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Port Authority commissioner James Rubin was frustrated. Appointed to the bistate agency’s board by New York governor Andrew Cuomo a year earlier (in 2011), he’d been around long enough to know that the Authority—charged with ensuring the safe operation of bridges, tunnels, trains, airports, and ports in New York and New Jersey, and with securing the nation’s highest-value terrorist target, the 16-acre World Trade Center complex—was a complete mess. Spending on security had doubled since 9/11 and now consumed roughly one-fourth of the agency’s massive budget. Police overtime, in particular, was soaring, but the Port Authority’s leaders seemed unable to manage their own cops, contending that the unions called the shots.As head of the Port Authority’s security committee, which oversees the agency’s police force and public-safety programs, Rubin decided to force the issue. He wrote to then–Port Authority chairman David Samson, reminding him of the exhaustive evaluation of security policies, personnel, and technology that Michael Chertoff, the former Homeland Security director who now heads a security-consulting firm, had conducted in 2011. The Chertoff team’s disturbing conclusion, he wrote, citing the secret report, whose key findings have never previously been disclosed, was that the Port Authority’s security practices were “profoundly deficient at every level, in every key functional area.”The main target of the report’s “devastating judgment,” as Rubin called it, was the Port Authority police force. Summarizing his findings in a closed meeting, Chertoff had told the board that the police department’s leadership was not only “derelict” but “wholly unprepared for security responsibility.” In light of this finding, Rubin wrote in his letter to Samson, a copy of which was obtained by City Journal, it was “imperative that we act expeditiously to remedy the problems identified.” Though neither Rubin nor Chertoff nor their legal consultants and analysts would respond to calls for comment, Chertoff’s team reportedly recommended that the board hire a chief security officer, who would centralize security functions. But this alone would not be enough, the report (and Rubin) stressed: the new security chief couldn’t reform or control his force, much less fulfill the Port Authority’s security mandate, if the board failed to empower him by adopting sweeping structural and legal changes—especially to contracts with its police unions.Though the board appointed Joseph Dunne, a respected former New York Police Department official, as its first security chief soon after Rubin’s impassioned plea for change, and Dunne and his successor hired more cops and tried to curb costs, almost none of the broader structural and legal reforms that Chertoff recommended were adopted. An examination of the Port Authority police and its operations—including correspondence secured under the Freedom of Information Act, other independent reviews of police performance and compensation, and interviews with more than a dozen veteran counterterrorism experts, scholars, and law-enforcement officials—suggests that the Authority’s police remain poorly managed, overcompensated, and hamstrung by work rules. These rules, negotiated by the unions and accepted by Port Authority management, are a particular problem when it comes to security because they restrict the agency’s ability to deploy its police effectively.The police force’s woes can’t be separated from those of the scandal-prone Port Authority and its growing politicization. Political patronage infuses the agency—ironically, in that the Port Authority was born in the Progressive era and intended by its architects to exemplify expert nonpolitical governance. (See “The Port Authority Leviathan,” Winter 2016.) New Jersey governor Chris Christie, for instance, initially won the loyalty of the Port Authority Police Benevolent Association (PAPBA) early in 2013 by promising to ensure that Authority police, and not the NYPD, would be in charge of security at the World Trade Center’s new Freedom Tower. The Port Authority has long viewed Ground Zero as an iconic part of its domain, since 37 of its cops died there on 9/11, almost twice as many as the NYPD lost. But Christie’s pledge also assured the creation of hundreds of new jobs and dues-paying members for the union, which now represents some 1,500 of the Port Authority’s 1,900 cops. (The main contract, expired since 2010, continues in force.)The governor’s vow, following the union’s endorsement, that he would “never—not ever on my watch” let the NYPD protect the Trade Center site set off a bitter turf war with then-NYPD commissioner Raymond Kelly, who refused to accept a marginal role for his officers at the complex. The two police departments eventually hammered out a “memorandum of understanding,” calling for shared policing authority and spending. Relations improved further after Kelly retired and was succeeded by William J. Bratton (who has just himself retired). But New York cops’ dislike of their Port Authority counterparts continues to simmer, reinforced by a historical rivalry and by resentment of the Authority force’s far more generous compensation and retirement benefits and less demanding working hours.Patronage also played a role in a scandal in which the Port Authority police union has been implicated—Bridgegate, which arose from a decision by Christie’s aides to order lane closings and cause massive gridlock at the George Washington Bridge, the nation’s busiest motor-vehicle crossing, to punish Fort Lee’s mayor for refusing to endorse the governor’s reelection. David Samson, the chairman to whom Rubin complained and Governor Christie’s highest-ranking appointee, resigned in disgrace in 2014 and pleaded guilty in July to bribery charges. Chertoff, to whom he had awarded the sole-source, $1.3 million contract to review the Authority’s operations, nonetheless served as his lead attorney. Governor Christie’s other senior appointee, Bill Baroni, the Port Authority’s deputy executive director, went on trial in September for Bridgegate-related charges.PAPBA head Paul Nunziato initially defended the lane closures, telling the press that he had come up with the idea to study new traffic patterns at the bridge. But the subsequent discovery of e-mails by Christie deputy chief of staff Bridget Kelly calling for “some traffic problems in Fort Lee” demolished Nunziato’s story. He wound up under investigation, suspected of having helped facilitate the closures to curry favor with the governor. Neither he nor anyone from the union has been accused of wrongdoing, but a key witness in the Bridgegate trial testified that Nunziato offered to lie to protect Christie’s appointees.Recent security breaches, including at the World Trade Center site, raise alarms about the effectiveness of public-safety functions at the Port Authority. In 2013, four men, one of whom worked in construction at the World Trade Center site, BASE-jumped off the Freedom Tower and filmed their stunt. Soon after, a 16-year-old fascinated by the tower donned a hard hat, scrambled through a hole in the fence, and rode to the 88th floor with the help of a construction-elevator operator, though he had no ID. Other incidents arouse concern. In 2014, nine rookie Port Authority police, celebrating their police-academy graduation, were fired, and three of their supervisors disciplined, after getting drunk and disorderly at an infamous Hoboken bar.Even deeper problems were evident in August, when a stampede at John F. Kennedy Airport was triggered by false reports of a terrorist attack in Terminal 1 and Terminal 8, the latter staying closed for several hours. Despite the Port Authority’s frequent drills and training—its police must get live-fire training each year, which even the NYPD doesn’t mandate—the agency’s reaction seemed dysfunctional. While senior NYPD and Port Authority police praised their own officers’ response, calling it “textbook,” the police union and several of those caught up in the melee strenuously disagreed. There was “no addressable signage; police had no access to public address systems, or cell phone alert systems to alert patrons or tell them where to go,” Nunziato said in a press release. In a separate letter provided to City Journal, he blasted the Authority for having no plan to communicate with the public and for allowing information from social media—“wrong, misdirected and without confirmation”—to fill the vacuum.Other observers, however, blamed the Port Authority police for the fiasco. A senior NYPD official told the Daily News that the PAPD needed “a lot more preparation on procedures.” The union said that part of the problem was that not enough officers were on duty, but the average cost for employing a Port Authority cop has risen so much that hiring new employees has become exorbitant; regional airport budgets have come under fire for their bloat. United Airlines filed a complaint with the FAA, which singled out police compensation as a key factor.Others have complained about the cost and effectiveness of the PA police. In the 2013 New York mayoral race, Republican candidate Joe Lhota said that he had long had reservations about the PAPD’s competence. He later apologized for calling them “mall cops.”Relations between the agency and its police union have been contentious for decades, as official correspondence from the early 1990s, provided by a former Port Authority official, reveals. As far back as the 1960s, unions were contesting the agency’s efforts, over a 15-year transition period, to let civilians perform such nonspecialized duties as collecting tolls and manning tunnel catwalk booths. In a 1990 memo to Stanley Brezenoff, then the agency’s executive director, Louis LaCapra, the human-resources director, grumbled about the unions’ successful pushback, starting in 1978, against civilianization. LaCapra noted that the unions had blocked the creation of new civilian guard posts at the World Trade Center and at Port Newark and had forced the Authority to stop civilians from abandoning cars at Pier 40. Arbitration decisions had given police “the exclusive right to drive ambulances at Newark airport,” he added, which police had never before done there. The union also claimed on behalf of its members the responsibility for “making first contact with homeless persons at Authority facilities, to the exclusion of social workers or anyone else.” These measures increased costs and lessened efficiency.Relations between the agency and its police union have been contentious for decades, as official correspondence reveals.In a memo to the commissioners from July 1990, Port Authority executive director Stephen Berger observed that it was apparent “for some time” that the agency’s police unions had a “radically different view of themselves and their mission than does the management of the Port Authority.” A consultant hired to assess what was then known as the Public Safety Department agreed that the “loyalties of many of our police officers are to the unions, not to the Port Authority” and that the police saw themselves as “on a mission to enforce