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The Inquilinos of Cavite: A Social Class in Nineteenth-Century PhilippinesExtractStudies about Philippine colonial class structure are singularly scant. With the exception of Scott's work on the sixteenth century, no effort has yet been made to shed light upon the problem of how Philippine society had been stratified during the long span of the Spanish and American regimes. This paper tries to describe and analyze the manner in which a segment of nineteenth-century Philippine society was structured, and offers a conceptualization of what constituted a provincial “social class” at the time by looking at the role of the inquilino (leaseholders of agricultural land) in Caviteño society. Specifically, it (a) rejects the idea that native Filipino society was composed of only two social strata: a tiny upper stratum and a mass of uniformly poor population; (b) and implies that the native class structure was far from having been static during the Spanish regime. Due to limitations in the sources, no attempt has been made to trace in an evolutionary manner the development of the inquilinos as a social class. The study deals mainly with the Dominican hacienda town of Naic, although less detailed information on other municipalities like Imus, Bacoor, Kawit, Santa Cruz de Malabon, and San Francisco de Malabon suggest the existence of similar conditions that could have fostered the development of an intermediate social class composed largely of inquilinos.TypeArticlesInformationJournal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 16 , Issue 1 , March 1985 , pp. 69 - 98DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022463400012777[Opens in a new window]CopyrightCopyright © The National University of Singapore 1985Access optionsGet access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below.PurchaseBuy article£20Add to cartCheck accessInstitutional loginLog in with Open Athens, Shibboleth, or your institutional credentialsLog inPersonal loginLog in with your Cambridge Core account or society details.Log inIf you should have access and can't see this content please contact technical support.References1Scott, William H., “Filipino Class Structure in the Sixteenth Century”, Philippine Studies 28 (1980): 142–75Google Scholar.2The province of Cavite is situated some sixty kilometers south of Manila, bounded on the south by the province of Batangas, and on the east by Laguna and Rizal. It faces Manila Bay to the north and China sea to the west. Topographically divided into lowland and upland regions, Cavite's heartland has been historically its lowland towns — the area covered in this study. Lowland Cavite, which was the focus of revolutionary upheaval in the 1890s, includes the triangular northern portion of the province that has for its base the towns of Ternate, Naic, Trece Martires, Dasmariñas, and Carmona (see map). In the late nineteenth century most of its population were tenant agriculturists of several monastic haciendas (landed estates) in the region; fishermen and saltmakers along its coastal rim; and workers in the government arsenal and shipyard at the Cabecera (provincial capital, otherwise also known as Cavite el Puerto).3The terms “social strata” (any hierarchical ordering of groups in society) and “social class”, defined below, are not synonymous but do overlap, the common denominator being usually economic considerations.4This paper is based upon an examination of archival sources and printed material. Most ethnographic information comes from being a native of the province and from personal interviews. A short version of this paper was read at the 9th Conference of the International Association of Historians of Asia, held in Manila on 21-25 November 1983.5Naic is a coastal town with a population of about 8000 in 1896. Before the revolution, nearly all its agricultural land belonged to the Dominicans, parcelled into farmplots rented to tenants called inquilinos. Together with other hacienda