Affidavit For Collection Of Personal Property 2015: Fill & Download for Free

Times Now Expose on AAP’s Members lying on their Election Affidavit was through a Whistle Blower, says the channel. So,First, The ‘Whistle Blower’Look at this video from Times Now and try and remember the man, the channel describes as a ‘WhistleBlower’.#TNExclusive | Whistleblower guns for AAP; says AAP netas host shell companies #AAPHallOfShame pic.twitter.com/KHk7NqOdzE— TIMES NOW (@TimesNow) November 4, 2017Let me refresh your memory.He is Neil Hassan. By his own admission, he has joined BJP back in 2015.Breaking news Shazia Ilmi, Neil Haslam and Kiran Bedi join BJP.All IAC members joint BJP.I would also like to... http://t.co/TniDK5vmGk— Neil Haslam (@neilhaslam90) January 15, 2015Up until March 2016, he was exposing Kapil Mishra - the suspended member of the Partybut when it is to be against AAP, Kapil is a foe turned friend.Meet Neil Haslam, The Man Behind Kapil Mishra’s AAP ‘Exposé’Second, Times Now’s Yellow journalism ?Times Now by their own admission say this.A list of "evaders," accessed by Times Now, included the names of 10 Congress leaders, four Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, three Aam Aadmi Party leaders and eight leaders of Telugu Desam Party.Ok, so 10 INC, 4 BJP, 8 TDP and 3 AAP. Even if what they expose was true then some one please explain such a ‘Lap Dog’ kind of a hashtag #AAPHallOfShame…no, Not, BJPHallOfShame or ModiHallOfShame or INCHallofShame…Now that it is clear as to who is behind whom, lets look at the merit of the cases.The Cases as ‘exposed’ by the Channel [read Neil Haslam]I use tofler.in. A website that collects the data from several government websites, company websites and other sources in public domain. Company's data is pulled directly from website of Ministry of Corporate Affairs, India. So, it is quite credible!Kumar Vishwas - Channel claims, Kumar did not mention about Onest Solutions Private Limited on his 2014 affidavit. Well, he may not have. Here is what the details of the company say,ONEST SOLUTIONS PRIVATE LIMITED is an unlisted private company incorporated on 19 July, 2007. The total paid-up capital is INR 0.00 . The company has no reported secured loans.By the way, Neil had indulged in the exact mudslinging against Kumar Vishwas back in December 2016 too.Is Kumar in the wrong ? Well, May be, but only Technically, in an old case. Even the channel has not claimed any embezzlement or tax evasion of any kind. Nothing major here.Kailash Gahlot - Reportedly, he hid his shares in Rosy Builders Pvt Ltd and Super Star Innovation pvt ltd. However, TOFLER - ROSY BUILDERS & PROMOTERS PRIVATE LIMITED | Basic Company Information and TOFLER - SUPER STAR INNOVATION (P) LTD. | Basic Company Information doesn’t mention him as a director. So times now must explain its source. A quick glance on his election affidavit [link provided in the references] show that he has declared INR 7+ Crore of income through shares of 25 Companies already . Whats a couple more companies if it was to be ?Is Kailash Gahlot in the wrong? . Doesn’t look it [unless there is an investigation that EC carries out and finds something credible].Adarsh Shastri - Failed to mention about his directorship in a UK Company. Adarsh has responded that he was just an ‘honorary director’[no shares] in the firm, and thus, didn't need to mention it in the affidavit.Is Adarsh in the wrong? Well, its a matter of technical interpretation. Channel, again have not claimed any embezzlement or tax evasion of any kind. Nothing major here.Mohammad Yunus - Did not declare his shares in a company called the Federation of All India Haj Umrah Tour Organisers, claims the channel. Yunus responded that Haj Umrah Tour is an NGO and not a Company.Is Yunus in the wrong? Again, technical. Hence, here too, the channel hasn't claimed any embezzlement or tax evasion of any kind. Nothing major here[unless someone proves it wasn’t an NGO but an organization that had huge turnover and not merely loose change.]Rajesh Rishi - Reportedly, failed to mention his wife's directorship in the company Winner Electrotec Pvt Ltd.Is Rajesh Rishi in the wrong?. Looks like it. Something here [ here too amount involved however is ridiculously small - 100,000 INR Only].WINNER ELECTROTEC PRIVATE LIMITED is Limited Liability Company with authorised capital INR 1 Lakh only(sic).Pramila Tokas - Agrees, that she did not mention the shares that her husband owns in companies and that is because the companies are linked to her husband, and not her, there was no need to mention them in the affidavit. Again a case of technical interpretation of the