federal and state criminal laws, rather than to protect life and property at, and to facilitate the operations of, Port Authority facilities.” If there was a “justification for our having a separate police force,” Berger wrote, it was to meet the agency’s specific needs. The police’s focus on “catching bad guys,” he argued, “diverts police attention and resources away from the areas in which they could actually contribute most effectively to the safety and security of people using our facilities.” The emphasis on arresting large numbers of people for minor offenses at the bus terminal, for instance, often left “inadequate numbers of officers patrolling the building.” This, in turn, prompted a “general impression of disorder” and of “insecurity among travelers, tenants, and others at the Terminal,” he wrote.Police unions, Berger lamented, had taken a “remarkably insular view” of such issues. Berger’s effort to defuse tensions by meeting with union leaders to explain their “conflicting visions” had failed. “Predictably, but unfortunately,” he wrote, “the immediate reaction has been resistance.” During the next few months, Berger intended to “re-establish management control of police functions in a number of critical areas,” including routine security functions at the World Trade Center, patrolling airport parking lots, abandoned-car duty, and contacts with the homeless. If the police union refused to compromise and relinquish such “minimum basically civilian functions,” he concluded, he would urge the commissioners to consider whether the agency’s police “could and perhaps should be part of the general policing obligations” of the NYPD and the New Jersey State Police. Other functions, he argued, could “clearly be performed with equal or greater effectiveness, at lower cost by civilians.” But based on his experience with the Authority’s police unions, he concluded, he could not be “optimistic about our ability to secure a satisfactory outcome.”Others share that skepticism. Current commissioner Kenneth Lipper said that he did not know whether it would be possible to dissolve the PAPD and have local and state law enforcement and private contractors ensure security: “Is the NYPD willing to take over these functions? Does the contract permit it? Would we get the same coverage and protection? Would both governors permit it?”Today, Port Authority management missteps and union victories continue to shape staffing assignments for PAPD officers—most dubiously, for the Aircraft Rescue and Fire Fighting (ARFF) “cadres.” Thanks to a decades-old contractual obligation between the Authority and the union that requires police officers to perform firefighting and rescue duty at airports—an arrangement in effect at no other U.S. airports—cops who fight fires and do rescue work at Authority airports have been trained for double duty. As a result, they’re paid a lot extra—up to $144,000 per year. But in 2012, the FAA fined the Port Authority for misreporting training and for failing to assign police who were trained as firefighters to the airports. The federal agency also barred those assigned ARFF duty at airports from doing patrol duty and other police work. Some Authority officials hoped to assign fire and rescue personnel who were paid much less than expensive cops. But the union got wind of this, and in a 2013 settlement got the Authority to agree to assign cops to these posts, though they could no longer go on patrol.The result has been a dramatic rise in total security expenditures, including overtime and new police to replace those lost to ARFF. According to public documents, the aviation budget department containing the ARFF team was responsible for $154 million of the $211 million hike in Authority-wide security spending planned between 2009 and 2016—or roughly 70 percent of the increase. The union blames Port Authority management for running afoul of the FAA. “This was management’s fault for losing months of firefighting training records,” said Robert Egbert, the union’s spokesman. If management wanted to take the jobs away from the union, it was obligated to enter a negotiation. “This was yet another terrible management mistake,” he said. But the union has fought to hang on to its expensive prerogatives.The burden of the police department’s costs weighs heavily on the Port Authority. A detailed report of what Port Authority police earn, compared with what neighboring police departments earn (prepared by the Citizens Budget Commission, a New York City–based public watchdog group), concluded in late 2012 that the Port Authority Police Department, then about 1,700 strong, was already one of the country’s largest and most richly compensated law-enforcement units. At the time, the commission estimated that payments to police constituted about $372 million of the Port Authority’s $406 million public-safety budget. Within New York and New Jersey, only the Nassau and Suffolk County police were paid more. Port Authority senior officers received hourly pay 25 percent to 48 percent above that of senior officers at neighboring municipal police forces. Excluding overtime, pensions, and health benefits, average salaries for rank-and-file police topped $108,157 after six years of service and rose to $117,884 in their 25th year. And unlike officers in New Jersey, Port Authority police don’t contribute to their health insurance, a benefit that can add an amount comparable to 50 percent of their base salaries to their compensation, the CBC reported.Supplemental pay made compensation disparities even more pronounced. Port Authority police earned from as much as 14 times the compensation of Jersey City cops to double that of senior NYPD officers. Senior Port Authority police earned 23 percent more than federal agents, and between 32 percent and 57 percent more than New York and New Jersey state troopers. Yet Port Authority police worked fewer hours a year than officers in other police forces, with more days off and shorter tours.A consistent factor in this pay gap, according to an analysis of Port Authority compensation between 2008 and 2014 obtained by Open the Books, a watchdog group pressing for greater government transparency, is overtime. “Overtime work for police at Port Authority has been out of control for years,” says Adam Andrzejewski, the group’s founder. Overtime costs at the agency over the past seven years have averaged roughly $300,000 a day, $2 million a week, and more than $100 million a year, much of that earned by the police. City Journal’s Steven Malanga describes a typical example, culled from Open the Books data. Thanks largely to overtime sweeteners provided by the Port Authority, one police lieutenant who retired in 2013 with an annual salary of $129,000 began collecting the following year a lifetime pension of $172,000, or one-third above his base pay. (See “Bloated, Broke, and Bullied,” Spring 2016.) According to the Open the Books database, public-safety employees are extremely well compensated, even within Port Authority ranks. Between 2008 and 2014, seven of the top 15 most highly compensated Authority employees worked in security: three police sergeants, two police lieutenants, and two rank-and-file police officers. Their total compensation—which includes base pay, overtime, comp-time cash-in, longevity bonus, shift-differential payments, time-off pay, unspecified retro-payments and one- time payments, FICA pickup payments, and “all other payments”—ranged from $324,000 to $403,000.Containing overtime was a priority for Joseph Dunne, the Authority’s first security chief. “Oscar Tango,” Dunne said in an interview in the spring of 2014, using police jargon for overtime, “has a lot to do with what gets done. That’s just a fact of things.” The same was true for the NYPD, he added, but his former employer’s overtime costs per capita are far lower than those of the Port Authority. Dunne confirmed that the PAPD’s overtime costs were growing rapidly as he came on board: $80 million in 2011, $107 million in 2012, and $139 million in 2013.To get overtime under control, Dunne and his then-deputy, Thomas Belfiore, another NYPD veteran who succeeded him in the PA’s top security post, hired the two largest police recruit classes in recent Port Authority history, adding up to 450 new officers. Between 2012 and 2016, they also hired 18 law-enforcement officers from outside the force to fill senior ranks. Only one of the rank-and-file police represented by Nunziato’s PAPBA applied for promotion, since it would mean the loss of overtime.Overall, Belfiore says, the Port Authority and its security department have made significant progress in reining in overtime and other expenses—but the Port Authority’s proposed budget documents, found on its website, suggest a different story. Though the PAPD overtime budget was briefly curtailed in 2015 to 738,000 hours—and overtime through March, Port Authority officials say, is below its projected level—the planned overtime budget for the entire year has risen to 1,041,000 hours—higher than in 2014, despite the employment of hundreds of new cops who were supposed to “right-size” the department. Commissioner Kenneth Lipper, from New York, noted: “Overtime costs are largely police-related. And that’s because of contractual issues and a culture within the police department.”Lipper added, “When junior people are offered overtime, they tend not to take it and leave it for the senior police, where it’s embedded in their pensions. That really drives up costs.” The agency’s security budget continues to grow, increasing from $454 million in 2009 to $645 million in 2015. The projected security budget for 2016 is $662 million, or 22 percent of the proposed operating budget.The Port Authority Police Department’s 400-page contract contains onerous work rules that interfere with performance and drive up costs, including a stipulation that K-9 officers must get a paid hour each day to play with their dogs.The Port Authority Police Department’s 400-page contract contains onerous work rules that interfere with performance and drive up costs, including a stipulation that K-9 officers must get a paid hour each day to play with their dogs.Some counterterrorism experts say that the Port Authority’s police will never be reformed until management wrests control from the union, a view echoed by several top security officials who know the police force best. Belfiore and Dunne, for instance, point to specific examples of contractual terms that limit the force’s productivity. The Authority, said Dunne, has yet to control unpredictable, unlimited sick time, which is guaranteed by union rules. Another problem is management’s limited ability to control police deployments. Under the union contract, rank-and-file police bid on assignments, which, with few exceptions, get awarded according to seniority. So “you won’t always get the people best suited for an assignment,” Belfiore says.To take another example of onerous rules, the contract provisions governing the Authority’s K-9 unit, composed of some 28 dogs and handlers, reduce the number of functional hours that officers work. The dogs, Belfiore said, must be transported to and from a handler’s