towns in lowland Cavite, Naic was mainly a producer of rice, supplemented by sugar and other staples. U.S., Sen. Doc. 280, 57th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 37; Borromeo, Soledad M., “El Cadiz Filipino: Colonial Cavite, 1571-1896” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1973), p. 78Google Scholar.6Bottomore, T.B., Classes in Modern Society (New York, 1966), p. 12Google Scholar.7No study about resident Spaniards in the colony has yet been made. Of the many studies about the Chinese in the Philippines, Wickberg's, EdgarThe Chinese in Philippine Life, 1850-1898 (New Haven, 1965), has been particularly usefulGoogle Scholar.8References to the mutual antipathy between European-born Spaniards (peninsulares) and Philippine born Spaniards (criollos) abound in Spanish colonial literature. Besides the usual prejudice against those born in the colony as being by nature inferior to peninsulares, this feeling of enmity has been mainly attributed to competition for government jobs. Mas, Sinibaldode, Secret Report of 1842 (Manila, 1963), III: 122-23, 125. Inspite of this in-fighting, these groups formed the upperclass of Spanish society.Google ScholarBlumentritt, Ferdinand, The Philippines: A Summary Account of Their Ethnological, Historical and Political Conditions (Chicago, 1900), pp. 32–33Google Scholar.9Salamanca, Bonifacio S., The Filipino Reaction to American Rule, 1901-1913 (Hamden, 1968), p. 12. Until the inclusion of Chinese mestizos into the native population in the 1880s, Philippine colonial society was legally separated into Spanish, Spanish mestizos; Chinese; Indios; and Chinese mestizos.Google ScholarWickberg, , The Chinese, pp. 140-41. Larkin, John, The Pampangans (Berkeley, 1972), p. 49.Google Scholar10Robertson, Alexander and Blair, Emma, The Philippine Islands (Cleveland, 1907), XVI: 121 (hereafter BR).Google ScholarPhelan's, JohnThe Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565-1700 (Madison, 1959), pp. 114–15. Scott, p. 146Google Scholar.11Phelan refers to it as a system of “dependency” since it “… lacked the harshness and brutality of European slavery”, a view not shared by other writers. Ibid., p. 22. Technically abolished in 1591, slavery appears t o have only gradually petered out in different parts of the colony since references to its continued practice recur in the sources, especially in relation to “men of color” brought in by the Portuguese. BR, XVI: 124, 157,163.12The concept of land as having a monetary value apparently dawned early upon the native élite resulting in considerable sales of communal land during the post-Conquest period. Cushner, Nicholas, “Meysapan: The Formation and Social Effects of a Landed Estate in the Philippines”, Journal of Asian History 7 (1973): 31–53Google Scholar.13Kasamás were tenant cultivators; jornaleros were day-workers.14Archivo de la Provincia del Santissimo Rosario (Dominican Archives, Manila; hereafter APSR), Naic, 1895-96, and Inquilinos Naic, 1891.15BR, XVI: 155. Although the term principalia originally referred to native officials and their families, Owen has noted various ways in which the term could have been used in later centuries to include persons who did not actually form part of the traditional native élite, e.g., persons of wealth, prestige, bearers of the title of Don, etc. Owen, Norman, “The Principalia in Philippine History: Kabikolan, 1790-1898”, Philippine Studies 22 (1974): 305Google Scholar.16These were chieftains of the traditional unit of native government, the pre-Spanish barangay.17Corpuz, Onofre, The Bureaucracy in the Philippines (Quezon City, 1957), p. 112Google Scholar.18Philippine National Archives (Manila; hereafter PNA), Cavite, leg. 75, nu. 54. PNA, Terrenos Cavite, lib. 1,1797-1898. PNA, Terrenos Cavite, lib. II, 1856-90.19Corpuz, p. 114. Robles, Eliodoro, The Philippines in the Nineteenth Century (Quezon City, 1969), pp. 81–83Google Scholar.20PNA, Cavite, leg. 75, 1774-1809, v. 1. A real = 1/8 peso. 21 Cushner, pp. 34-38.22Phelan, pp. 