requirements of the Election Affidavit.Nothing major here.So, Dear Times Now, you will do well to understand that,Every case of Ommission due to a difference in understanding of the EC’s requirement is NOT a scam and does not automatically translate to ‘AAP has cheated voters’ slogan.Every case of Ommission due to wilful intent must be investigated by EC.If you expect Arvind Kejriwal to personally verify, past, present and future of all the affidavits filed by all his MLAs[something for which EC with all its resources is set up, using the tax payer money] then you must be smoking something that has no cure.Someday, try and speak in the same tone and tenor against the real bosses of politics in India - Sonia Ji and Rajnath Ji . Read on. http://www.firstpost.com/politics/from-sonia-to-rajnath-indias-netas-across-parties-under-declare-assets-1263235.htmlReferences:http://www.timesnownews.com/india-upfront/video/six-aap-mlas-one-former-aap-member-hid-their-assets-from-election-commission/118727Neil Haslam (@neilhaslam90) | TwitterTOFLER - ONEST SOLUTIONS PRIVATE LIMITED | Basic Company InformationWinner Electrotec Private Limited, New DelhiAffidavit Information of Candidate:

Thank you for this question, Hazel -and sorry, long post!To be sure the social media focus is on the Sussexes at the moment - it is a point of contention whether or not this is how the architects of this tireless promotion prefer it to be - but as a consequence, it has allowed another problem - Andrew - to slip under the radar to a large extent. However it could be considered that the Sussexes have inadvertently opened a wider debate on how the Windsors are, or are not, upholding the dignity of the Crown to the satisfaction of the people they purportedly represent and accept generous payments for housing, security, travel and upkeep from in exchange for performing their public duties.Whilst I am not pro-monarchy, I appreciate that my views are not of the majority. Yet the minority is growing - not as a result of any Republican propaganda - but as a corollary to the questionable actions of some of the Windsors themselves. I cannot for for the life of me understand why monarchists appear happy to sleepwalk towards the destruction of the very thing they claim to hold dear, choosing to attack instead the views of those ‘others’ (like me), whilst remaining oblivious to the fact the current representatives appear to be blithely fiddling while Rome burns. With the exception of Elizabeth and Anne - who have totally grasped the concept of Monarchy - it seems to me that now is the time to grasp the nettle and expect more from the r/f as a whole before it self-destructs. Elizabeth is currently the glue that binds - can anyone say the same of the existential angst-ridden Charles?So, with that said, onto one of the most rotten timbers in the House of Windsor - Andrew - who is rather benignly - and wrongly - viewed as being just a bit of an arse with dodgy mates, but who has done nothing wrong. Andrew is a public figure, who was in public office, representing the nation and someone whose actions have long been called to question, the least problematic of which - in light of his current problems - suggest strongly to amount to malfeasance in public office. The Epstein affair - which remains hanging over his head is also something that he is viewed as being ‘persecuted’ over wrongly…a view he himself is happy to promote and appears to be readily taken up by some.Andrew had known Epstein, a proven close associate of Donald Trump, since the 1990s. In 2005, the Palm Beach police collected around forty statements from women alleging molestation by Epstein after allegations he had molested a 14 year old girl, accounts that appeared to corroborate each other. Despite this evidence, the US government - represented by Anthony Acosta, reached a secret agreement with Epstein allowing him to plead guilty to just one count of soliciting prostitution from a minor. He also agreed not to contest the other forty civil claims for which it had been thought he would get a life sentence. It was described by the then Palm Beach police chief, Michael Reiter as ‘very unusual’. Acosta was later appointed Labour Secretary by Trump in 2017.In April of 1999 Andrew attended a party held in his honour by Epstein at Mar-a-Largo - Trump’s Palm Beach Club in Florida where Epstein was a member. Trump, as a close friend of Epstein, was there. The papers described Andrew at the time as being a friend of Trump. Trump said of Epstein in 2002 ‘ I’ve known Jeff for fifteen years…he’s a lot of fun to be with…he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are in the younger side.’ He was to deny this later. At this time, Mar-a-Lago employed the 16 yo Virginia Roberts as a locker room attendant. In 2015 she filed a court submission that she had been recruited at fifteen years of age - a full year before Andrews party - as a sex slave for Jeffrey Epstein and that she was used to satisfy the needs of important people - and that Prince Andrew was one of them. Her affidavit stated that she had sex with Andrew three times when she was legally a minor as far as the State of Florida was concerned. One time in London, once in New York and once at an orgy on Epstein's private island. She was expected to report back details to Epstein of these encounters where she was ordered to ‘give the Prince whatever he wanted,’ probably for blackmail purposes - there were also hidden cameras across his property.The palace has always denied the allegations sex took place. They have never explained why Andrew was in the company of a 17 year old with his arm around her bare waist. They have not provided any counter-claim to the evidence that shows flight logs placing Andrew and Virginia at the times and locations she says the sex sessions took place. The Palace has also refused to answer questions about Andrew’s friendship with Epstein or address the fact that logs for Epstein’s private plane place Andrew with Epstein on a regular basis. Nor have they given any explanation for Andrew’s 2010 walk in the park with the by then convicted and registered sex offender, Epstein. Andrew denies meeting Virginia and denies ever having sex with her.Epstein’s little black book of contacts contained 14 contact numbers for Trump, 16 numbers for Andrew including a palace number, a number for Balmoral, his personal mobile number, and one for Sandringham. He had 18 numbers for Sarah Ferguson and numbers for other well known figures including Peter Mandelson and Tony Blair. There were numbers of a lot of women and girls under the heading ‘massage’ - including Virginia. Like it or not, it was the Mail on Sunday in 2011 who broke the story with the photo of the walk in the park and later the revelation that Epstein had given £15,000 to Fergie. The Queen’s response to this was to very publicly invest Andrew with a special honour at a private ceremony at Windsor Castle - the Insignia of a Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order for ‘personal services to the Queen’. However Andrew was eventually shoe-horned out of his job as special representative for the British government. His role as special representative cost the tax payer £4 million in travel, plus another £10 million in police protection for the ten years he held the role. It has not been possible to establish with any clarity the value for money for the country of the overseas trips he made. Andrew denies any allegations that he used publicly funded travel for official duties improperly even though many trips have been linked to ‘private’ meetings with foreign contacts.In 2015 Virginia’s deposition became public - although it was ruled that her allegation that she had been forced to have sex with Andrew was immaterial to the wider case surrounding Epstein. Virginia’s legal team tried twice to serve papers on Andrew once via the British Embassy and once by recorded delivery to Buckingham Palace. The receipt of the papers was refused both times. In 2019 Epstein was re-arrested and charged with sex-trafficking between 2002 and 2005. Virginia’s was one of the statements read out in court and another was Joanna Sjoberg. Andrew remained a person of interest after Epstein hung himself. In 2001, pictures of Andrew appeared surrounded by topless women on Epstein’s yacht, in Phuket. Epstein’s former Butler, Juan Alessi, in a sworn deposition in 2011, said that Andrew attended pool parties with naked women at the mansion where Andrew allegedly enjoyed massages from adolescent girls. Three of these girls were questioned under oath as to whether Andrew had had any sexual contact with them or other masseuses. They pleaded the 5th Amendment. More recently a witness has come forward who claims that Epstein arranged for three women to visit Andrew in a room in nicknamed ‘Room Britannia’ which was reserved for Andrew’s use when he stayed at Epstein’s mansion in New York. Andrew denied being at any pool parties. He has denied any sexual impropriety. It is said that he has refused to co-operate with the US legals who want to speak to him. He has denied refusing to co-operate stating that no-one has contacted him. He has currently been stepped down, but his appointment of a pr who previously rehabilitated the reputation of men accused under Operation Yewtree suggests this is only a temporary arrangement. The case remains ongoing. A spokesperson for the Duke stated that these ‘stories’ are made up to ‘traduce’ the Duke.There is also the matter of Kelly Associates. Andrew launched this in 1993 to collect payments for the use of his photographs and was listed as a director. He stated that whatever money came in would be given to charity. Private Eye found in 2004 no money had been given to charity ‘at least for the previous two years.’ The company was dissolved in 2008.There is also the matter of how he managed to sell his marital home, which had been languishing on the market for some years for over £3million over the asking price to a Kazakh contact.There is also the matter of the ski chalet in Verbier, purchased for £ 13 million in 2014. It was disclosed yesterday that Andrew and his ex wife are being sued for the sum of £6.7 million by the original owner of the chalet, who has instructed a law firm, Etude du Ritz to begin proceedings. It is not known how either the financially challenged Fergie or Andrew who received around £275,000 from the Sovereign Grant, plus a navy pension of £20,000 per year could have either afforded this purchase or hoped to pay the outstanding balance. But it is interesting that the money has failed to materialise since he stepped down from Pitch at the Palace - where he hosted his usual cabal of dodgy business contacts and often reciprocated their visits with a state funded ‘business’ trip of his own. He paid only £1 million for a 75 year lease for the prime location Royal Lodge - paying the equivalent of £1,110 per month - well under the market value even at today’s estimates and another £7.5 million in bringing it up to his exacting standards. It is not known either how he finances his opulent lifestyle. The taxpayer is entitled to be told where Andrew’s hidden wealth comes from and what he has given in return.It is to the above matters, monarchists should be looking to and ask the questions that needed to be asked. The scandals surrounding Andrew listed above are not a definitive list, but they are destructive. Harry and Meghan haven’t even got out of the gate in the race to the bottom, compared to Andrew.

On the night of Friday June 7, 2013, a pre-wedding party was in progress at the Cavalli Club – named after the renowned Italian fashion designer Roberto Cavalli – within the 5-star luxury Fairmont Hotel in Dubai. There was champagne in abundance and some of the performers on ground for the all-night gig included DJ Jimmy Jatt, leading comedian, Basketmouth, singer Wizkid and rapper Naeto C. It was the summer party to be at.The next day, the wedding proper held at the JW Marriot Marquis Hotel on the same street. Most of the floors at the hotel and the nearby Mirage Palace were occupied by the over 300 guests who had flown in for the wedding from Nigeria to attend. Over 40 private jets were buzzing in and out of the United Arab Emirates with sitting governors, senators, traditional rulers, government officials, politicians and businessmen.The entire weekend was, as tabloids will call it, awash with pomp and pageantry. The groom was Oluwatosin Omokore, first son of Olajide Omokore, a maverick oil trader; and his bride was Faiza Fari, first daughter of Abdulkadir Fari, then Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Petroleum Resources. Encomium Magazine reported that souvenirs at the wedding rumoured to have cost an estimated $8 million (N1.2 billion using the exchange rate at the time), included the Blackberry Q10 released in January of that year, other smartphones, Bang & Olufsen luxury speakers.In the aftermath, the then Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, acting on the recommendation of his petroleum minister and Mr. Fari’s boss, Diezani Alison-Madueke,suspended and later redeployed the father of the bride to another parastatal. His accounts were also reportedly frozen by the Economic & Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC. An insider at the ministry told The Nation newspaper that the wedding was deemed too lavish for a civil servant to fund and that in allowing his daughter marry the son of a major player in his sector, Mr. Musa had triggered a conflict of interest.In reality, the wedding had been primarily funded by Mr. Omokore who understandably spared no cost to give his first son the gift of a good wedding. Mr. Fari who reportedly had been a little too strict in demanding due process on some deals relating to marginal oilfields, was simply the sacrificial lamb who had to go for delaying Mrs. Alison-Madueke’s desires. He