioral boundaries within communities; and finally, (4) crime provokes punishment that in turn enhances solidarity within communities. (Cohen & Machalek, 1994/1997, p. 113)Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) were dismissive of the assertion that crime is “normal learned behavior” (p. xv). Cohen and Machalek (1994/1997) theorized that evolutionary and ecological explanations should be incorporated within Durkheim’s theory in order to make it viable. Ecology was incorporated in the form of availability of resources. …Criminological theories on crime causation supported by research include opportunity theories and rational choice theories. Opportunity theories generally state that three elements must coexist: (a) motivation, (b) an appropriate target, and (c) lack of deterrence. Rational choice theories assume a relatively constant level of criminal activity, with crime rates fluctuating due to increased or decreased opportunity (Cohen & Machalek, 1994/1997).Intrinsic to the perceptions of risks and rewards involved in rational choice theory is the thought that if one was a police officer, a lessened fear of the police might be assumed. In addition, the common presence of the code of silence, loyalty to other officers, and cynicism could be inferred to reinforce the perception of lessened risk.Conflict theory looks at crime as a "label produced by social values and political power" (Maxfield & Babbie, 1998, p. 40). Marxism is a macro level form of conflict theory. Conflict theory holds that prosecution is most likely when the violator lacks power and the public is aroused due to the nature of the violation (Henderson & Simon, 1994).Strain theory shares a similar outlook, in that it asserts that we are socialized to seek rewards (in effect positing of goals), and when the rewards are blocked strain is created that can be relieved by law breaking (Henderson & Simon, 1994). Burton et al. (1994/1997) conducted an empirical assessment of strain theory on three levels: strain created by the difference between aspirations and expectations, blocked opportunity, and relative deprivation.Burton et al. (1994/1997) found that only blocked opportunity and relative deprivation have a significant effect on adult deviance, with relative deprivation having the greatest correlation. However, they also measured self-control as a variable and found that it had a greater effect than any other variable. …Self-Control TheorySelf-control, an ability to control one’s emotions, desires, and actions (Guralnik & Friend, 1968), is considered an enduring individual difference, a personality trait that remains relatively consistent throughout life (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). Nagin and Paternoster (1993/1997) identify six elements of self-control: impulsiveness, desire for simple tasks, preference for risk, preference for physical activity, self-centeredness (selfism), and temper. Those “who lack self-control will tend to be impulsive, insensitive, physical (as opposed to mental), risk-taking, short-sighted, and nonverbal” (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990, p. 90).In 1990, Gottfredson and Hirschi published A General Theory of Crime, in which they suggested that crime results from the sum of opportunity and low self-control, and stated that “people ... differ in the extent to which they are vulnerable to the temptations of the moment” (p. 87). The theory assumed that parental monitoring of childhood behavior, recognizing deviance, and consistently and appropriately punishing such deviance within a child’s first 8 years establishes self-control that leads to socially appropriate responses throughout life. Failure in this area leads to low self-control.Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) intended for their theory “to explain all crime, at all times, and, for that matter, many forms of behavior that are not sanctioned by the state” (p. 117), to include juvenile delinquency, sex-based differences, cross-culture comparisons, street crime, and occupational crime. A later publication elaborates upon the above statement:Our theory does not claim that self-control (or self-control and opportunity) is the only cause of crime. On the contrary, we explicitly mention important causes of crime that self-control cannot explain (e.g., age). To invoke an analogy we have used before ... : Trees and tides have gravity in common but more than gravity is required to account for their peculiar features. To admit this in no way limits the generality of the theory of gravity. (Hirschi & Gottfredson, 1993, p. 50) …Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) theory posited that opportunity and self-control standing alone have little meaning, and that "[f]raud and force occur primarily when individuals with low self-control encounter opportunities to engage in fraud or force," according to Grasmick, Tittle, Bursik, and Arneklev (1993/1997, p. 180). Grasmick et al. cited and concurred with Gottfredson and Hirschi’s claim that "low self-control is a personality trait established early in life, which remains relatively stable over the life course" (p. 188), which was also accepted by and Nagin and Paternoster (1993/1997). …Gottfredson and Hirschi have credited individual motivation with too much influence, according to Henderson and Simon (1994). Henderson and Simon also took exception to the contention fostered by Gottfredson and Hirschi that white-collar criminals (to include corrupt police) share the same primary causative factor (i.e., self-interest) as other criminals. One particular factor noted is that recognizing that they hold jobs makes them less likely to commit crimes, which seems somewhat spurious in light of the known existence of criminal justice corruption.Hirschi and Gottfredson (1993) addressed this area of criticism, as exemplified by Henderson and Simon above.In the context of discussion of white collar crime, we have argued that position in the occupational structure is in part caused by self-control. Thus white-collar workers should on the