home to his assignment at a transport hub or the World Trade Center, or, in the event of vacation or rest time, to one of the Authority’s kennels. In addition to getting the standard 75 minutes a day for meals and other breaks, moreover, K-9 handlers get a special “K-9 hour,” usually the last hour of every day, to care for their dogs. While the Transportation Security Administration offsets some of these expenses, it doesn’t cover all of them, Belfiore says. The union’s Egbert defends the K-9 provisions. Unlike people, he said, dogs cannot work an eight-hour shift. “They must be hydrated, fed, and get rest,” he said. “A dog is a being.”Overturning such prerogatives is difficult at the Port Authority, its officials complain, because of the union’s power. Port Authority police enjoy numerous protections, including a provision of the bylaws, known as Rule 3, that gives them the right to refuse to cooperate with internal investigations. The agency’s inspector, Michael Nestor, recently told the Bergen Record that the PAPBA is “a consistent roadblock to investigations and to disciplinary actions,” adding that “officers routinely refuse to cooperate with investigations, including disciplinary matters.” Earlier this summer, the Bergen Record reported, the union persuaded friendly New Jersey legislators to kill a bill that would have eliminated Rule 3. The union, for its part, says that Rule 3 has never stopped a criminal investigation and that the right to refuse to answer questions in a disciplinary interview exists for all Port Authority employees, unionized or not.Port Authority officials and independent terrorism experts say that Chertoff and his team oversaw the last sustained effort to wrest management control of the Port Authority’s police force from its many contractual obligations. Dunne confirmed that Chertoff’s group had warned him that the Port Authority police suffered from a lack of senior management. “Some of our senior officers were running two or three commands,” he said, “and you just can’t do it. It’s impossible.”Two sources said that the Chertoff report, though lengthy, did not contain written recommendations. Rather, they explained, Chertoff conveyed his findings in meetings with senior Port Authority officials. After reviewing the police force’s union contracts, as one source reported and another confirmed, the Chertoff team lawyers unanimously called them, from a management standpoint, “the worst they had ever seen.” Mike Delikat, a partner at Orrick, Herrington, and Sutcliffe; Daniel Murphy, Jr., a partner at Putney, Twombly, Hall & Hirson; and Robert W. Lynn, now New York City’s commissioner of the Office of Labor Relations, called the contracts “massive giveaways.” They reportedly also agreed that the contracts should be renegotiated to bring them more in line with those of comparable police departments. The Chertoff team formulated a substantial reform plan, along with a resolution to implement it, which Chertoff discussed with several commissioners.It was this resolution that Rubin tried, once more, to persuade the Port Authority’s governing board to adopt. In his letter, dated October 18, 2012, he informed Chairman Samson that Baroni, then the deputy executive director of the agency, had told him that no Christie-appointed commissioners who were members of his security committee would even agree to discuss the resolution. “I regret that,” Rubin wrote. “Every week we delay empowering the new CSO [chief security officer], we are delaying the actions our consultants say are necessary to keep our facilities safe.” Four years later, the Port Authority police force remains the weak link in the New York metro area’s public-safety profile.

Why is South Africa dangerous?Alana Logan's answer to Is South Africa a haven for criminals?Black South Africans are generally xenophobic against blacks from other countries -Post Apartheid -Raul JeferinoSouth Africa was once a very safe, functional and prosperous country.That was before White former President, FW De Klerk sold South Africa out to the ANC Communist terrorists to govern under duress of international sanctions.Communism Socialism DESTROYS everything wholesome, good, and time tested - Why today's youth love Socialism - Che Guevare even has his own street named after him in Berea, Durban, Kwazulu Natal. Communist Socialist kids wear T-shirts with his face on them in South Africa.But since then emboldened and foreigner mentored terrorist SACP/ ANC/ EFF/BLF /DA have turned South Africa into one of the most dangerous countries to live in or to visit in Africa …South Africa travel adviceSouth Africa's politicians feed anti-foreigner violence | DW | 02.04.2019Hate Crime / Xenophobia - BlogLinking attack on foreign nationals burnt to death to xenophobia is 'premature' - KZN governmentEven South African police don't get the gravity of the terrorist situation in SASlaughterMalema: Cutting the throats of "whiteness"Dr Dan Roodt explains the implications of rogue thugs, like Julius Malema, and how it affects the entire country of South Africa. Bear in mind that Julius Malema has foreign handlers who coach him every step of the way …Khoisan lady tells Julius Malema how it really isSouth Africa - Willemien Potgieter - Mainstream media is Communist and refuse to report on stories like this. She will always be remembered :(Potgieter family massacre-suspects hailed as heroesThe murders so brutal they shocked even South Africa -Couple raped, tortured and shot dead in front of son, aged 12, drowned in scalding bath. His skin had to be peeled off the side of the bathThe murders so brutal they shocked even South Africa: Couple shot dead, then son aged 12 is drowned in scalding bathhttp://www.genocidewatch.org/southafrica.htmlhttp://genocideinsouthafrica.co.za/image/anc-regime-blocks-white-asylum-seekersNine gruesome farm attacks that shocked South Africans | South Africa Today - MediaWhat is the BETTER non-Socialist option for increasing wealth in South Africa towards blacks, rather than agressively distributing it by committing acts of government sanctioned land theft and murder?August 2018: List of South African farms marked for expropriation without compensation (theft by the SACP/ANC /PAC /EFF /BLF /DA government in order to sell to the highest foreign bidders like China):A bit of "good" news out of South Africa for a change ...Durban City secures court order against land grabbers | Berea MailSomeone who talks SENSE.South Africa - Farm murder statisticsInterview by an American ministerJust another murder in South AfricaRene Kruger thanking Donald TrumpWillem Petzer thanking Donald TrumpDanie Barnard testimonyNot only whites desperate to leave South AfricaQuinton du Plessis' testimonyBelinda's testimonyJacques Barnard's testimonySouth African Alison Botha survives brutal attackSouth African farm murdersAvi and MariandraBoer widow speaks outMarianda Heunis survivorGenocide in South AfricaTeenagers grandparents and parents murdered on South African farmSouth African farm murders. Janines storyWife of murdered Peet van EssAvi Yemini explains hate filled march to kill whites in South AfricaSouth African genocide explainedSouth African farm attacks. Survivor interviewsWhite farmers in South Africa are being tortured and killedSouth Africa media silentAt last the world is waking upWhite genocide South AfricaThe world is waking upMany countries still remain silent on farmer family genocide in South AfricaFarmer family attacks and murders in South AfricaSouth Africa advances anti-white policies in the "Rainbow Nation", amid farm murdersWe speak to farmers and farm workers about South African farm murdersTribute to South African farm murder victimsWhite farmer genocide in South AfricaSA farm murders - FactsWe are not allowed to call it “genocide”.South African farm murders. A warning for AmericaAngry South African farmers ward off Communist anti-white African protestersRape in South Africa past and present, is usually followed by torture and murder.Amy Elizabeth BiehlWe Are Not Such Things by Justine van der Leun review – the shocking murder of Amy BiehlIt was supposed to have been one of Amy Biehl's last days in South Africa. It was a Wednesday, and in only three days on that coming Saturday she was scheduled to return to the United States. An idealistic Stanford graduate, Amy was completing a 10-month course of study as a Fullbright exchange scholar at the University of Western Cape Community Law Center where she had helped to develop voter registration programs for South African blacks and women as that nation's first all-race elections approached in April, 1994. Amy was scheduled to continue her promising academic career the following week as a new graduate student at Rutger's University in New Jersey. Amy never made it back to the United States alive.________South African president's rape victim speaks out - She was granted asylym in Holland with her mother:'Why I wish that Zuma was dead' | IOL News____Woman who accused ANC deputy president of rape hits out from HollandI Wish Zuma was Dead, says Khwezi [The Star, 2007-07-06]____Jogger returns home after brutal KZN rape____Rape in South Africa — ranking the country alongside conflict zones such as Sierra Leone, Colombia and Afghanistan.Log In or Sign Up to ViewThe Rape Capital of the WorldBritish tourist in Aids fear after rape ordealWoman raped during armed robbery at her homeBarbaric superstitions:(Not all) South African (black) men, rape babies to cure HIV AIDS:South African men rape babies as 'cure' for AidsAIDS 'Virgin' Myth Drives South Africa's Hideous Child-Rape EpidemicFake Cures For AIDS Have A Long And Dreadful HistoryThousands of babies a month raped in South Africa because of Virgin AIDS-cleansing myth: expert ethnologist report | http://CENSORBUGBEAR.orghttps://www.censorbugbear.org/genocide/thousands-of-babies-a-month-raped-in-south-africa-because-of-virgin-aids-cleansing-myth-expert-ethnologist-reportDog rapes:http://www.thequists.com/when-the-least-of-these-look-like-the-worse-of-these/#more-329Dog rape in South Africa - the endless horror of abuseDOGS ‘RAPED’ IN TOWNSHIP | South Africa TodayDog rape: Dogs Now Victims of Gang Rape & Sexual Assault across South AfricaAnd when you hear of these rapes, it's usually gang rapes, jackrollings, raping and torturing combined, or rape and murder combined.Keith Knott commented about the rape statistics in SA, in mainstream media talking about one rape every four to seven minutes but today it is one rape every few seconds - note the escalation since then:"Those figures are for the reported rapes. The majority of rapes in S'efrica are not reported, or are categorised by SAPS as 'Domestic Violence.'My old friend, Adriana Stuijt and I, did an excercise many years ago for Crime Busters of South Africa, and found the incidence of rape to be one victim for every 26 seconds of elapsed time.Methinks, that today things may have gotten worse, but don't take my word for it, without investigating further. I am only partly human after all, and not a Gospel writer"________________Written in 2013 -28 per cent of men have raped in South Africa:Indian rape victim's case hits home in South