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There wasn’t a Know-Nothing Party per se, though there was a Know Nothing club or “order” formed in New York and other cities to promote nativist, native-born interests. It was secret, hence the name. Members were to say they knew nothing if asked about it. Press accounts give the Know-Nothing name, it would be rare to see it on a ticket or ballot.The term is cited first in a New York Tribune (who would be no friend to the movement) article. I assume though It wasn’t positive, and it’s possible some of its usage was by its opponents. Usually actually calling someone Know-Nothing would be a case where an opponent was tarring another for their past membership in the group. Or in the negative, as Lincoln told a friend “I am not a Know-Nothing.”Names of parties were not on ballots and indeed, to the extent there were ballots it was up to the parties to get them out, and they might put on there any description they wanted. The Australian ballot we know with neat little lists of all the parties and candidates did not come til the turn of the century.As a political party, American, Native American (no connection to today’s meaning) was usually used. Fillmore ran on a Know-Nothing ticket but it was called National Union.The 1850’s is a good way to understand the height of these movements. They were very influential to the extent they won a surprise Massachusetts governor’s race, won a bunch of house seats and threw a Speaker’s race into turmoil. For a while they took over the Washington Monument because they thought a stone from the Vatican was in it. But that’s another story.

My two most successful with direct sale metrics were, two words “SOLD OUT” and 12 pages of close typed screed with an order form.The first one - pasting SOLD OUT banners over our posters - turned a dud event into a sellout - because people want what they can’t have, except, luckily I do have a few returned tickets, and yes, you can buy them.The 12 page one went cold to 10,000 financial advisers and got a 3% “completed order form with payment” response rate. Which is off the scale amazing :-) It worked because it wasn’t a sales document. It was, but it didn’t look like one. It was simply an educational piece, and if they got to the end it was obvious that “yes, this guy knows his stuff, you really do want one of the limited places”.I also had fun selling a financial investment with, “if it goes well you’ll have a new swimming pool. But you could just end up with a hole in the ground”. It was high risk, and we only wanted high risk people to ask about it. That worked :-) (Hindsight, it was swimming pools all round, but credit for that goes to the fund managers, not me).Also be aware of when you need to do presence ads. I used to organise Raves. Everyone thought you advertised raves with posters and flyers, because you put up posters and handed out flyers. Those people who tried to copy us, failed. Because people didn’t attend raves because of posters and flyers, they attended because you had identified, and often comped, the social leaders, the people who decided what their group was doing that weekend. To sell out a 2000 person event, you just needed the key 50 people in the city to decide to attend:-) The posters and flyers simply went to show that you were serious, (in a game where many were not). So, crazy graphics, humour, bare minimum actual info, sometimes none (“in crowd” ads).General Rulesa) Know what YOU want them to do. If you don’t have a clear end point, you’re dead. Do you want the order form completed? Or them to email? Or phone? Know which.b) Know what they already know. If you don’t know where to start, you’re dead.c) Work out what they need to know to get from B to A. Give them that information.If they are right person, with the money, they should now WANT to buy, and be on the phone. But tradition also requires:-d) Believable call to action. “I can only take on ten new clients this year”. “Launch Offer”. “First 20 orders get an extra something”. Crap like “never to be repeated offer”, “once only deal” just annoys people. It doesn’t stop them buying if the deal is clear and the price is right, but it does make them wary of you, and that your prices, whatever they are, are just a starting point for negotiations.Now, if you still can’t work something up, you need to hire someone.If GRAPHICS are important, you do need to pay someone if you can’t do your own. If graphics look “wrong” for your product/level you’ve lost them before they read a word.