was one of many in a revolving door policy that saw five group managing directors and several permanent secretaries exit the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, in the five years of Mrs. Alison-Madueke’s tenure.Back in May 2010, the death of Umaru Musa Yar’adua precipitated the ascension of Goodluck Jonathan as Nigeria’s president. There was pressure on him from his kinsmen and others within the enclave of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, to run for the 2011 elections. It was only expedient to turn to the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, a major source of election funding for incumbents since the return of democracy in 1999.To ensure a smooth process, Rilwanu Lukman, the incumbent minister who favoured a restructuring of NNPC into a full commercial entity, was replaced with Diezani Alison-Madueke in a cabinet reshuffle. Mrs. Alison-Madueke eventually became like an unofficial prime minister. From then till May 2015 when the Muhammadu Buhari presidency took over; anyone that stood in her way was removed either by her personally or the presidency acting on her recommendations.In an era where Nigeria earned over N51 trillion from oil and the commodity price peaked at $112 per barrel, it was the best of times to have the listening ears of the president and the discretionary powers of an oil minister as enshrined in the Petroleum Act of 1969. In that five-year period, Mrs. Alison-Madueke, whose name means ‘look before you leap’ in her native Ijaw, leapt to unbelievable levels of immense influence and the accompanying affluence.DIEZANI’S CHILDHOODBorn Diezani Kogbeni Agama in the city of Port Harcourt two months after Nigeria’s independence, the young girl had a decent childhood as the third of six children. Her father Frederick Agama – had a distinguished career at Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) as a management executive before retiring to become a traditional ruler of the Epie-Atissa Clan in Yenaka, Bayelsa State. Her mother, Beatrice Agama, is a retired schoolteacher. Though her parents were not as wealthy as rumoured, they lived a decent life by all standards. She grew up at the Shell residential camp in Rumuomasi, Port Harcourt and schooled in Warri, Port Harcourt and Mubi.An intervention from her maternal grandfather N. K. Porbeni, a renowned Ijaw chief from Delta State led her to study architecture rather than the creative arts. “He travelled all the way from Warri [to the UK] to tell me in no uncertain terms that my father hadn’t spent all that money on my education for me to study Fine Art”, she said in a 2007 interview.Mrs. Alison-Maueke began her architecture training in the UK. It is unclear why she abandoned her studies in the UK, but she later moved to the United States to do a 5-year architecture course at Howard University. She graduated in 1992. Right after her graduation from Howard, she was employed by SPDC and would continue to go through the ranks, heading strategy and planning team handling its joint ventures with the NNPC. By this time, she was married to a former military governor of Imo and Enugu State, Alison Madueke.In 2006, she was appointed Executive Director, Facilities, becoming the company’s first female Nigerian director in its entire history. Ann Pickard, the controversial American who headed Shell’s operations in Nigeria from 2005-2010 fast-tracked her from mid-level executive, singling out her and other promising young women for top roles. Perhaps Ms. Pickard, believed to have placed moles in the Nigerian government –according to US diplomatic cables leaked by Wikileaks – and described as “having a willingness to manipulate every available political angle to further the company’s interests”, saw a reflection of herself in the younger woman.While at Shell, she was rumoured to be involved in contract racketeering and it was not uncommon to see staff in the corridor whispering about her dirty deals during lunch breaks. “The Business Integrity Department takes time to act”, an insider in Shell Nigeria revealed on the condition of anonymity, because the company strictly forbids unauthorised persons from talking to the media. “It can be tracking an executive for years, so it would have caught up on her activities sooner or later. She got away with it because she was ED for just over a year.”In July 2007, she was named Minister of Transport. Her tenure was brief and uneventful save for when she wept openly in August that year while inspecting a bad road. Between December 2008 and March 2010, she was heading the Ministry of Mines & Steel Development.During her time in the Ministry