whole have higher levels of self-control than those outside the labor force. White-collar offenders should therefore have higher levels of self-control on the average than offenders among the unemployed. It seems obvious to us that their criminal records should therefore show fewer offenses and “offense types,” a result that white-collar researchers … take to be actually contrary to our theory! Our theory is also said to be called into question by the finding that white-collar offenders start “later … in life than common offenders”.... In fact, a decade ago we pointed out that the connection between frequency and age of onset is a statistical necessity. (Hirschi & Gottfredson, 1993, pp. 53-54) …Corruption TheoryCorruption has been conceptualized as having been based upon either affinity or affiliation. Affinity represents the predisposition of individuals to commit crime that exists prior to their being hired as police officers. Affiliation refers to the subjecting "of the honest police recruit ... [to] a dishonest police subculture" (Sherman, 1974, p. 192).A more common label for affinity has been the “rotten apple” theory, wherein the rotten apple taints the barrel of apples. Conversely, the affiliation theory is commonly referred to as the “rotten barrel” theory. The barrel is responsible for making the apples rot.The affinity/affiliation question points out the different levels of inquiry and theorization. Macro level examination focuses upon entire societies. Middle level, or intermediate, inquiry focuses upon organizations, and micro level involves individuals (Sherman, 1974). One example of macro-level impact is described as follows:Richardson put the police graft system in its proper perspective: the political and ethnic conflicts of a fast-growing pluralist society. On the ethnic level New York was a classic case of culture conflict, where the puritan morality of the original settlers was intolerable to the new immigrants. Laws prohibiting liquor sales, gambling, and prostitution were focal points for this conflict.Seen from the functionalist perspective, corruption was a means of easing the conflict and satisfying both sides. Politicians won the support of Yankee groups with rhetoric against vice, while maintaining immigrant support by giving the police a free hand to permit vice—in exchange for a price. But the police hand was so free that graft grew to be intolerable, although the Lexow commission [of 1894] was the first indication ... of how large it really was. After Lexow, police graft became more sophisticated and centralized, surviving investigations right up to the present. (Sherman, 1974a, p. 45)In 2000, Klockars, Ivkovich, Harver, and Hagerfeld published research based upon an organizational theory of police corruption “which emphasizes the importance of organizational and occupational culture” (p. 1). They presented officers from 30 different departments with 11 hypothetical situations and asked them to rate the levels of seriousness, whether they would report these incidents, and their support for punishment for each situation. In the more serious scenarios (e.g., stealing from a crime scene, bribery, or excessive force), most officers indicated that they would report violations by a fellow officer. However, “substantial differences in the environment of integrity” (p. 2) were observed among the different departments.In comparing one high-scoring department (all scenarios were considered to be more serious violations relative to other agencies) to one low scoring department, it was found that the high-scoring department’s officers expected more severe discipline and would be much more likely to report violations by fellow officers. These characteristics of a department’s officers are said to provide a description of a department’s “culture that encourage its employees to resist or tolerate certain types of misconduct” (Klockars et al., 2000, p. 7).In 1997, a survey was administered to criminal justice students at Florida State University oriented toward determining values and expectations (Brand, 1999). Thirty-one percent said that they would not leave a party where marijuana was in use, 28% believed that a person with a felony arrest record should not be excluded from being hired as an officer, and about 18% believed that it may be acceptable for an officer to lie. Police will undoubtedly reflect the culture that surrounds them, as suggested by the writings of C. Wright Mills (cited in Henderson & Simon, 1994).Causes of corruption can best be described as being the result of an intricate matrix of potential actions and interactions impacted by numerous inputs (societal, organizational, biosociological, and psychological). Both middle-level and micro level aspects of corruption will be examined for cause-and-effect clues in the following review, in recognition of their apparent interrelatedness. In particular, the elements of conflict, control, differential association, interactional, neutralization, opportunity, rational choice, strain, symbolic interaction theories, and stress will be examined with sufficient depth that the criminality causation elements they propose can be inferred to exist for the purpose of this study.Ideology figures into criminological theory and corruption theory, from Marxism on the left to Lombrosians on the right, particularly when politicians attempt to establish policy (Henderson & Simon, 1994). Karl Marx (1818-1883) was a classical conflict theorist who deplored exploitation of the masses by a limited number of power-wielding elites. Classical criminological theory began with Cesare Lombroso (1835-1909), an Italian physician apparently influenced by Darwinism, who theorized that criminals were evolutional throwbacks, and who believed in biological determinism (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990).Henderson and Simon (1994) stated that conservatives generally embrace anomie and liberals generally embrace affiliation causation. A dichotomy generally equivalent to the affinity/affiliation theory described above.Henderson and