If we go by the 2014 elections, its going to be BJP who will get benefit of higher Voting percentage. Akhilesh idea of going hands with Congress is not helping him on long run.In the 2014 parliamentary elections of Uttar Pradesh, the overarching theme that lifted BJP to unprecedented heights was Narendra Modi as the prime ministerial candidate. For a vast majority of UP Hindus it was like a religious duty to express their faith in their new reverential personage by pressing the EVM button in favor of BJP. To that extent, Modi as the leader had virtually embodied and mostly replaced Rama as the political figurehead of Hindu awakening in the heartland. One can only understand this subtle matter of faith (or aastha) as a deeply personal commitment of the UP voter with Modi if one travels across the state in a political pilgrimage, for there are deeper sociological forces and elements of cultural history at play here.One part of that faith in Modi had arisen from this belief that he would “undo a lot of wrongs” of the last 70 years by his forceful personality which is the reason why the UP voters wanted to give him a clear mandate unshackled by the pulls and pressures of coalition governments. When Modi dramatically announced demonetization of 1000 and 500 rupees currency notes on November the 8th 2016, he was actually repaying that faith of his voters. Yes, the media narrative following demonetization or notebandi as it is known in local lingo had been overwhelmingly negative. It was as if the entire clan of former atrocity journalists (those who chased Dalit atrocity stories from across the nook and corner of India under the Modi Raj) along with all their cousins and friends had turned into overnight notebandi journalists. It was also portrayed as if the whole of India was either standing in ATM/bank queues whilst every death in India for whatever the reason was blamed on Modi.“You must understand his (Modi’s) humble beginnings as a chaiwala to realize what he has done with just one decision” argues Parshuram Pasi, a 35-year-old Dalit school teacher in a village near Allahabad, “Mayawati only talks about it in her speeches, but he (Modi) has actually demolished the Dhanna Seth (colloquial term for the rich, moneyed class) who has been bullying Dalits for so many decades”. Parshuram was a full time BSP worker until very recently and had even voted for BSP as late as 2014 defying the Modi wave but is now shifting to Modi (not BJP, mind you, but simply Modi). Travel from Allahabad region all the way up to Meerut and talk to shopkeepers in the dusty by-lanes, the common refrain that you will get from most Baniyas (who were the most impacted community after demonetization) is this, “we have to vote for Modi despite all the hardships, he will eventually come good”. This is the depth of investment that the ordinary voter has made in Modi and demonetization has mostly reinforced that investment.To a large extent, the Modi division line has now become the default division line of demonetization in the UP society. Those who were for Modi in 2014 are ardent supporters of demonetization too and those who stood against Modi are by and large against his notenbandi measure too – Muslims, Yadavs and Jatavs, in that order, form the core of anti-demonetization demographic of UP. Yet, what demonetization has achieved is to increase the pool of USHV by bringing in those segments of non-Jatav Dalit and non-Yadav OBC voters who were not fully with BJP while mostly retaining the 2014 social coalition. This is where BJP’s ticket distribution methodology is perfectly complimenting its demonetization drive by concentrating more than 200 tickets on non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits.To a large extent, the Modi division line has now become the default division line of demonetization in the UP society. Those who were for Modi in 2014 are ardent supporters of demonetization too and those who stood against Modi are by and large against his notenbandi measure too – Muslims, Yadavs and Jatavs, in that order, form the core of anti-demonetization demographic of UP. Yet, what demonetization has achieved is to increase the pool of USHV by bringing in those segments of non-Jatav Dalit and non-Yadav OBC voters who were not fully with BJP while mostly retaining the 2014 social coalition. This is where BJP’s ticket distribution methodology is perfectly complimenting its demonetization drive by concentrating more than 200 tickets on non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits.Finally - caste metrics are in favour of BJP this time.Akhilesh Yadav is simply unable to make that big transition beyond the M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) vote-base unlike Nitish Kumar in neighboring Bihar because Congress is not bringing much to the table.Maya’s core vote is restive and slowly deserting her, especially the non-Jatav Dalits while she has simply failed to make any meaningful inroads into other demographic territories. Jatavs may still remain more loyal, but the imminent collapse of BSP may make even the Jatavs jittery.Muslims are still the most undecided voters in UP today at a big 9% which either indicates a genuine confusion or Muslims are simply too weary and guarded in revealing their choice.BJP’s USHV is more-or-less intact with very little attrition rates. Upper castes are still voting almost to the 93rd percentile as they did in 2014 – in favor of BJP.Other, non-Yadav OBC groups are the demographic where BJP is actually gaining even as compared to the unprecedented peak of 2014. In fact, if this trend continues over the next few weeks, the topline of BJP would be mindboggling.As of now, non-Jatav Dalits are still in the 2014 range but all indications are that of further increase in this segment as more and more of them realize the futility of voting for BSP.The Jat vote trajectory is showing an interesting swing; while it had fallen below the 2014 peak last year, there is some late movement back towards BJP as the party still remains the only viable option for most of the Jat voters.Thank you.Source - http://5forty3.in/implement/archivesIndividualPost.php?id=31Follow them please. They need your support.