of Mines & Steel Development, it funded ‘Hollywood Glamour Collection’, a new limited-edition collection of Nigerian gold and gemstone jewelry by the popular jeweler Chris Aire. The collection was unveiled at an exclusive event in Beverly Hills, California on April 7, 2010, barely hours after Mrs. Alison-Madueke had been moved to the petroleum ministry. In the months after, Mr. Aire registered new companies for the sole purpose of being awarded questionable contracts to handle crude lifting, earning over an estimated $30,000 daily.Her royal heritage, love for jewellery, style and the finer things of life inevitably drew swift comparisons with the late Princess Diana of Great Britain. In time, friends, well-wishers and hangers-on began to call her Princess Di.THE MENOne of these hangers-on was Donald Chidi Amamgbo, the lawyer who reportedly became her lover for a while when they met at Howard. Usually described by the Nigerian press as her cousin, he hails from Imo State, not Bayelsa and runs a thriving U.S.-based legal practice, Amamgbo & Associates. In 2012, he was put on probation by the state bar of California for misconduct.When government appointees and politicians in general assume office, friends, well-wishers, government contractors and stakeholders in their specific industry find ways to contact them through their network, sending unsolicited gifts to them and their relatives and taking out pages in the newspapers for congratulatory advertorials.“When someone sends you a $10,000 watch here or expensive jewellery there with no favours asked, you have to call one day to say thanks and have the person visit”, said a former staff of the ministry, who asked not to be named because he still works for the government and has not been permitted to talk to the press. “Or your daughter calls from Dubai that an unknown person paid her tuition for two years and sublet an apartment for her. Can you say no? Even the Bible says it that ‘A man’s gift maketh a way for him’.”No one knows for sure which gifts came to Mrs. Alison-Madueke from some of the men at the centre of the storm in her world today. But they worked regardless because they became her close associates soon enough. There was Kola Aluko, an oil trader seeking a big break; Mr. Omokore, a shipping magnate looking to diversify and swell his fortune. There were also the fronts and middlemen, Benedict Peters and Walter Wagbatsoma.One of the many billionaire conquests of supermodel Naomi Campbell, Mr. Aluko was born and bred in Lagos as one of the nine children of Akanni Aluko, a geologist and popular traditional chief in Ilesha, Osun State. His first reported stint in the oil business was in 1995, after years of wandering through the pharmaceutics and automobile industries, when he cofounded Besse Oil, an oil trading firm. By the mid-2000s, one of his serial companies, Exoro Energy International merged with a partner firm, Weatherford, to become Seven Energy. It was run by Aluko who had one per cent equity, alongside Mr. Omokore and a third man, Phillip Ihenacho.Kogi-born Mr. Omokore, who was given the title of Elegbe of Egbe in his hometown in October 2014 for his commitment to his town, was an affiliate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) from state to national level. As a government financier, he was rewarded with waivers and mega contracts from agriculture to oil & gas.From time to time, there were contingency bailouts requested by members of the inner caucus of government. After the 2012 flooding disaster, he donated N50 million to the victims.In February 2014, Lamido Sanusi, then governor of the central bank was suspended by Mr. Jonathan after a controversial statement about missing $20 billion in crude oil earnings. According to an insider in the oil & gas sector who did not want to be identified due to his current position, Mr. Omokore allegedly doled out $200,000 to a number of local journalists to begin a campaign against the outspoken central bank governor; Mr. Jonathan had apparently fallen for the bait and wanted the pressure off his beloved minister.In 2010, Shell was plagued with a lot of issues in its onshore operations. Oil spills across the Niger Delta had gotten it into a lot of legal tussles; its goodwill with the host communities had been on a decline since the days of slain environmental activist, Ken Saro Wiwa in the 1990s; militants had wreaked considerable havoc on its asset causing countless force majeures; the government was seeking to get more local marginal field operators out onshore. It has gone on a large-scale divesting spree since then. That same year, Shell fixed one of the