122-23. Foreman, John, The Philippine Islands (New York, 1899), p. 112Google Scholar. Taylor, John R.M., The Philippine Insurrection Against the United States (Pasay City, 1971), I: 13. Unlike the case of Pam-panga, archival records on Cavite's gobernadorcillos and cabezas are so meagre that it is not possible to trace continuities in the tenures of principalia familiesGoogle Scholar.23Larkin, p. 34.24The dátu-subject relationship, and those of various dependent groups with their owners were manifestations of clientele relations in pre-Spanish times. BR, XVI: 121-24. Rizal's annotation of Morga points to the basic similarity in the status of the pre-Spanish aliping namamáhay with the kasamás, the bataan (servant, commonly called today alilà, katulong), the kampon (followers), the taúhan (people), etc. Ibid., p. 122. His-panization reinforced the Filipino tendency towards this type of relationship through the institutionalization of the “compadre system”, exacerbated by a regime of paternal tutelage under the friars. Hart, Don V., Compadrinazgo: Ritual Kinship in the Philippines (Illinois, 1977); Taylor, 1:19, 25.Google Scholar25Ferrando, Juan, Historia de los pp. dominicos (Madrid, 1890), 1:60–61Google Scholar.26, Wickberg, The Chinese, p. 135. BR, XVII: 324-33Google Scholar.27Owen, p. 307.28PNA, Cavite, leg. 75, nu. 64.29PNA, Cavite, leg. 75, nu. 54.30Bernabe de España, “An Account of the Inspection of the Real Galera de Cavite, 5 Dec. 1865”, in Ayer Coll., Robles 154. Principalia imprisonment in this last case was more due to a minor shortcoming in the performance of their duties rather than a penalty for refusing to render communal service.31Población de filipinas. Censo generál … (Manila, 1883), pp. 4–5Google Scholar. Between 1815-81, Cavite's population increased by more than two-fold. APSR, “HCF”, fols. 1-29, and PNA, Cavite, 1881. To cope with the multitude of problems that beset local government during this time, the Maura Law was passed in 1893, which considerably enlarged the powers of gobernadorcillos (re-named capitanes municipales), improved the remuneration of cabezas, etc. The outbreak of the revolution prevented the full implementation of this law. Taylor, 1:121-45.32Población, pp. 4-5.33Ibid.34PNA, Cavite, “Queja sobre la election …”, [n.d.].35Wickberg, Edgar, “The Chinese Mestizo in Philippine History”, Journal of Southeast Asian History 5 (03, 1964): 62–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar.36Bacoor, 30 per cent; Imus, 21 per cent; San Roque-Cabecera, 18 per cent; Kawit, 16 per cent; Santa Cruz, 13 per cent; Rosario and Naic, 11 per cent each. My computation is based upon tribute figures for 1854 x4 (assuming the average size of a family was four), a standard procedure used by the Spaniards in estimating population. Guia de forasteros (Manila, 1854), p. 194Google Scholar.37, Wickberg, The Chinese, pp. 28–36Google Scholar.38Macmicking, Robert, Recollections of Manila and the Philippines During 1848, 1849, 1850 (London, 1852), pp. 101–2Google Scholar.39, Larkin, pp. 48-54. , Wickberg, The Chinese, p. 143. Recent studies on the subject of haciendas in colonial Philippines includeGoogle ScholarRoth, Dennis, The Friar Estates of the Philippines (Albuquerque, 1977), andGoogle ScholarCushner, Nicholas, Landed Estates in the Colonial Philippines (New Haven, 1976)Google Scholar.40, Wickberg, The Chinese, p. 136Google Scholar.41PNA, Mestizos Cavite, 1881-83, PNA, Cabezas Cavite, 1839-96.42The word timawà also meant freemen in pre-Conquest times but somehow it never lost the connotation of being poor. Rizal's annotation translates it to mean “in peace”, “free”. BR, XVI: 122.43PNA, Erecciones Cavite, leg. 75,1774-1809.44Melotti, Umberto, Marx and the Third World (London, 1977), p. 37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.45From the Spanish correr meaning to run, since corredoras have to go from one place to another in their buying and selling activities.46APSR, Inquilinos Naic, 1891.47Cavada, Agusti'n de la, Historia géografica … (Manila, 1876), 1:33. Also, Ferrando, 1:34; BR, XVI: 124-25. A more contemporary statement on th e Filipino woman is Carmen Guerrero-Nakpil'sGoogle ScholarWoman Enough and Other Essays (Quezon City, 1963)Google Scholar.48Owen, p. 305.49Majiil, Cesar, “Principales, Ilustrados, Intellectuals and the Original Concept of Filipino National Community”, Asian Studies 15 (1977):11Google Scholar.50At the time, a status symbol dresser-clothes cabinet often made of narra wood.51This study draws essentially from the Weberian concept of social class as a status-income group with a common lifestyle, in contrast to the Marxian idea that takes into consideration the following: (a) its relation to the means of production; (b) its will to compete for political power to protect its economic interests; (c) possession of a class ideology. Jordan, Z.A., Karl Marx: Economy, Class and Social Revolution (Exeter, 1972), pp. 25, 30Google Scholar. The ideas of Sorokin and Schumpeter were also useful in th e conceptualization of social classes in Cavite. Bendix, Reinhard and Lipset, Seymour, Class, Status and Power (Glencoe, 1953)Google Scholar.52Doubtless there must have been poorer inquilinos who directly tilled their plots. However, descriptions of Caviteño inquilinos concern the non-cultivating type dealt with in this essay, indicating that the former could have been a small minority. All Caviteno inquilinos interviewed by the Taft Commission were non-cultivators. Bureau of Insular Affairs (U.S. National Archives, Washington, D.C.; hereafter BIA), Fourth Annual Report of the Philippine Commission (Washington, 1904), 1:186–98. The word inquilino is not to be confused with the institution of leasing and subleasing farm land in Cavite called the inquilinatoGoogle Scholar.53Tsetung, Mao, How to Differentiate the Classes in the Rural Areas (Peking, 1969)Google Scholar.54In the late 1800s these were the Recollects, the Dominicans, and the Agustinians. Borromeo, pp. 62-93.55The question of the exploitative nature of the inquilino-kasamá relationship is taken up below.56As in the Spanish vagamundo, this means a jobless drifter today.57PNA, Chinos Cavite, 1882. Delgado, Juan, Historia general de las islas filipinas (Manila, 1892), p. 42.Google ScholarZuniga, Joaquin Martinez de, Status of the Philippines in 1880 (Manila, 1973), pp. 248–49Google Scholar.58See Tables 2 and 7.59Middleclass Caviteño income was estimated as somewhere between that of the upper stratum (about 1000 pesos or more a year) and the kasamás, jomaleros (something like 60 pesos a year). The range of about 200-600 pesos yearly seems reasonable based upon sample incomes on Tables 2 and 7. This figure also coincides with the income bracket of those in the first column of Table 9. Kasamà income is discussed below; jornalero income was unstable but could have been similar to that of the kasamá if work was regularly available. Table 7.60Income from leaseholds varied according to size, quality of riceland, etc.61Macmicking, pp. 101-2. Lala, Ramon R., The Philippine Islands (New York, 1898), p. 199Google Scholar.62Guerrero, Rafael, Cronica de la guerra de cuba y la rebellion de filipinas, 1895-1897 (Barcelona, 1897), IV:22Google Scholar.63U.S., BIA, “Report of the Provincial Governor of Cavite, 1902”, 3222/6. Caván is a unit of rice measure = 64 liters.64Despite fluctuating rice prices, the price of rice increased only one per cent in a century. Zuñiga gives an idea of food prices ca. 1800 in Status, pp. 220-21.65Panggúinge is a card game popular among women at the time; buyo1is a mixture of betel leaf, nut, and lime.66PNA, Salarios Cavite, 1851, 1858. PNA, Memoria de Cavite, 1881. Census for the Philippine Islands, 1903 (Washington, 1905), IV:434–35Google Scholar.67The municipal centre, which usually includes a church, the tribunal house, the homes of the élite, a few stores, and a market. Hart, Don V., The Philippine Plaza Complex: A Focal Point in Culture Change (Syracuse, 1968), pp. 1–8, passimGoogle Scholar.68Scheidnagel, Manuel, Las