Africa, where 28 per cent of men have raped________________2015Rape has become a way of life in South AfricaCharlene SmithJackie Selebi, the national police commissioner, said there were 115,3 cases per 100 000 people in 1994, compared with 113,7 in 2003/04. Selebi said rape statistics might be exaggerated because many rape cases were reported on a Friday and Saturday night, only to be withdrawn on a Monday.It's the withdrawal of cases that bears closer examination, because it says nothing about women lying about rape as the ignorant might believe, but it says everything about a society that fails women and children and is allowing HIV/Aids to proliferate without check. South Africa has the highest rates of rape in the world, according to Interpol, and the highest incidence of HIV. The National Prosecuting Authority tells us that 50 percent of all cases before South African courts are for rape, except in Durban and Mdantsane, where it is 60 percent.Although the Law Reform Commission estimates there are 1,7 million rapes a year, on average only 54 000 rape survivors lay charges each year. Why? It is because rape survivors are treated so badly by so many. Every time a rape survivor does not lay a charge, she allows a rapist or rapists - because 75 percent of rape in South Africa is gang rape - to believe he or they can do it again. And he or they will. Again and again, until a rape survivor does battle with the police, doctors, psychologists and the courts to get the justice she deserves, and to protect the next woman or child.A Medical Research Council study into conditions for rape survivors in Gauteng in 2002 found that the treatment of survivors by police and medical and court personnel was deplorable. Two researchers were so traumatised by what they witnessed that they had to go for counselling.The Medical Research Council reported that 26 percent of doctors and nurses who treated rape cases didn't think them a serious medical problem. Yet rape carries the risk of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), including HIV, a range of other infections, pregnancy and long-term psychological scarring.Last year the cabinet removed Section 21 from the new Sexual Offences Bill, which would have given post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP, which is medication to prevent HIV) as well as medication to prevent STIs and pregnancy to rape survivors. They left in Section 22, which guarantees medical care for the rapist and undertakes to rehabilitate any alcohol or narcotics addictions he might have.In other words, the government will help to remove self-inflicted addictions from the criminal, but won't have legislation compelling hospitals to provide women and children with the medication that prevents them from getting criminal-inflicted HIV. Professor Ames Dhai of the University of Natal points out that there are twice as many rape survivors at risk of seroconversion to HIV than there are babies born in South Africa to HIV-positive mothers, yet there are few calls for PEP for rape survivors. She asks: Is it because of residual stigma against those raped?.Just over a month ago a 21-year-old student was forced at knifepoint into an alley off Long Street, Cape Town, and was raped. When she went to Groote Schuur Hospital she, like many rape survivors, found it difficult to use the word rape.She told the admissions clerk she had been attacked. Because government hospitals do not see the necessity to train staff to be sensitive towards this problem, he told her to see her private doctor. She had to wait until the next morning - and yet the administration of PEP is urgent: to prevent HIV it has to take place less than 72 hours after the first act of penetration or attempted penetration.Her doctor, being as incompetent as most GPs in dealing with rape survivors - in part because most universities give scant training to medical students on how to deal with rape - made her wait while he tried to figure out what medicines she should take. He finally gave her a prescription for two months of PEP instead of just 28 days.It took her six hours and eight chemists to find a chemist that stocked anti-retrovirals - she finally sat in the eighth pharmacy, which didn't have the drugs, and refused to move until she was told where she could find them. Only then did a chemist pick up a phone and help her to get access to them. In the country with the world's highest rate of HIV and rape, why do so few pharmacies stock anti-retrovirals, or at the very least three-day PEP starter packs for rape survivors? This failure has nothing to do with the new medical regulations: few were stocking ARVs before.The young woman's father phoned the police from Johannesburg, and was told that the cameras on Long Street had not picked up anything untoward on that night, so there was no point in laying a charge. Failures like these lead to statistics like these:UNAIDS reported last year that in South Africa two-and-a-half times more women are infected than men because many women experience forced sex.UNICEF reports that six times more girls than boys in Africa are infected with HIV.A Human Sciences Research Council study found a significant cohort of HIV-infected children whose mothers were not HIV-positive. How did they become infected?.In South Africa, police tell us, 41 percent of those raped are under the age of 12. In Meadowlands, Soweto, police say 90 percent of rape in that community is against children younger than 12.Superintendent Nico Snyman, head of that police station, says that despite a good arrest rate, only a small percentage of cases get prosecuted because families will accept compensation from the rapist or rapists, and the child is then prevented from testifying. In the case of a young man raped in Wentworth, Durban, three years ago, when he was 14, the thugs who raped him offered his impoverished grandmother R3 000 to get him to drop the case. She wanted the money, but he refused despite continuing threats.Investigating officers were changed three times, the prosecutors four times. The victim went for counselling at a well-known child counselling centre, but because he is an orphan and his grandmother unemployed, he couldn't afford bus fare to continue and no one bothered to go to him. Last week the case against the accused was dismissed for lack of evidence. The prosecutor did not add extortion to the charge sheet, nor did she bother to get anyone to testify how he the victim took rat poison after the rape and spent a week in Addington Hospital's psychiatric ward because he was so traumatised.The investigating officer was on leave and did not testify, and no victim impact statement was used. Gangsters got away with the rape of a boy because no one cared, and this was a case the National Prosecuting Authority's Sexual Offences Unit received frequent complaints about.A nine-year study by Cape Town's Red Cross Children's Hospital, published in the SA Medical Journal in December 2002, found that the average age of children raped was three. Research has shown that 40 percent of those raped in South Africa are at risk of becoming HIV-positive if they do not receive PEP.Experts believe that if post-exposure prophylaxis was given immediately to rape survivors, South Africa could cut new HIV transmission dramatically. Yet little is done to advance this HIV preventive mechanism. What are the costs of providing PEP? The cost to the government of each HIV test is less than 60c, according to the department of health. PEP costs it about R60 for 28 days. In other words, to treat 54 000 reported rapes each year would cost the government less than R600 000.A rape specialist, Dr Adrienne Wulfsohn, says the hospital costs of treating one rape survivor who contracts HIV is around R600 000 during her shortened life. Better treatment of rape survivors would result in more reporting and would give them the confidence to go through with their cases. What is more, most rapists are involved in other crimes - you jail a rapist and you invariably put away a dangerous criminal responsible for other offences.South Africans need to become more serious about combating this crime. Charlene Smith, a journalist, was raped and stabbed in her home in 1999 and has since become an internationally recognised expert on sexual violence and post-exposure prophylaxis. (Source: Sunday Independent, 26 September 2004)http://www.hst.org.za/news/rape-has-become-way-life-south-africaPolitically motivated violence:The video documentary by Carte Blanche's award-winning investigative journalist, Devi Sankaree Govender about the reality of Farm Murders (Genocide) in South Africa, is posted here for the World to see. Please share, and share again!Ruda Landman, an award winning investigative journalist for Carte Blanche, also produced a SHOCKING documentary, that was also RECENTLY BANNED about the same topic.Links to the attached video (with media commentary):https://sa-news.com/farmmurderscarte-blanche-directly-links-julius-malema-to-farm-murders-video/#FarmMurders Carte Blanche Directly Links Julius Malema To Farm Murders! Sa Newshttps://sa-news.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/carte-blance-and-julius-malema.mp4?_=1Shocking, Carte Blanche directly links Julius Malema to different farm attacks across South Africa - News Soweto https://newsoweto.co.za/shocking-carte-blanche-directly-links-julius-malema-different-farm-attacks-across-south-africa/https://www.facebook.com/sowetanpolitics/videos/982023401974256/Carte Blanche discovers farmers are more likely to be murdered than police officers - MyTvNewshttp://www.mytvnews.co.za/carte-blanche-discovers-farmers-are-more-likely-to-be-murdered-than-police-officers/Carte Blanche: "Since 1990 more than 3 500 farm attacks have been reported. These figures represent 10% of all commercial farmers in South Africa. More shocking statistics suggest that a farmer’s chances of being murdered are double that of a police officer. Farm attacks are often associated with extreme levels of violence and brutality. Carte Blanche investigates the motives behind these attacks"http://www.mytvnews.co.za/carte-blanche-discovers-farmers-are-more-likely-to-be-murdered-than-police-officers/Malema, the EFF and the politics of hateSouth African terrorist government once more aligns with another terrorist organisation, Hamas, making South Africa' alignment with Iran a potential threat to all ...South Africa’s treating with terrorists threatens us all | The Conservative WomanUK issues terror warning against South AfricaEXTRACT: Evaluating the threat of Islamist extremism to South Africa and the wider regionAlana Logan's answer to How important do you think sanctions were in ending Apartheid?In South Africa it has never been non-Black against Black Communist violence, unless you count self-defence as violence.However, South Africa has ALWAYS experienced Black violence and dire atrocities against ALL South African ethnic groups - ESPECIALLY against Blacks ...3 Things You Didn’t (Want To) Know About Nelson MandelaMandela sings about killing whitesMandela`s secret history - OPINIONFormer President Jacob Zuma singing about murdering white South AfricansAlana