major pipelines in the country – the 97 kilometre-long Nembe Creek Trunkline passing through 14 oil pumping stations – for $1.1 billion. By November 2013, it was on the market.The company went ahead then to divest its stake (45 per cent) in asset held in joint venture partnership with NNPC which held the remainder (55 per cent) on behalf of the Nigerian government, and focus on the less ‘dramatic’ offshore fields. The divested fields were the OMLs 4, 26, 30, 34, 38, 40, 41 and 42 and Shell sold them to indigenous operators, raking in a total $2.3 billion.Meanwhile NNPC transferred its shares to one of its many loss-making subsidiaries, the Nigerian Petroleum Development Company, NPDC, for $1.8 billion as valued by the Department of Petroleum Resources, DPR. Till date, over $1.7 billion is outstanding as only $100m has been remitted to NNPC which wholly owns it.On September 16, 2011, a Strategic Alliance Agreement (SAA) was signed between the NPDC and Septa Energy, a subsidiary of Seven Energy for OMLs 4, 38 and 41. Another SAA was signed with Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts (AEDC) Ltd for OMLs 30 and 34. These companies were registered in tax havens like the British Virgin Islands and in the United Kingdom, limiting the revenue payable to the Nigerian government in form of taxes.The contracts were awarded by single-source procurement, in clear violation of Nigeria’s Public Procurement Act which stipulates that bids be subject to public tender and competitive. Mrs Alison-Madueke also contravened a guideline under the Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry Content Development Act 2010 that mandated companies wanting to lift Nigerian crude to show records of involvement in the industry in the preceding ten years.SAAs are usually signed between two or more companies for a number of reasons including collaborating to augment technical expertise, meet capital requirement or reduce high costs of operation. NNPC adopted this approach to meet the huge capital requirement for cash call and lack of required skill and manpower at the corporation.According to the terms of the SAAs, the partner company provides the capital outlay required to lift crude in the assets supplied by the NPDC as well as non-refundable entry fees of $0.30 per barrel and $0.010/mcf, 70 days after the start of exploration activity. It was to recoup its investment by lifting crude. Quite interestingly, another requirement was that the collaborating firm pay a fixed sum of $350,000 per asset annually for five years to facilitate the training of NPDC staff. This came to $1.4 million per year and Atlantic Energy never paid up.Till date, Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) is pursuing Atlantic Energy to get its tax returns. And while the NNPC has moved to terminate the SAAs so it can get new partners who will pay as at when due, a court order obtained in October 2016 by Seven Energy, may be restraining it from doing so.“NPDC has till date paid only $100m for those eight OMLs but is still enjoying the benefits of an owner”, says Waziri Adio, executive secretary of the Nigeria Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (NEITI) which tracks revenues accruing to government.An alternate commercial valuation byPricewaterhouseCoopers in 2015 took Shell’s divested assets into consideration and roughly estimated these eight assets to be worth $3.4 billion in total.“NPDC brought them on as partners because they are supposed to have financial capacity and technical capacity even though the assumption is that NPDC itself has financial and technical capacity to manage the assets”, Adio explains. “These firms had neither and the same assets were used in raising the money. What stops NPDC from raising the money and hiring contractors to do this job as well?”Essentially, an unnecessary medium was created to pay the SAA partners for sourcing capital which they used the national assets to raise. All of this was possible because of Mrs Alison-Madueke’s discretionary powers.In 2014, Mr Sanusi told the Senate that Atlantic had lifted over $7 billion worth of oil between January 2012 and July 2013, but while the NPDC had paid $400 million as petroleum profit tax (PPT), its partner had paid nothing, flouting the PPT Act 2007.“The profit sharing arrangement was too good to be true”, The Cable screamed in its analysis. “Under Article 10 (d) (i)-(v), the two parties were to share “profit oil” and “profit gas” in ratios of 90% for NPDC to 10% for Atlantic (“profit oil” and “profit gas” with regards to undepreciated costs associated to capital costs prior to execution of agreement); 40% to 60% (upon full recovery of development costs by Atlantic); and, thereafter, it would be 70% to 30%.”