colonias espaholes de asia: islas filipinas (Madrid, 1880), p. 54Google Scholar.69Bowring, John, A Visit to the Philippines (Manila, 1963), p.9Google Scholar.70Ibid., p. 70.71Scheidnagel, p. 54.72Delmas, E. Deverter, La insurrection de filipinas en 1896-1897 (Barcelona, 1899), 1:223Google Scholar.73, Lala, pp. 304-5. U.S., House Doc. 963, 61st Cong., 2nd Sess., p. 4Google Scholar.74Aguinaldo, Emilio, My Memoirs (Manila, 1967), p. 3Google Scholar.75Ibid., p. 16.76A conical piece of molten brown cane sugar.77Tables 7 and 9.78Table 7.79Macmicking, p. 61.80Yangco was a Chinese mestizo from Bacoor who did errands in the Cavite waterfront, saved enough money to buy a banca with which he transported people and zacate (fodder) from Cavite to Manila and became the biggest shipper of his time. Manuel, Arsenio, Dictionary of Philippine Biography (Quezon City, 1955), 1:481–83Google Scholar.81Table 7; also PNA, Terrenos Cavite, lib. II, 1856-90. The ancestral house of the Cuenca family still stands along calle Real (main street) in Bacoor.82Fernandez, Ventura Lopez, El filibustero (Manila, 1892), pp. 87–88Google Scholar.83Bendix and Lipset, p. 77.84David Barrows noticed that the relations between different classes in the Philippines were “kindly”, generally not antagonistic. U.S., Sen. Doc. 331,57th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 686.85This behavioural-attitudinal complex is so deeply-rooted and common-place in Cavite that it must have been a part of Caviteffo mentality for as long as the barrio-bayan dichotomy has been there.86Interview with MrBacoor, Jose Gazo of, 1 06 1983Google Scholar.87Barong tagalog and camisa de chino are men's shirts made of native fiber; barò at saya means blouse and skirt, the former featuring stiff butterfly sleeves; zapatillas are ladies' footwear.88These may be gleaned from the novels of José Rizal.89The same set of pictures are reproduced in Borromeo, pp. 129-32.90Some writers have used these terms interchangeably. Majul has correctly noted that many ilustrados descended from principalia families. Majul, “Principales …”, p. 12; also Guerrero, Milagros C., “Luzon at War: Contradictions in Philippine History, 1899-1902” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1977), p. 235. Nevertheless, historically and conceptually, there are important enough differences between the two terms which make them far from synonymous as will be explained belowGoogle Scholar.91Ilustrados have also been referred to as the native upperclass or middleclass.92Secularization of education meant that for the first time higher education was no longer limited to preparation for priesthood and primary education undertaken by the state. BR, XLVI:76-118.93This was a campaign for reforms which preceded the revolution against Spain led by Filipino expatriates in Europe and Asia. Its aims are summarized in Kalaw, Maximo, The Development of Philippine Politics, 1872-1920 (Manila, 1922), p. 41Google Scholar.94The Rizal family is an example; in Cavite there were the Inocencios, Basas, and Osorios.95Corpuz, p. 117.96Kalaw, pp. 53-56.97, Majúl, “Principales”, pp. 13,18. Some writers argue that ilustrado reforms would have ultimately benefited their own “bourgeois” interests.Google ScholarFast, Jonathan and Richardson, Jim, Roots of Dependence (Quezon City, 1979), pp. 56–65Google Scholar.98Kalaw, p. 77. Agoncillo, Teodoro, The Revolt of the Masses (Quezon city, 1956), pp. 109–13Google Scholar.99Rizal was shot by a Spanish firing squad; Marcelo H. Del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena died in Barcelona, poor and disillusioned. Shortly before his death, Del Pilar accepted the idea of revolution and favoured the Katipunan. Kalaw, pp. 47,69-70.100As a true ilustrado, Rizal favoured the moral and intellectual cultivation of his people before achieving freedom. Ibid., pp. 57-60,66-67. Others like Mabini and Emilio Jacinto held basically the same ideas, as if to suggest that in spite of their desire for independence, Filipinos