Logan's answer to Will the ANC in South Africa ever lose power?Alana Logan's answer to What will Nelson Mandela be remembered for?Alana Logan's answer to How was Nelson Mandela?SACP/ ANC Communist (Black on non-Communist Blacks) Violence before, during and after Apartheid ...ANC Violence in South Africa during the 80's and 90's | South Africa Today - Mediahttps://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=https://m.youtube.com/watch%3Fv%3Dwb2FE9hOpeI&ved=0ahUKEwjEorHvlbXjAhVvRBUIHcV8BmEQo7QBCB4wAA&usg=AOvVaw2q4CSmFXV-sdrCEhZOTmgHANC Violence against blacks during ApartheidRussell Lamberton - Macro-Economic analyst - The core of the SACP/ANC is not democraticAlana Logan's answer to Will the ANC in South Africa ever lose power?South African farmers are busy undergoing a genocide in South Africa today - Actually the first reported farm murder took place in 1987The Democratic Alliance sub-SACP/ANC political party of South Africa owes it's minority voters an apology (it won't happen! )Such a pity Ramaphosa, the SACP/ ANC, Andile the BLF, PAC, DA, were left out of this complaint.The DA also promotes land grabs.ANC runs a killer-dictatorship - warning by SA communistANC runs a killer-dictatorship - warning by SA communist!The Democratic Alliance would hasten the land reform process in South Africa if it were to come to power, party leader Mmusi Maimane:DA would speed up land reform, says Maimane | IOL NewsAnd here is the result of land grabs in South Africa, "hastened land reform" (theft) ....Radio Free South AfricaDemocratic Alliance and ANC MPs take away minority job-rights, vote for the Employment Equity Amendment BillRead more at http://www.censorbugbear.org/farmitracker/reports/view/1753#ZE0TjU8wcxcDRWg2.99The DA's final objective is to form a coalition with SACP/ANC/PAC/EFF/BLF Communist parties.Redirecting...,DA to introduce recruitment targets based on raceDA to introduce recruitment targets based on raceZille accused of `airbrushing` Tony Leon from opposition history - OPINIONSouth African Police Chief makes the most woke statement ...South African Affirmative Action PoliceSomeone anonymous's answer to Should I move to South Africa?And here is a similar question but asked about the AmericasAlana Logan's answer to Why hasn't the United States, gone in the same direction as other nations considered to be part of Western civilization, i.e. become more civilized?Today in South Africa, laws are applied to minorities only and not to Communists, who are seldom held to account for incitement to genocide.The old flag is Libertarian and represents a time when everybody, especially black folk (Communist or not), could find employment within one day and it represents a period when education and basic services were impeccable.It represents a period when there were no daily terrorist attacks on farmers or other citizens or visitors to South Africa and when South Africans were not tortured, raped and murdered by Communist indoctrinated terrorists, ("criminals"), in their homes and cars on a daily basis.Since the flag was removed, the murder rate has skyrocketed to around 60 Communist on non-Communist, murders per day, except when PAC/ANC/Mkonto We Sizwe terrorism and Quatro Camp tortures (Black against black) occurred.Arguments that there is no threat of, or looming genocide, against non-Communists (mostly minorities), are in defiance of the findings of Genocide Watch International and the President of Genocide Watch, Dr Gregory Stanton who came to South Africa on fact finding missions.Genocide Watch International recognises the ongoing gradual, quater-decade (post old flag), attempts to use "crime" (terrorism), on foreign nationals (blacks from other countries), farmers, Afrikaners, Boers, and on white folk (Communist or not).Whenever South African Communists murder, rape or torture, they go by the direct public incitement to murder, by their Communist leaders.What most folk do not realise, is that the British Crown has, since the new flag, been governing South Africa by proxy, through the South African Communist parties and sub-political parties (SACP/ANC/EFF/BLF/PAC) -For instance, when Julius Malema of the EFF terror party, suddenly went quiet at one small point recently, it was because he was recalled to Britain and ordered by the queen herself, "to cooperate with president Cyril Ramaphosa", who then began to escalate Julius Malema's policies of land expropriation without compensation.Julius Malema is the ANC/EFF mouthpiece. At that point in time, farm murder statistics made a sharp upturn as farmers and anyone living on a farm (Black or white), were losing their lives left, right and center. Daily several farmers would lose their lives.The best way to save South Africa is to eradicate Communism and Socialism first, and then to pull out of the Commonwealth.What most folk do not realise is that Julius Malema is head of the Commission, which appoints the Communist panel which appoints new judges.Only potential judges who are sympathetic to the current Communist regime are appointed as future judges in South Africa, which is why Julius Malema has never been successfully arrested, charged and given a prison sentence for his public incitement to daily mass murder of minorities and which is why Julius Malema has never been arrested for hiring hardened prisoners to murder farmers and anyone who stands in the way of the Communist SACP/ANC EFF/BLF.However anyone who writes books on the actual situation in South Africa, drawing attention to governmental crimes and corruptions, is immediately arrested and is forced to prove their innocence and of course, in South Africa you can get six months in prison for torturing and raping a baby, who dies because of it and three years in prison, plus an unrealistically exorbitant fine for using the k-word in pure frustration over the way South Africa has been hijacked by Communist indoctrinated terrorists and governed into the ground by these Communists.The old South African flag brings nostalgia for the days before Communism ruled, for the days when all, (black, white, Indian, mixed race), could become employed within a day and basic services worked well.South Africa won the conventional border war against the Communist invasion, only to lose the unconventional "People's War", which is designed to "never end", according to it's manifesto.The reason why the unconventional People's War is so successful, is because it functions on misinformation and disinformation about South African history.Websites like SAHO (South African History Online), has Communist CEO's.South Africa now also has her own Facebook representatives who monitor and censor any Facebook pages or groups or posts, which tell the South African story as it actually is.Wikipedia supposedly can be edited by literally anyone, (who follows the Communist narratives) and has been hijacked by an inner Extreme Leftist group of admins, who ultimately decide who gets to edit and write on Wikipaedia, and who does not.

In interviews, Modi has described visiting Hindu ashrams founded by Swami Vivekananda: the Belur Math near Kolkata, followed by the Advaita Ashrama in Almora and the Ramakrishna Mission in Rajkot. Modi remained only a short time at each, since he lacked the required college education.Vivekananda has been described as a large influence in Modi's life.In the early summer of 1968, Modi reached the Belur Math but was turned away, after which Modi wandered through Calcutta, West Bengal and Assam, stopping in Siliguri and Guwahati.Modi then went to the Ramakrishna Ashram in Almora, where he was again rejected, before travelling back to Gujarat via Delhi and Rajasthan in 1968–69.Sometime in late 1969 or early 1970, Modi returned to Vadnagar for a brief visit before leaving again for Ahmedabad.There, Modi lived with his uncle, working in the latter's canteen at the Gujarat State Road Transport Corporation.In Ahmedabad, Modi renewed his acquaintance with Inamdar, who was based at the Hedgewar Bhavan (RSS headquarters) in the city.After the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, he stopped working for his uncle and became a full-time pracharak (campaigner) for the RSS,working under Inamdar.Shortly before the war, Modi took part in a non-violent protest against the Indian government in New Delhi, for which he was arrested; this has been cited as a reason for Inamdar electing to mentor him.Many years later Modi would co-author a biography of Inamdar, published in 2001.In 1978 Modi received a Bachelor of Arts degree in political science from School of Open Learning at University of Delhi, graduating with a third class.Five years later, in 1983, he received a Master of Arts degree in political science from Gujarat University, as an external distance learning student.Early political careerIn June 1975, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency in India which lasted until 1977. During this period, known as "The Emergency", many of her political opponents were jailed and opposition groups were banned.Modi was appointed general secretary of the "Gujarat Lok Sangharsh Samiti", an RSS committee coordinating opposition to the Emergency in Gujarat. Shortly afterwards, the RSS was banned.Modi was forced to go underground in Gujarat and frequently travelled in disguise to avoid arrest. He became involved in printing pamphlets opposing the government, sending them to Delhi and organising demonstrations.Modi was also involved with creating a network of safe houses for individuals wanted by the government, and in raising funds for political refugees and activists.During this period, Modi wrote a book in Gujarati, Sangharsh Ma Gujarat (In The Struggles of Gujarat), describing events during the Emergency.Among the people he met in this role was trade unionist and socialist activist George Fernandes, as well as several other national political figures.In his travels during the Emergency, Modi was often forced to move in disguise, once dressing as a monk, and once as a Sikh.Modi became an RSS sambhag pracharak (regional organiser) in 1978, overseeing RSS activities in the areas of Surat and Vadodara, and in 1979 he went to work for the RSS in Delhi, where he was put to work researching and writing the RSS's version of the history of the Emergency.He returned to Gujarat a short while later, and was assigned by the RSS to the BJP in 1985.In 1987 Modi helped organise the BJP's campaign in the Ahmedabad municipal election, which the BJP won comfortably; Modi's planning has been described as the reason for that result by biographers.After L. K. Advani became president of the BJP in 1986, the RSS decided to place its members in important positions within the BJP; Modi's work during the Ahmedabad election led to his selection for this role, and Modi was elected organising secretary of the BJP's Gujarat unit later in 1987.Modi rose within the party and was named a member of the BJP's National Election Committee in 1990, helping organise L. K. Advani's 1990 Ram Rath Yatra in 1990 and Murli Manohar Joshi's 1991–92 Ekta Yatra (Journey for Unity).However, he took a brief break from politics in 1992, instead establishing a school in Ahmedabad; friction