Simon (1994) characterized the Christopher Commission as "liberal" based upon the suggested improvements in minority concerns. Conservative and liberal perspectives both lack sociological perspective, according to Henderson and Simon. Also lacking is an attempt to show the interconnection among macro, intermediate, and micro levels.Theories of occupational crime may have some relevance, but police corruption is a unique subcategory—crime within the institutions responsible for control of crime—and a form of "elite" deviance. Henderson and Simon (1994) proposed a synthesis of theoretical perspectives to account for this subcategory based for the most part upon the theory of C. Wright Mills (1917-1962).Mills stressed social structure (macro level composition, interrelationships, significance of the parts, etc.), historical epoch (cultural ascendancy or decline, what is considered historically significant, characteristics of change, etc.), and biography (roles of the individual, impacts of family, culture, and institutions, etc.).One important attribute of Mill's model is that institutions actually select and shape social character. This is because success in institutional settings ... requires that people, as role players, accept (internalize) the “expectations of institutional leaders” (elites). (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 34)Alienation was an important concept to Mills for understanding the structure of behavior; and it can occur at macro, intermediate, and micro levels (Henderson & Simon, 1994). Two types of alienation were identified: inauthenticity and dehumanization. Inauthenticity exists when outward or acknowledged appearances are stated in a positive manner, while the known situation is negative. A macro example would be the coupling of sexual images in advertising with alcohol or cigarettes.In a police department, alienation could be characterized by the Mollen Commission finding that anticorruption efforts were focused more on preventing disclosure than identifying and eliminating corruption (Commission to Investigate Allegations, 1993/1995). The consequence of this form of alienation is dehumanization (Henderson & Simon, 1994).Victor Bernard (cited in Henderson & Simon, 1994) argues that dehumanization is the result of a disconnection of mental concepts from one another and "unconscious denial, repression, depersonalization, isolation of effect, and compartmentalization" (p. 36). Dehumanization is a defense mechanism to internal and external stressors achieved through blinding oneself to the humanity of another.There are two types of dehumanization. The first is self-directed, wherein one mutes emotion and becomes robot-like. This can be a response to anxiety caused by being a powerless part of a bureaucracy. The second is object-directed, wherein one lessens the humanness of another through negative labeling and stereotyping, a self-protection against feelings of guilt and shame. "These two types of dehumanization are mutually reinforcing; reducing one's feelings for other people lessens one's feelings for the self, and lessening the humanness of one's self-image limits one's capacity to relate to others" (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 36).Consistent with alienation theorization is neutralization theory (Henderson & Simon, 1994). Guilt feelings that tend to prevent crime can be minimized by rationalizations learned previous to crime commission. Deviant groups commonly construct guilt neutralizing terminology and strategies, such as shifting blame to the victim, dehumanizing the victim, professing loyalty to the group that sanctions or condones the crime (following orders), and condemning the condemners (soft on crime).Henderson and Simon (1994) criticized neutralization theory as deficient because of an intentional disregard for the effects of cultural and societal norms. They pointed out that cultural patterns of crime have been shown to exist.Drawing from Mills and control, differential association, and neutralization theories, Henderson and Simon (1994) made the following theoretical statementsCriminal behavior is widespread in American society, including within the criminal justice system. It is widespread because it is often learned, tolerated and/or encouraged within the organizational contexts that make up criminal justice agencies....2. Only a tiny percentage of such crimes are explained by extreme behaviors of abnormal personalities.... The behavior and the ideologies that justify and excuse them are part of an organization's cultural value system.3. Crime as caused by the inability of immature individuals to delay gratification is a widespread occurrence, so widespread that it is part of the American character....We are not saying that human nature is evil.... We are saying that people are born innocent and relatively "blank" concerning their criminal propensities, and that criminal behavior is a socially acquired attribute. (Henderson & Simon, 1994, pp. 34-35)Sherman (1974c) wrote that it is appropriate to begin corruption causes and effects theorization with a simple model. He chose to "treat police corruption simply as a dependent variable—as effect not cause" (p. 2). However, he pointed out the complexity of the issue by asking: "Why are there different kinds and extents of police corruption in different communities, and in the same communities at different points in their history?" (p. 3). Sherman proposed a sociological theory of police corruption containing the following propositions that are identified as independent variables, or more likely, interdependent or covariant:COMMUNITY STRUCTURE1. There will be less police corruption in a community with little anomie, in terms of corrupters and corruptees.2. There will be less police corruption in communities with a more public-regarding ethos.3. There will be less police corruption in a community with less culture conflict.ORGANIZATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS4. A punishment-centered police bureaucracy will have the least corruption, a representative