still had a long way to go in fulfilling the requisites of nationhood. Majul, Cesar, The Political and Constitutional Ideas of the Philippine (New York, 1974), pp. 19–39. To say that Rizal was not completely free of his ilustrado prejudices is one thing, and quite another to assert that his objection to the revolution was due to his preoccupation with the interests of his class. Fast and Richardson, pp. 56-65Google Scholar.101Salamanca, p. 17.102Fast and Richardson, p. 64.103Nava, Jose, The Thirteen Martyrs of Cavite (Manila, 1940), pp. 1–14Google Scholar. See Aguinaldo's own statement the subject in his Memoirs, p. 82.104Manuel, 1:241, 263,296-97,356.105Salamanca, pp. 17-19, Constantino, Renato, The Making of the Filipino: A Study in Philippine Colonial Politics (Quezon City, 1969), pp. 11–12Google Scholar.106The Malolos Constitution created a strong legislature designed to insure ilustrado predominance. Salamanca, pp. 18-19,209.107Ibid., p. 19.108APSR, Naic, 1895-96.109Tables 3,4, and 8 are appended.110APSR, Naic, 1891.111Sen. Doc. 280, p. 37.112There were proportionately more former inquilinos in these towns who bought/leased farm land in 1902, House Doc. 963, pp. 4–9Google Scholar.113Jordan, p. 30.114, Majúl, The Political, pp. 71–73Google Scholar.115Mordan, p. 29.116APSR, Telesforo Canseco, “Historia de la revolution filipina en Cavite, 1896”, mss., pp. 29,64Google Scholar.117Ibid. He probably meant the cédula personal and the contributión industrial which replaced the tribute in the 1880s. , Wickberg, The Chinese, p. 140Google Scholar.118Tiendas are market stalls; a calesa is a carriage.119Canseco, p. 29.120Quoted in , Majúl, The Political, p. 131Google Scholar.121Milagros C. Guerrero, p. 100.122Mabini, Apolinario, La revolution filipina (Manila, 1931), I: 111Google Scholar.123Taylor, V:47.124House Doc. 963, p. 4Google Scholar.125Tables 5 and 6 are derived from PNA, Cavite, 1884. Population figures for Bacoor and Kawit were divided by two since half of their inhabitants lived on fishing an d saltmaking. Note that population estimates during the Spanish regime were seldom accurate since these were based upon tribute counts furnished by the local priest. Population figures were probably higher than reported because bagamundos and privileged groups were not included.126Roth, pp. 133-34. Only the towns of Malolos and Lolomboy are comparable with the above since their nutritional densities as given by Roth correspond to about the same time.127Eight chupas = 1 ganta, 25 gantas = 1 cavan. Computing nutritional densities by subtracting landrent from total palay production and then dividing the remainder by the population eliminates the problem of ascertaining yield per hectare since it varies according to the type of riceland used. Although Martinez de Zuñiga says that landrent was usually 5 caváns per cavan of seed planted (corrected by Roth as 6.25 cavans) in most of Cavite landrent averaged 30 per cent of the harvest. Roth, p. 139; PNA, Cavite, 1881; PNA, Cavite, leg. 75,1774-1809, v. 1.128Computation of the average size of leaseholds in lowland Cavite was based upon data from the Censo de las islas filipinas … 1877 (Madrid, 1883), and Cavada, I: 172. The total amount of cultivated land in lowland Cavite was divided by the total number of cultivators (both types of inquilinos and kasamds included) in that part of the province. The number of lowland cultivators was determined by (a) establishing the ratio of lowland family heads to total provincial family heads in all the agricultural towns of the province and then (b) multiplying this ratio (.56) by the total number of cultivators in Cavite: 14566. Thus, 14241 -s-25198 =.56 x 14566 = 8157; 8783 - 8157 = 1.08 hectares per cultivator. Cultivated area in the lowlands was determined on the basis of the upland-lowland crop dichotomy in Cavite. Certain assumptions had to be made i n view of meagre statistics: that (a) most lowland family heads were cultivators, excluding the population of the San Roque-Cabecera area, and