with Shankersingh Vaghela, a BJP MP from Gujarat at the time, also played a part in this decision.Modi returned to electoral politics in 1994, partly at the insistence of Advani, and as party secretary, Modi's electoral strategy was considered central to the BJP victory in the 1995 state assembly elections.In November of that year Modi was elected BJP national secretary and transferred to New Delhi, where he assumed responsibility for party activities in Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.The following year, Shankersinh Vaghela, a prominent BJP leader from Gujarat, defected to the Indian National Congress (Congress, INC) after losing his parliamentary seat in the Lok Sabha elections.Modi, on the selection committee for the 1998 Assembly elections in Gujarat, favoured supporters of BJP leader Keshubhai Patel over those supporting Vaghela to end factional division in the party. His strategy was credited as key to the BJP winning an overall majority in the 1998 elections,and Modi was promoted to BJP general secretary (organisation) in May of that year.Chief Minister of GujaratTaking officeIn 2001, Keshubhai Patel's health was failing and the BJP lost a few state assembly seats in by-elections. Allegations of abuse of power, corruption and poor administration were made, and Patel's standing had been damaged by his administration's handling of the earthquake in Bhuj in 2001.The BJP national leadership sought a new candidate for the chief ministership, and Modi, who had expressed misgivings about Patel's administration, was chosen as a replacement.Although BJP leader L. K. Advani did not want to ostracise Patel and was concerned about Modi's lack of experience in government, Modi declined an offer to be Patel's deputy chief minister, telling Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee that he was "going to be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all". On 3 October 2001 he replaced Patel as Chief Minister of Gujarat, with the responsibility of preparing the BJP for the December 2002 elections.Modi was sworn in as Chief Minister on 7 October 2001,and entered the Gujarat state legislature on 24 February 2002 by winning a by-election to the Rajkot – II constituency, defeating Ashwin Mehta of the INC by 14,728 votes.2002 Gujarat riotsMain article: 2002 Gujarat riotsOn 27 February 2002, a train with several hundred passengers burned near Godhra, killing approximately 60 people.The train carried a large number of Hindu pilgrims returning from Ayodhya after a religious ceremony at the site of the demolished Babri Masjid.In making a public statement after the incident, Modi said that the attack had been terror attack planned by local Muslims.The next day, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad called for a bandh across the state.Riots began during the bandh, and anti-Muslim violence spread through Gujarat.The government's decision to move the bodies of the train victims from Godhra to Ahmedabad further inflamed the violence.The state government stated later that 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus were killed.Independent sources put the death toll at over 2000.Approximately 150,000 people were driven to refugee camps.Numerous women and children were among the victims; the violence included mass rapes and mutilations of women.The government of Gujarat itself is generally considered by scholars to have been complicit in the riots,and has otherwise received heavy criticism for its handling of the situation.Several scholars have described the violence as a pogrom, while others have called it an example of state terrorism.Summarising academic views on the subject, Martha Nussbaum said: "There is by now a broad consensus that the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansing, that in many ways it was premeditated, and that it was carried out with the complicity of the state government and officers of the law."The Modi government imposed a curfew in 26 major cities, issued shoot-at-sight orders and called for the army to patrol the streets, but was unable to prevent the violence from escalating.The president of the state unit of the BJP expressed support for the bandh, despite such actions being illegal at the time.State officials later prevented riot victims from leaving the refugee camps, and the camps were often unable to meet the needs of those living there.Muslim victims of the riots were subject to further discrimination when the state government announced that compensation for Muslim victims would be half of that offered to Hindus, although this decision was later reversed after the issue was taken to court.During the riots, police officers often did not intervene in situations where they were able.In 2012 Maya Kodnani, a minister in Modi's government from 2007 to 2009, was convicted by a lower court for participation in the Naroda Patiya massacre during the 2002 riots.Although Modi's government had announced that it would seek the death penalty for Kodnani on appeal, it reversed its decision in 2013.On 21 April 2018, the Gujarat High Courtacquitted Kodnani while noting that there were several shortfalls in the investigation.Modi's personal involvement in the 2002 events has continued to be debated. During the riots, Modi said that "What is happening is a chain of action and reaction."Later in 2002, Modi said the way in which he had handled the media was his only regret regarding the episode.Modi has not offered an apology for the riots and has stated that he should be rather punished and not forgiven if he is guilty.In March 2008, the Supreme Court reopened several cases related to the 2002 riots, including that of the Gulbarg Society massacre, and established a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to look into the issue.In response to a petition from Zakia Jafri (widow of Ehsan Jafri, who was killed in the Gulbarg Society massacre), in April 2009 the court also asked the SIT to investigate the issue of Modi's complicity in the killings.The SIT questioned Modi in March 2010; in May, it presented to the court a report finding no evidence against him.In July 2011, the court-appointed amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran submitted his final report to the court. Contrary to the SIT's position, he said that Modi could be prosecuted based on the available evidence.The Supreme Court gave the matter to the magistrate's court. The SIT examined Ramachandran's report, and in March 2012 submitted its final report, asking for the case to be closed. Zakia Jaffri filed a protest petition in response. In December 2013 the magistrate's court rejected the protest petition, accepting the SIT's finding that there was no evidence against the chief minister.2002 electionIn the aftermath of the violence there were widespread calls for Modi to resign as chief minister from within and outside the state, including from leaders of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Telugu Desam Party (allies in the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance coalition), and opposition parties stalled Parliament over the issue.Modi submitted his resignation at the April 2002 BJP national executive meeting in Goa, but it was not accepted.His cabinet had an emergency meeting on 19 July 2002, after which it offered its resignation to the Gujarat Governor S. S. Bhandari, and the state assembly was dissolved.Despite opposition from the election commissioner, who said that a number of voters were still displaced, Modi succeeded in advancing the election to December 2002.In the elections, the BJP won 127 seats in the 182-member assembly.Although Modi later denied it, he made significant use of anti-Muslim rhetoric during his campaign,and the BJP profited from religious polarisation among the voters.He won the Maninagar constituency, receiving 1,13,589 of 1,54,981 votes and defeating INC candidate Yatin Oza by 75,333 votes.On 22 December 2002, Bhandari swore Modi in for a second term.Modi framed the criticism of his government for human rights violations as an attack upon Gujarati pride, a strategy which led to the BJP winning two-thirds of the seats in the state assembly.Second termDuring Modi's second term the rhetoric of the government shifted from Hindutva to Gujarat's economic development.Modi curtailed the influence of Sangh Parivar organisations such as the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS) and the Vishva Hindu Parishad(VHP),entrenched in the state after the decline of Ahmedabad's textile industry,and dropped Gordhan Zadafia (an ally of former Sangh co-worker and VHP state chief Praveen Togadia) from his cabinet. When the BKS staged a farmers' demonstration Modi ordered their eviction from state-provided houses, and his decision to demolish 200 illegal temples in Gandhinagar deepened the rift with the VHP.Sangh organisations were no longer consulted or informed in advance about Modi's administrative decisions.Nonetheless, Modi retained connections with some Hindu nationalists. Modi wrote a foreword to a textbook by Dinanath Batra released in 2014, which stated that ancient India possessed technologies including test-tube babies.Modi's relationship with Muslims continued to attract criticism. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (who asked Modi for tolerance in the aftermath of the 2002 Gujarat violence and supported his resignation as chief minister)distanced himself, reaching out to North Indian Muslims before the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. After the elections Vajpayee called the violence in Gujarat a reason for the BJP's electoral defeat and said it had been a mistake to leave Modi in office after the riots.Questions about Modi's relationship with Muslims were also raised by many Western nations during his tenure as chief minister. Modi was barred from entering the United States by the State Department, in accordance with the recommendations of the Commission on International Religious Freedom formed under the aegis of the International Religious Freedom Act, the only person denied a US visa under this law.The UK and the European Union refused to admit him because of what they saw as his role in the riots. As Modi rose to prominence in India, the UKand the EUlifted their bans in October 2012 and March 2013, respectively, and after his election as prime minister he was invited to Washington.During the run-up to the 2007 assembly elections and the 2009 general election, the BJP intensified its rhetoric on terrorism.In July 2006, Modi criticised Prime Minister Manmohan Singh " for his reluctance to revive anti-terror legislation" such as the 2002 Prevention of Terrorism Act. He asked the national government to allow states to invoke tougher laws in the wake of the 2006 Mumbai train bombings.In 2007 Modi authored Karmayog, a 101-page booklet discussing manual scavenging. In it, Modi argued that scavenging was a "spiritual experience" for Valmiks, a sub-caste of Dalits.However, this book was not circulated that time because of the election code of conduct.After the November 2008 Mumbai attacks, Modi held a meeting to discuss the security of Gujarat's 1,600-kilometre (990 mi)-long coastline, resulting in government authorisation of 30 high-speed surveillance boats.In July 2007 Modi completed 2,063 consecutive days as chief minister of Gujarat, making him the longest-serving holder of that post,and the BJP won 122 of 182 state-assembly seats in that year's election.Modi meets his mother after winning the 2014 electionsDuring the campaign, Modi focused on the corruption scandals under the previous INC government, and played on his image as a politician who had created a high rate of GDP growth in Gujarat.Modi projected himself as a person who could bring about "development," without focus on any specific policies.His message found support among young Indians and among middle-class citizens.The BJP under Modi was able to downplay concerns about the protection of religious minorities and Modi's commitment to secularism, areas in which he had previously received criticism.Prior to the election Modi's image in the media had centered around his role in the 2002 Gujarat riots, but during the campaign the BJP was able to shift this to a focus on Modi's neoliberal ideology and the Gujarat model of development, although Hindutva remained a significant part of its campaign.In states such as Uttar Pradesh in which the BJP performed well, it drew exceptionally high support from upper-caste Hindus, although the 10 percent of Muslim votes won was more than it had won before. It performed particularly well in parts of the country that had recently experienced violence between Hindus and Muslims.The magnitude of the BJP's victory led many commentators to say that the election constituted a political realignment away from progressive parties and towards the right-wing.Modi himself was a candidate for the Lok Sabha in two constituencies: Varanasi and Vadodara.Prime MinisterModi with the Chief Minister of Nagaland, T. R. Zeliang, and Naga people in Northeast India, December 2014Governance and other initiativesModi was sworn in as the Prime Minister of India on 26 May 2014. He became the first Prime Minister born after India's independence from the British Empire.His first year as prime minister saw significant centralisation of power relative to previous administrations.Modi's efforts at centralisation have been linked to an increase in the number of senior administration officials resigning their positions.Initially lacking a majority in the Rajya Sabha, or upper house of Indian Parliament, Modi passed a number of ordinances to enact his policies, leading to further centralisation of power.The government also passed a bill increasing the control that it had over the appointment of judges, and reducing that of the judiciary.In December 2014 Modi abolished the Planning Commission, replacing it with the National Institution for Transforming India, or NITI Aayog.The planning commission had received heavy criticism in previous years for creating inefficiency in the government, and of not filling its role of improving social welfare: however, since the economic liberalisation of the 1990s, it had been the major government body responsible for measures related to social justice.The Modi government launched investigations by the Intelligence Bureau against numerous civil society organizations and foreign non-governmental organizations in the first year of the administration. The investigations, on the grounds that these organizations were slowing economic growth, was criticized as a witchhunt. International humanitarian aid organisation Medecins Sans Frontieres was among the groups that were put under pressure.Other organisations affected included the Sierra Club and Avaaz.Cases of sedition were filed against individuals criticising the government.Modi repealed 1,200 obsolete laws in first three years as prime minister; a total of 1,301 such laws had been repealed by previous governments over a span of 64 years.He started a monthly radio programme titled "Mann Ki Baat" on 3 October 2014.Modi also launched the Digital India programme, with the goal of ensuring that government services are available electronically, building infrastructure to provide high-speed Internet access to rural areas, boosting manufacturing of electronic goods in the country, and promoting digital literacy.Economic policyModi with other BRICS leaders in 2016. Left to right: Temer, Modi, Xi, Putin and Zuma.The economic policies of Modi's government focused on privatisation and liberalisation of the economy, based on a neoliberal framework.Modi liberalised India's foreign direct investment policies, allowing more foreign investment in several industries, including in defence and the railways.Other proposed reforms included making it harder for workers to form unions and easier for employers to hire and fire them;some of these proposals were dropped after protests.The reforms drew strong opposition from unions: on 2 September 2015, eleven of the country's largest unions went on strike, including one affiliated with the BJP.The Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, a constituent of the Sangh Parivar, stated that the underlying motivation of labour reforms favored corporations over labourers.The funds dedicated to poverty reduction programmes and social welfare measures were greatly decreased by the Modi administration.The money spent on social programmes declined from 14.6% of GDP during the Congress government to 12.6% during Modi's first year in office.Spending on health and family welfare declined by 15%, and on primary and secondary education by 16%.The budgetary allocation for the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, or the "education for all" programme, declined by 22%.The government also lowered corporate taxes, abolished the wealth tax, increased sales taxes, and reduced customs duties on gold, and jewelry.Modi at the launch of the Make in India programmeIn September 2014, Modi introduced the Make in India initiative to encourage foreign companies to manufacture products in India, with the goal of turning the country into a global manufacturing hub.On 9 November 2016, the government demonetised ₹500 and ₹1000 banknotes, with the stated intention of curbing corruption, black money, the use of counterfeit currency, and terrorism.Over the first four years of Modi's premiership, India's GDP grew at an average rate of 7.23%, higher than the rate of 6.39% under the previous government.[216]The level of income inequality increased,while an internal government report said that in 2017, unemployment had increased to its highest level in 45 years. The loss of jobs was attributed to the 2016 demonetization, and to the effects of the Goods and Services Tax.Health and sanitationSee also: Swachh Bharat AbhiyanIn his first year as prime minister, Modi reduced the amount of money spent by the central government on healthcare.The Modi government launched New Health Policy (NHP) in January 2015. The policy did not increase the government's spending on healthcare, instead emphasizing the role of private healthcare organisations. This represented a shift away from the policy of the previous Congress government, which had supported programmes to assist public health goals, including reducing child and maternal mortality rates.The National Health Mission, which included public health programmes targeted at these indices received nearly 20%less funds in 2015 than in the previous year. 15 national health programmes, including those aimed at controlling tobacco use and supporting healthcare for the elderly, were merged with the National Health Mission. In its budget for the second year after it took office, the Modi government reduced healthcare spending by 15%.The healthcare budget for the following year rose by 19%. The budget was viewed positively by private insurance providers. Public health experts criticised its emphasis on the role of private healthcare providers, and suggested that it represented a shift away from public health facilities.The healthcare budget rose by 11.5% in 2018; the change included an allocation of 2000 crore for a government-funded health insurance program, and a decrease in the budget of the National Health Mission.The government introduced stricter packaging laws for tobacco which requires 85% of the packet size to be covered by pictorial warnings.An article in the medical journal Lancet stated that the country "might have taken a few steps back in public health" under Modi.In 2018 Modi launched the Ayushman Bharat Yojana, a government health insurance scheme intended to insure 500 million people. 1 lakh people had signed up by October 2018.Modi emphasised his government's efforts at sanitation as a means of ensuring good health.On 2 October 2014, Modi launched the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan ("Clean India") campaign. The stated goals of the campaign included eliminating open defecationand manual scavenging within five years.As part of the programme, the Indian government began constructing millions of toilets in rural areas and encouraging people to use them.The government also announced plans to build new sewage treatment plants.The administration plans to construct 60 million toilets by 2019. The construction projects have faced allegations of corruption, and have faced severe difficulty in getting people to use the toilets constructed for them.In 2018, the World Health Organization stated that at least 180,000 diarrhoeal deaths were averted in rural India after the launch of the sanitation effort.HindutvaFurther information: HindutvaModi pays obeisance at Tirumala Temple in Andhra PradeshDuring the 2014 election campaign, the BJP sought to identify itself with political leaders known to have opposed Hindu nationalism, including B. R. Ambedkar, Subhas Chandra Bose, and Ram Manohar Lohia.A proposal for the controversial Uniform Civil Code was a part of the BJP's election manifesto.These activities included a Hindu religious conversion programme, a campaign against the alleged Islamic practice of "Love Jihad", and attempts to celebrate Nathuram Godse, the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi, by members of the right wing Hindu Mahasabha.Between 2015 and 2018, Human Rights Watch estimated that 44 people, most of them Muslim, were killed by vigilantes; the killings were described by commentators as related to attempts by BJP state governments to ban the slaughter of cows.Foreign policyFurther information: Foreign policy of Narendra Modi and List of prime ministerial trips made by Narendra ModiModi and US President Donald Trump giving a joint statement.Foreign policy played a relatively small role in Modi's election campaign, and did not feature prominently in the BJP's election manifesto.Modi invited all the other leaders of SAARC countries to his swearing in ceremony as prime minister.He was the first Indian prime minister to do so.Modi meeting Myanmar's leader Aung San Suu Kyi in New Delhi in January 2018Modi's foreign policy, similarly to that of the preceding INC government, focused on improving economic ties, security, and regional relations.Modi continued Manmohan Singh's policy of "multi-alignment."The Modi administration tried to attract foreign investment