pattern will have more, and a mock pattern will have the most. [In a representative pattern there is enforcement of and obedience to rules to which workers can contribute. A mock pattern exists when action is only taken due to bad publicity.]5. There will be less corruption in a police agency having leadership highly reputed for integrity.6. There will be less organized police corruption when there is less work group solidarity.7. The less gradual the probable steps in a corrupt policeman's moral career, the less the ultimate 'seriousness' (self-defined) of the grafting.8. The greater the policeman's perception of legitimate advancement opportunities, the less likelihood there will be of their accepting corruption opportunities.LEGAL OPPORTUNITIES9. A decrease in either the scope of morals laws or the demand for the services they proscribe, while holding the other constant, will reduce police corruption opportunities (also the converse).10. An increase in either the scope of the regulative law or the economic incentive to violate it, while holding the other constant, will increase corruption opportunities (also the converse).CORRUPTION CONTROLS11. There will be a greater perceived risk of apprehension for corruption in police agencies that have an internal investigation unit.12. There will be proportionately less undiscovered corruption in police agencies that have an internal investigation unit using proactive methods.13. Controls will decrease corruption only when they can avoid amplifying the corruption's extent or methods.14. Less corruption will go undiscovered in a police agency watched by a vigorous and uncensored news media. (Sherman, 1974c, pp. 31-32)A study conducted by Herbert W. Eber, presented in 1991 at the annual meeting of Multivariate Experimental Psychology, as reported by Lorr and Strack (1994), administered a Clinical Analysis Questionnaire to about 15,000 police officer candidates to determine personality characteristics. The most distinctive finding was that personality profiles “were characterized by a strong pattern of self-discipline or Control, Tough Poise, and low Anxiety” (p. 200).Hyams (1990) conducted a study in which he hypothesized that police officers having unethical attitudes would be found to have higher narcissism (or selfism), and have a perception of their policing role as being more oriented toward arrest than service. In this study involving police officers from one West Coast agency, this hypothesis was confirmed; in addition, he found that[t]hose who are officers out of the academy, with higher levels of narcissism, a role perception oriented more toward arrest and apprehension and higher levels of dedication were found to have less ethical attitudes. (Hyams, 1990, p. 89)In 1998, Chamberlin, using Hyams’ police ethical attitudes instrument, conducted an experiment wherein this instrument was administered to treatment and control groups (pretest), followed by an 8-hour in-service training session on ethics for the treatment group. Six to eight weeks later, the instrument was again administered (posttest).The treatment group was found to show no difference in ethical attitudes between the pretest and the posttest. However, the control group was found to have “significantly increased their scores in the ethics, selfism, and role scales,” an indication of a tendency to have a more positive view of unethical behavior (Chamberlin, 1998, p. 82). Chamberlin does make a cautionary statement that because of the necessity of an “extended training effort and repeated testing, the probability of threats to the internal validity of the study due to history [outside influences such as the known focus of the testing] and maturation [gaining in knowledge over time] were significant” (p. 54).Sherman (1974b) used symbolic interationist theory to explain the existence of police corruption. The corrupt cop appears to have a moral view that differs from the view held prior to becoming an officer, and differs from the morality of his family, thus showing divergence and conflict of views.The school stems from the early work of George Herbert Meade, who saw life as a “conversation of significant symbols,” a process in which one continually defines and redefines one's self as a result of interacting with others. In this school of thought, police bribe-taking is to be explained as an individual process of becoming for each policeman, not as a static or “pressured” result of larger community structure. (Sherman, 1974b, p. 172)Consistent with the findings of the Mollen Commission cited earlier, wherein it is stated that unchecked excessive force is a precursor to corruption, Sherman (1974) indicated that corruption of a police officer is gradual and is characterized by the stages of contingencies, moral experiences, and apologia.Contingencies are circumstances or problems which a person must face, often for purely accidental reasons. The moral experience is a reaction to contingencies, often involving decision of action, that alters the "framework of imagery" in which a person evaluates himself and others. The moral experience is a benchmark between the stages in a moral career, which usually culminate (for the deviant) in an apologia: a distorted image of one's life course that brings it into alignment with the basic values of his society. (Sherman, 1974, p. 194)"Mills argued that people often experience their everyday, private lives as 'a series of traps'" (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 35). By this, he meant that people are unaware of how their behavior is unavoidably shaped by their immediate environment. Empirical evidence indicates that as violence-prone officers engage in subsequent confrontations, those confrontations are of increasing intensity (Babcock, 1998).Taylor and Braswell (1978) stated, "All police officers violate departmental rules and regulations and sometimes criminal statutes; it is inherent in their discretionary powers" (p. 177). They quoted a former officer as saying, "It's like a spider web, you're drawn in toward the center" (p. 