half of those from Bacoor and Kawit; (b) except for a very negligible percentage, practically all lowland cultivators were tenants of the friars and nearly all cultivated land in the area was friarland. Yield per hectare was based upon the statements of several inquilinos from Imus in the early 19th century and those given to the Taft Commission. PNA, leg. 75,1774-1809, v.l; Fourth Annual, I: 186-98Google Scholar.129Giving allowances for a possible inquilino bias, the Bunzalan interview was used, which elucidates on a 3-way partition of harvest between landlord, inquilino, and kasamá. The Taft interviews indicate that planting and harvesting expenses were borne either solely by the inquilino or shared with the kasamá.130The evidence is conflicting but it seems that two harvests were possible in Cavite's irrigated ricelands. Ibid.; Census 1903, IV: 93.131In Bacoor, Kawit, and Santa Cruz de Malabon leaseholds were under one hectare inspite of reported expansion in cultivated areas between 1881-84. PNA, Cavite, 1881; PNA, Cavite, 1884. The generally small size of Cavite's cultivated farms is confirmed in the Census 1903, IV: 180Google Scholar.132Roth's opposite view on the inquilino-kasamá relationship is based upon facts relating to the Hacienda de Pandi (Bulacan); Roth, p. 131. It is worth noting that peasant unrest did not flare up in Cavite during the revolution the way it did elsewhere in Luzon. Tension was observed in some towns in Cavite only during the late revolutionary period because of uncertainties over these farm leases after the Revolutionary Government had confiscated the friarlands. Milagros C. Guerrero, pp. 83-84, 124,135, 216-17.133These are very distant barrios close to the rice fields.134Lynch, Frank, comp, S. J.,. Four Readings on Philippine Values (Quezon City, 1964), pp. 15–17,22-49. To underestimate the effects of these values upon inquilino-kasamá relationships in Cavite is to ignore the realities of Southern Tagalog behavioural patternsGoogle Scholar.135Barrows testified on the incidence of social mobility in the native population in the early 1900s. He claimed that the “gente baja ” (those of the lower stratum) were “not without ambition” and that Filipino parents mak e every effort towards “social betterment”. By admitting that social mobility was a fact of the Philippine social system, Barrows implied that an intermediate stratum did exist between the very rich and the very poor population inspite of his erroneous impression of a two-tiered Filipino class structure at the time. Sen. Doc. 331, pp. 685-36.136Early Spanish writers commented on this Filipino trait. BR, XVI: 79; Taylor, 1:11; also Lynch, pp.18, 74-86.137Wilkes, Charles, Travel Accounts of the Islands (Manila, 1974), p. 52Google Scholar.138Marx, Karl, Capital (Moscow, 1960). 1:352Google Scholar.139The effort to minimize the anti-friar sentiments of Caviterños in connection with the revolution is contradicted by (a) Aguinaldo's proclamation, which vehemently denounced the friars and their landed possessions, [See APSR, “Aguinaldo's Proclamation, 7 July 1897”]; (b) the rapid spread of Aglipayanism in such towns as Imus and Bacoor because of intense anti-friar attitudes among their inhabitants. U.S., BIA, “Report of the Provincial Governor, Cavite, 1903”, 3222/13; John Shumacher, S.J., “The Religious Character of the Revolution in Cavite, 1896-1897”, Philippine Studies 24 (1976): 410–13Google Scholar.140Besides ousting the Spaniards, the only other significant result of the revolution was the formation of the Philippine Independent Church (PIC) whose membership did not exceed three million at its peak. It has since then lost much of its support. The PIC, also known as the Aglipayan Church, is just one of several minority religious groups in the Philippines today, a country that remains predominantly Roman Catholic. Mary Dorita Clifford, B.V.M., “Iglesia Filipina Independiente” in Studies in Philippine Church History, ed. 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