in the Indian economy from several sources, especially in East Asia, with the use of slogans such as "Make in India" and "Digital India".The government also tried to improve relations with Islamic nations in the Middle East, such as Bahrain, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as with Israel.During the first few months after the election, Modi made trips to a number of different countries to further the goals of his policy, and attended the BRICS, ASEAN, and G20 summits.One of Modi's first visits as prime minister was to Nepal, during which he promised a billion USD in aid.Modi also made several overtures to the United States, including multiple visits to that country.While this was described as an unexpected development, due to the US having previously denied Modi a travel visa over his role during the 2002 Gujarat riots, it was also expected to strengthen diplomatic and trade relations between the two countries.In 2015, the Indian parliament ratified a land exchange deal with Bangladesh about the India–Bangladesh enclaves, which had been initiated by the government of Manmohan Singh.Modi's administration gave renewed attention to India's "Look East Policy", instituted in 1991. The policy was renamed the "Act East Policy", and involved directing Indian foreign policy towards East Asia and Southeast Asia.The government signed agreements to improve land connectivity with Myanmar, through the state of Manipur. This represented a break with India's historic engagement with Myanmar, which prioritised border security over trade.Defence policyThe President of Israel Reuven Rivlin and Chief of General Staff of the Israel Defense Forces Gadi Eizenkotwith Modi.India's nominal military spending increased steadily under Modi.The military budget declined over Modi's tenure both as a fraction of GDP and when adjusted for inflation.A substantial portion of the military budget was devoted to personnel costs, leading commentators to write that the budget was constraining Indian military modernization.The BJP election manifesto had also promised to deal with illegal immigration into India in the Northeast, as well as to be more firm in its handling of insurgent groups. The Modi government issued a notification allowing Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist illegal immigrants from Pakistan and Bangladesh to legalise their residency in India. The government described the measure as being taken for humanitarian reasons but it drew criticism from several Assamese organisations.The Modi administration negotiated a peace agreement with the largest faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCM), which was announced in August 2015. The Naga insurgency in northeast India had begun in the 1950s.The NSCM and the government had agreed to a ceasefire in 1997, but a peace accord had not previously been signed.In 2015 the government abrogated a 15-year ceasefire with the Khaplang faction of the NSCM (NSCM-K). The NSCM-K responded with a series of attacks, which killed 18 people.The Modi government carried out a raid across the border with Myanmar as a result, and labelled the NSCM-K a terrorist organisation.Modi promised to be "tough on Pakistan" during his election campaign, and repeatedly stated that Pakistan was an exporter of terrorism.On 29 September 2016, the Indian Army stated that it had conducted a surgical strike on terror launchpads in Azad Kashmir. The Indian media claimed that up to 50 terrorists and Pakistani soldiers had been killed in the strike.Pakistan initially denied that any strikes had taken place.Subsequent reports suggested that Indian claim about the scope of the strike and the number of casualties had been exaggerated, although cross-border strikes had been carried out.In February 2019 India carried out airstrikes in Pakistan against a supposed terrorist camp. Further military skirmishes followed, including cross-border shelling and the loss of an Indian aircraft.Approval ratingsModi interacting with the school children after delivering his address on Independence Day in New Delhi, 15 August 2017As a Prime Minister, Modi has received consistently high approval ratings; at the end of his first year in office, he received an overall approval rating of 87% in a Pew Research poll, with 68% of people rating him "very favorably" and 93% approving of his government.His approval rating remained largely consistent at around 74% through his second year in office, according to a nationwide poll conducted by instaVaani.At the end of his second year in office, an updated Pew Research poll showed Modi continued to receive high overall approval ratings of 81%, with 57% of those polled rating him "very favorably."At the end of his third year in office, a further Pew Research poll showed Modi with an overall approval rating of 88%, his highest yet, with 69% of people polled rating him "very favorably."In 2014, 2015 and 2017, he was named one of Time magazine's 100 Most Influential People in the World.He was also declared winner of the Time magazine reader's poll for Person of the Year in 2014 and 2016.Forbes Magazine ranked him the 15th-Most-Powerful Person in the World in 2014 and the 9th-Most-Powerful Person in the World in 2015, 2016 and 2018.In 2015, Modi was ranked the 13th-Most-Influential Person in the World by Bloomberg Markets Magazine.Modi was ranked fifth on Fortune Magazine's first annual list of the "World's Greatest Leaders" in 2015.In 2017, Gallup International Association (GIA) conducted a poll and ranked Modi as third top leader of the world.In 2016, a wax statue of Modi was unveiled at Madame Tussaud Wax Museum in London.In 2015 he was named one of Time's "30 Most Influential People on the Internet" as the second-most-followed politician on Twitter and Facebook.In 2018 he was the third most followed head of the state on Twitter,and the most followed world leader on Facebook and Instagram.In October 2018, Modi received UN's highest environmental award, the 'Champions of the Earth', for policy leadership by “pioneering work in championing” the International Solar Alliance and “new areas of levels of cooperation on environmental action”.He was conferred the 2018 Seoul Peace Prize in recognition of his dedication to improving international cooperation, raising global economic growth, accelerating the Human Development of the people of India by fostering economic growth and furthering the development of democracy through anti-corruption and social integration efforts. He is the first Indian to win the award.In January 2019, PM Narendra Modi, a biographic film starring Vivek Oberoi as Modi, was announced.State honoursOrder of Abdulaziz Al SaudSaudi Arabia3 April 2016Member Special Class, The highest civilian honour of Saudi ArabiaState Order of Ghazi Amir Amanullah KhanAfghanistan4 June 2016The highest civilian honour of AfghanistanGrand Collar of the State of PalestinePalestine10 February 2018The highest honour granted to foreigners by PalestineOrder of ZayedUnited Arab Emirates4 April 2019The highest civilian honour of the United Arab EmiratesOrder of St. AndrewRussia12 April 2019The highest civilian honour of RussiaMaximum Modi, minimum opportunityNo leader could have achieved what Modi hasThis month, Narendra Modi completes three years as India’s prime minister. It is a long enough period for anyone to get a sense of his leadership style. What is clear by now is that Mr Modi is completely different from his predecessor, Manmohan Singh, and indeed almost all his predecessors.Indira Gandhi, who served as prime minister for almost 15 years in two different stints, is perhaps the only one whose operational style is a little closer to that of Mr Modi. Both were strong leaders. Both had a connect with the ordinary people of India. And both understood power and authority -- and knew how to use them.Mr Modi, however, is different in many ways. Here are five key aspects of Mr Modi’s leadership style. Some of these may be similar to those of Indira Gandhi, but they acquire a new dimension and colour under Mr Modi.One, Mr Modi’s command over the bureaucracy is total. He entered the Prime Minister’s Office as a complete outsider, but took very little time to understand how he needs to take charge of the bureaucracy. Disintermediation was his primary instrument to keep civil servants under control. In sharp contrast to his immediate predecessor, Mr Modi made sure that he had a role and the final say in deciding on the appointment of senior civil servants in all important ministries. Thus, many central ministers realised that their top bureaucrats also had a direct connect with the prime minister and the PMO.What is clear by now is that Mr Modi is completely different from his predecessor, Manmohan Singh, and indeed almost all his predecessors.In line with this strategy, Modi developed a relationship of accountability with top civil servants across the central ministries. Periodic meetings were held with top secretaries in different ministries where the prime minister would be directly briefed on the progress of policy actions decided upon by the government. Yes, the ministers concerned would often be there in such meetings, but every bureaucrat present there would know who the boss was and whose writ ran at the end of the day.Even when the issues to be decided pertained to the Budget, the architecture of the goods and services tax or demonetisation, the prime minister made sure that he had a direct involvement with the bureaucrats concerned and played a role in the formulation of policies or their execution. This was again completely different from the way Manmohan Singh ran the government for 10 years, when he would operate through the PMO officials, through the central ministers or through file notes.A different ModiExpecting de-escalation of tensions from Prime Minister Narendra Modi, if he is voted back to power, would be different though. Mr. Modi made a surprise visit to Lahore in December 2015 to wish his then-Pakistani counterpart, Nawaz Sharif, on his birthday. Will he be inclined to do the same on Mr. Khan’s birthday this year? If Mr. Modi returns to power after this election campaign, which has been filled with invocations of Pulwama and Balakot, then it would be on the anti-Pakistan plank. In 2014, Mr. Modi wanted to be the leader who gave an opportunity to a recalcitrant neighbour. A re-elected Mr. Modi might not be in the need for such gestures. His ideological predilections will dissuade him as well. Besides, at the core of the Modi phenomenon has been his uncompromising persona. His appeal is to a core base that is of his own making and not necessarily that of the RSS-BJP combine. The base he appeals to believes in bravado and machismo.Modi has also reinforced his leadership quality by being a good communicator round the year, and not just during election times. He has an active Twitter account. Citizens are encouraged to go directly to his website. He has a monthly radio talk show Mann ki Baat(What Is on My Mind). He travels around the country and takes a lead role in every election campaign. People see him and hear him all the time. That is a lot different from previous prime ministers.