177), with the center being the point where you have engaged in enough corrupt behavior that you must look the other way when a fellow officer takes another step outside the boundaries.In a similar vein, M. David Ermann (cited in Henderson & Simon, 1994) believed “that white-collar deviance takes place incrementally by merging normal administrative behavior with wrongdoing" (p. 28). In addition, new employees go along with behavior they find present upon their arrival, particularly in organizations that are results oriented. "Organizational crime also frequently occurs in instances where corporate employees are socially and spatially mobile, where they do not consider themselves part of the community in which they live" (p. 29).Biosociology/DemographicsOne consistent finding of research is that males are responsible for substantially more crime than females, “and this conclusion does not depend on the method of measurement (official or self-report), or time period and it seems to hold wherever the matter has been studied by criminologists” (Gottfredson & Polakowski, 1995, p. 68).Both Walsh (1995) and Goldsmith (1991) reported that physiological differences between male and female brains result from differences attributed to hormones and hormone ratios. Increasing testosterone levels in either sex increases assaultive behavior and decreases nurturing behavior, while estradiol decreases assaultive behavior and increases nurturing behavior. Progesterone also increases nurturing behavior, indicating more than mere coincidence regarding the differences of these hormones in males and females (Walsh, 1995). …Analysis yields good evidence that higher levels of testosterone are associated with adult deviance largely because they predispose an individual toward weak social integration and toward juvenile delinquency, and those are factors that considerably increase the likelihood of adult deviance. (Booth & Osgood, 1993, p. 105)Primate studies have shown that “testosterone increases to meet demand” and decreases “when submissiveness is deemed the path of least resistance” (Walsh, 1995, p. 86). It could be inferred that those assuming the role of law enforcer, who must also adopt the trappings (i.e., gun, badge, power to arrest, etc.), will show increased testosterone production. It is also known that as males age the production of testosterone decreases and hormonal ratios favoring nurturant behavior increase. …Gottfredson and Polakowski (1995) related that “[t]he relationship between age and crime is one of the most significant and well established general correlates in the field of criminology” (p. 68). Late adolescence and early adulthood stages account for a "vastly disproportionate amount of crime" (p. 69).The Christopher Commission found that just over 2% of Los Angeles police officers accounted for a disproportionately large number of citizen complaints (Independent Commission, 1991/1995). Lersch and Mieczkowski (1996) conducted a study to test this phenomenon and to determine if there are characteristics shared between officers with higher numbers of complaints, in effect testing the rotten apple theory (affinity theory). They also examined characteristics of complainants and complaints to determine if patterns existed.Lersch and Mieczkowski (1996) reviewed 682 allegations against 274 officers. "A small group of 37 officers, or about 7 percent of the sworn personnel, accounted for over one-third of the total number of complaints filed over the three-year period of analysis" (p. 37). The repeat offenders were all male, and "significantly younger and less experienced than their peers," and they were "more likely to be accused of violent and non-violent harassment resulting from a proactive contact" (p. 37).Babcock (1998) examined "the relationship between individual police officer characteristics, situational factors and the incidence of violent police-citizen encounters" (p. iv). He studied 117 officers in a department numbering about 350. Babcock also found that younger and less experienced officers had a significantly larger number of use-of-force incidents. "The group data suggested that as the number of use-of-force incidents per officer increased, so did the level and severity of violence inflicted by the officer" (p. 246).The age related findings of Lersch and Mieczkowski (1996) and Babcock (1998) were consistent with the findings of Burton et al. (1994/1997), who also reported that age was significantly related to nonutilitarian crime (not providing economic reward).Girodo (1991) conducted a psychological assessment of 271 undercover drug agents, with the purpose of correlating deviant behavior with personality dimensions. Among other findings, he determined that drug and alcohol abuse and disciplinary problems increased as undercover experience increased, somewhat contrary to the age-related findings cited earlier in this paper.Disinhibition was the significant predictor of risk for corruption in nearly half the agents … Disinhibition, however, did not predict risk for corruption among the best ... [person-environment] fit notwithstanding their obtaining the highest ... [disinhibition] scores of all. Their risk for corruption, while not particularly high, was best accounted for inversely by scores on the trait of Disciplined Self-Image. Finally, the High Extraversion-High Neuroticism agents produced the largest risk for corruption index; their higher scores on Experience Seeking and Neuroticism, would appear to be a poor combination.... The personality traits associated with corruption risk were impulsivity, emotionality, and undisciplined self-image. When these were found together, as in the Extraverted-Neurotic, we also found an increased risk for drug/alcohol abuse and disciplinary problems. (Girodo, 1991, pp. 368-369)Psychological theory has been unable to shed much light on the actions of individual officers, according to Worden (1996). Attitudinal studies, including Worden’s work, have indicated only a weak correlation between use of force and outlooks on human nature and “moral attitudes toward coercive authority” (p. 26). Organizational and social factors were shown to have a greater impact upon behavior. However,A larger body of evidence has accumulated on the relationship of officer’s behavior to their background and characteristics—race, gender, length of police service, and especially education. Officer’s educational backgrounds have been the subject of a number of studies, and although this research has shown that education bears no more than a weak relationship to officer’s attitudes ... and no relationship to the use of deadly force ..., it also indicates that college-educated officers generate fewer citizen complaints.... [O]n most behavioral dimensions the differences [between men and women] are negligible.... [B]lack officers ... are more likely to use deadly force ..., but these differences can be attributed to ... duty assignments.... Finally, analyses of officer’s length of service indicate that less experienced officers ... patrol more aggressively, ... are more likely to make arrests, ... and use deadly force. (Worden, 1996, p. 27)In research by Robert Friedrich (cited in Worden, 1996), published in 1980, the explanations of the use of force were characterized as having three contributory aspects—individual, situational, and organizational—were subjected to analysis. Friedrich found marginal correlation only regarding situational aspects. Provocative acts of a low-class, intoxicated, felon were most likely to evoke the use of force. Officer characteristics were not found to be significant.The GAO noted that police officers “lacking in experience and some higher education were considered to be more susceptible to involvement in illicit drug-related activities" (United States General Accounting Office, 1998, p. 4). Brown and Campbell (1994) concluded that response to stress is related to “personality, and life experiences, as well as variables such as age, gender and family history” (p. 19).StressGary Hankins (cited in Sulc, 1995), an official with the Fraternal Order of Police, related that "[p]olice officers die younger, suffer more injuries and stress-related disabilities than the average American ... [and] have high rates of alcoholism, divorce and suicide" (pp. 80-81). Hankins contended that stress inherent to criminal justice positions exceeds that of most other occupational groups. Corruption has been identified as a reaction to stress (Winter, 1993).In 1973, Haney, Banks, and Zimbardo (1973/1981), psychologists at Stanford University, conducted an experiment wherein “normal” college students were randomly selected as either guards or prisoners for a prison simulation. The planned 2-week experiment was terminated after less than half that time due to unexpectedly high levels of stress, and even distress in some cases, on the part of prisoners.Interactions between guards and prisoners were typically hostile and negative, with guards displaying increasing levels of aggression and authoritarianism. Haney et al. (cited in Maxfield & Babbie, 1998) concluded that their "results are ... congruent with Milgram who most convincingly demonstrated the proposition that evil acts are not necessarily the deeds of evil men, but may be attributable to the operation of powerful social forces" (p. 191). "Moreover, since both prisoners and guards are locked into a dynamic, symbiotic relationship which is destructive to their human nature, guards are also society's prisoners" (Haney et al., 1973/1981, p. 68).The reference to Milgram above concerns an experiment wherein subjects were directed to administer what were in fact simulated electrical shocks to an experimenter's confederate. The device manipulated by the subject was marked to purportedly indicate severity of the shock up to “severe,” while no shock was actually administered.The level of shock the subject was willing to give upon command of the experimenter was the primary dependent variable. Unexpected findings included "the sheer strength of obedient tendencies manifested" and "the extraordinary tension and emotional strain" on the subjects when they complied with orders to inflict high shock levels (Milgram, 1963/1981, pp. 33-34).This reference to stress induced by inflicting punishment is significant to the researcher, and is a stressor not specifically listed as applicable to police in relevant literature. "As former Chief Justice Earl Warren has said, the policeman is more powerful than the President. Only the policeman has the power to deprive an American of his liberty" (Sherman, 1974c, p. vii).Shooting, even shooting at, someone in the line of duty can readily be identified as a traumatic event. Arresting a father and mother while restraining their grieving 4 year-old, particularly when the crime involved is mala prohibida versus mala in se (prohibited by law versus a crime such as murder that is bad in and of itself), can also be an enduringly stressful event, as the researcher can personally attest.This is stress of punishment infliction as opposed to stress from the potential of personal injury at the hands of an arrestee. It would seem easily verifiable that most arrests are for transgressions of the former (mala prohibida). For more than one reason, an arrest—even if one does not fear for one’s own safety—can be stressful.Moreover, “ever-present danger lies in taking an action that is judged improper” (Waddington, 1999, p. 14). A judgment made in haste will be reviewed at leisure though official channels, as well as by a society as a whole.Brown and Campbell (1994) reported that it is “well documented that high levels of stress among employees, whether induced at work or by personal problems, can reduce productivity” (p. 1). Selye (cited in Winter, 1993), a stress research pioneer, stated that law enforcement is "one of the most hazardous professions, even exceeding the formidable stresses and strains of air traffic control" (p. 253). However, Brown and Campbell relate that empirical support for this position is not consistent.Winter (1993) defined stress as "the awareness of potential threat, or in other words [in the context of police corruption], awareness of the potential for a comprehensive change in one's core structures," such as experienced by a newly hired police officer (p. 254). Brown and Campbell (1994) offered three definitions of stress. The first was a model wherein an external factor causes “some degree of physical or psychological discomfort” (pp. 14-15).The second was a process that relies upon Selye’s General Adaptation Syndrome. This included:·The initial alarm reaction. The “fight or flight” response [from exposure to a threat] ... which ... includes physiological changes preparing the body for “fight or flight.”·The stage of resistance. The period during which the person adapts to external stressors and symptoms of stress improve or disappear.·The stage of exhaustion. [I]f the stressor is sufficiently severe or prolonged ... symptoms reappear and the end result is death. (Brown & Campbell, 1994, p. 15) …“The accumulation of evidence ... does indicate that stress levels within the police do play a significant role in absenteeism and wastage through early retirement” (p. 10), and “some research has indeed shown that the police tend to exhibit higher rates of stress-related disease, higher suicide rates and higher divorce rates” (p. 13).United States and British police “listed poor and insensitive supervision, unreasonable workload, shift work, personal safety and volume of paperwork as the most significant sources of stress at work” (Brown & Campbell, 1994, p. 14). However, “police work” being somewhat non-specific, it must be noted that “[r]ank, role, gender, ethnicity and sexual orientation result in some distinctive patterns of stress experiences” (p. 167).For Winter (1993), police stress lies in problems encountered with administrative procedures and legal proceedings that lead torole ambiguity and role conflict (e.g., between the roles of community servant, as exemplified in the stereotype of the general British Bobby, and crime fighter and between the requirement to enforce the law and the procedural constraints imposed on the officer by that same law). (Winter, 1993, p. 254)Kirkcaldy (1993) conducted a study of police stress involving 42 officers from several countries attending a stress. The police officers studied showed a higher level of internal control than the general population, and they "were more likely to be stressed in terms of organizational structure and climate ..., home and work interface ..., and relationships with other people" when compared to the general British population (p. 386). Though not stated in the article, it may be fair to assume that these were not run-of-the-mill patrol officers on this junket to Germany. Whether or not the sample population is representative of the population of street-level officers could be questioned.Violanti and Aron (1993) found that police organizational stressors (court decisions, regulations, nonparticipation in job decisions, disagreeable duties, discipline matters, etc.) were 6.3 times more likely to cause distress than was "police work." This study was conducted in a large New York department and consisted of 103 respondents who submitted a self-report survey.Similarly, Kirkcaldy, Cooper, and Ruffalo (1995) conducted a study of 49 officers in one Illinois town (the size of the department is unknown), and determined that these officers found "factors intrinsic to the job" to be lesser stress producers than "organizational structure and climate" (p. 700). Kirkcaldy et al. observed positive correlation between both psychological and physical illness and stress. In addition, they observed a significant negative correlation between perceived stress and job satisfaction. They recommended providing counseling and coping strategies to enhance self-control.Carona (1998) conducted a study having as its hypothesis the expectation that police departments having high-quality stress-relief programs would have fewer losses to sick leave, fewer resignations, fewer vehicle accidents, and fewer sustained excessive force complaints. Carona discovered no significant correlations in this research. However, it was determined that departments with longer running stress programs had "fewer sustained excessive force complaints" (p. 27).One possibly confounding variable that was apparently not addressed by these studies of stress in police (Kirkcaldy, 1993; Kirkcaldy et al., 1995; Violanti & Aron, 1993) could be the traditional stoicism expected of authority figures, and how this could be affected by self-reporting of police officers through under reporting perceptions of stress caused by intrinsic factors.As stated by Brown and Grover (1998), "Police officers are taught to respond personably rather than personally to their operational duties, to project strength and authority, to deal with events without displaying emotion and put the requirements of the work before their own emotional needs" (p. 181). This phenomenon has also been described as the “cult of masculinity” (Waddington, 1999, p. 11).Brown and Grover (1998) studied police officers and the role moderating factors have on coping and distress when stressors are present. One finding was that those exposed to both high and low levels of stress show the greatest levels of psychological distress when they lack social support, have high negative attitudes concerning emotional expression, and low just world beliefs. Those with low just world beliefs "perceive the threats as being in excess of their capacity to cope," making them unable to assimilate and integrate stressful experiences (p. 181). Also assumed in the definition of low just world beliefs was a feeling of low control on the part of the officer.A Gallup survey of randomly selected workers indicated that "the most common cause of workplace anger ... [is] the actions of supervisors or managers" (Wuensche, 1999, p. 1D). The next most anger-producing circumstances were, respectively, "irritating co-workers" and "dealing with the public" (p. 1D). Donald Gibson (cited in Wuensche, 1999), a Yale University School of Management professor, stated, "In an environment where you think people are satisfied with their jobs, there is a sort of undercurrent of anger and resentment aimed at the workplace that could potentially lead to the kinds of explosions or rage we have seen" (p. 1D). The rage Gibson refers to was that found in "normal" jobs, as opposed to police work.PrejudiceResearch on prejudice disclosed that those who perceive that they have been subjected to prejudice "reported more aggression, sadness, anxiety, and egotism" than those not perceiving such prejudice (Dion & Earn, 1975/1981, p. 281). Winter (1993) reported what appears to be an analogous perception of prejudice when he related that "there is evidence that police officers perceive the public and the press as construing them more negatively than is in fact the case," citing five studies (p. 254). The GAO (1998) also reported that “officers’ dissatisfaction with how they were viewed and treated by the people of the community” has been cited as a factor contributing to corruption (p. 9).The 1968 Kerner Commission examination of the New York police indicated that minorities perceived the police to "symbolize white power, white racism and white repression" (cited in Human Rights Watch, 1998, p. 40). The Christopher Commission surveyed a sample of Los Angeles police officers and found that about 25% of them believed that racial prejudice toward minorities exists and negatively impacts police community relations (Independent Commission, 1991/1995).In 1992, the St. Clair Commission examined excessive force complaints against the Boston Police Department and found that "50 percent of complainants in the sample group were African-American, while 26 percent of Boston's population was African-American" (Human Rights Watch, 1998, p. 41). Worden (1996) related that “empirical evidence confirms that minorities are in fact, overrepresented among the human targets at which police shoot …, but it also indicates that minorities are overrepresented among those whose actions precipitate the use of deadly force by police” (p. 25).The results of a reciprocal negative interchange between police who perceive prejudice from minorities and minorities who perceive prejudice from police, each feeding the negative spiral of the other, should not be overlooked in the search for corruption causes.The Mollen Commission reported in 1993 that the "us versus them" police attitude was particularly strong in minority neighborhoods and contributed to a divisiveness that "makes many police officers feel isolated from, and often hostile toward, the community they are meant to serve" (Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption, 1993/1995, p. 33). The Mollen Commission further reported that the us versus them attitude was "present wherever we found corruption" (p. 33).The GAO (1998) determined that a “commonly identified factor associated with drug-related corruption was a police culture that was characterized by a code of silence, unquestioned loyalty to other officers, and cynicism about the criminal justice system” (p. 4). These characteristics reportedly promote corruption while impeding its detection and control.Paradoxically, the structures of occupation that Durkheim predicted would function to strengthen them as autonomous, professional associations working for the common good (helping to clarify and maintain the value system of the broader society) are often "turned inward." That is, in criminal justice agencies (for several historic, political, economic, and social reasons) professional particularity, the cult of the individual, and extreme social solidarity reflected in a quasi-unification of all authority levels generates the unanticipated consequences of a high degree of corruption and graft in all components of the criminal justice system in virtually every region of the United States. (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 102)One aspect of neutralization theory, consistent with the us versus them characteristic, states that "subgroups take on a culture of their own that has been termed 'groupthink'" (Henderson & Simon, 1994, p. 30). One groupthink outcome is that prerationalized criminal acts are agreed upon before their commission. "Those objecting to the proposed ‘policies’ are often criticized by other group members, and, if they persist in their criticism, are threatened with ostracism from the group or firing" (p. 30). (Robb, 2012, Ch. 2)Zimbardo (2008) discussed the Stanford Prison Experiment at length, as well as other examples of the common human failing of resorting to violence or antisocial behavior when subjected to certain situations (e.g., U.S. military mistreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib); stating:“I argue that while most people are good most of the time, they can be readily seduced into engaging in what would normally qualify as ego-alien deeds, as antisocial, as destructive of others. That seduction or initiation into evil can be understood by recognizing that most actors are not solitary figures improvising soliloquies on the empty stage of life. … They comprise situational features we must come to appreciate as influencing how behavior can be dramatically modified” (p. vii-viii).References:Robb, D. L. (2002). An investigation of self-control and its relationship to ethical attitudes in criminal justice personnel. Dissertation Abstracts International, 62 (12), 4343. (UMI No. 3036984). Retrieved from: https://www.academia.edu/28412566/TITLE_An_investigation_of_self-control_and_its_relationship_to_ethical_attitudes_in_criminal_justice_personnelMyers, D. G. (2012). Social psychology (11th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.Zimbardo, P. (2008). The Lucifer Effect: Understanding how good people turn evil. New York: Random House.

Comments from Our Customers

CocoDoc makes signing contracts and other documents a breeze, is low cost compared to similar products, and is so much more convenient than having to meet in person each time we engage in a new contract with a client.

Justin Miller