“Up to the full recovery of development costs related to the continental resources, “profit oil” was to be shared 40% to 60% and, thereafter, 70% to 30%. For the “profit gas” upon full recovery of development costs regarding non-associated gas by Atlantic, NPDC would take 30% and Atlantic 70%, and reverse to 30% to 70% thereafter. Profit gas” from the continental resources was to be shared 30% to NPDC and 70% to Atlantic, and thereafter, 70% to NPDC and 30% to Atlantic.”“When you look at the depositions from the US courts, you see that it (the SAA) was a cover for Mrs Alison-Madueke and others to cream off things that should have come to the Federal Republic of Nigeria”, Mr Adio concludes. According to a July 2017 affidavit at a federal high court, Messrs. Aluko and Omokore owe the Nigerian government the princely sum of $1,762,338,184.40.Curiously, the 55% held by NPDC was not given to the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS), the NNPC subsidiary concerned with supervising Nigeria’s joint ventures (JVs), production sharing contracts (PSCs) and services contracts (SCs). Why then did the NNPC transfer them to the NPDC, which had no capacity for exploration?Back in March 1999, as former military head of state, Abdusalami Abubakar was wrapping up his eleven-month stint in office and preparing for the transition from military to democratic rule, the Deep Offshore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Contracts Act was sent to his desk. The bill was meant to stem declining investment in the upstream sector at that point in time due to the absence of a defined fiscal structure. Nigeria had also entered PSC agreements in 1993* and did not have legal backing for the agreements it was entering.Particularly significant was Section 16.For the purpose of the efficient management of Production Sharing Contracts and joint ventures under this Decree, the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (in this Decree referred to as “NAPIMS’) shall be incorporated into a limited liability company under the Companies and Allied Matters Decree 1990, as amended.Accordingly, NAPIMS shall be vested with the exploration and production properties and assets owned by the Federal Republic of Nigeria for the purposes of this Decree.It was following in a tradition of governments signing controversial or hard-hitting legislations at the end of their tenure. Nineteen days to Democracy Day (May 29, 1999), the bill was signed into law; however, a single clause present in the initial version had been deleted. It was Section 16.The amendment effectively opened the floodgates. “With that clause, JVs would have been incorporated”, says a source within the Ministry of Petroleum who requested to be named because he does not have the permission to on the matter. “If they were, as opposed to the unincorporated JVs agreement we run currently, quite a few things would not be permissible. NPDC would pay its bills, crude lifted will be accounted for, recently incorporated companies will not be given such juicy OMLs to operate, cash calls will not be paid ‘mistakenly’ etc.”“Will NPDC use shareholders’ funds to be doing rubbish?”, the source asked rhetorically. “Will an incorporated company setup to make profit be acting so silly? So many ifs.”If the deleted clause was a loophole, the discretionary powers given to the oil minister in the Petroleum Act was a spade that helped Mrs Alison-Madueke dig into depths previously unknown. The entire petroleum industry is controlled by the president and the minister; the former appoints the latter who is then empowered by law. Only the National Assembly could have checked her excesses, but it didn’t.“The political pressure on petroleum ministers to finance elections has turned NNPC into petty cash machine for government”, says Bassey (last name withheld for anonymity), an industry insider. “That the minister has discretionary powers that makes things worse and that’s what we’re trying to unbundle with the PIB. Discretion can make or mar our industry but it is clear what happens in Nigeria.”Who and what institutions dropped the ball and allowed her fully exercise those powers? “The CBN was definitely not one of them, because Mr Sanusi kept harping on the rot in the oil sector”, says Mr Bassey. “The greatest enablers of corruption are civil servants who keep quiet or look the other way to save their jobs because of the god complex of chief executives in Nigeria. Red flags were raised only because of inter-agency collusion with banks, audit firms etc.”“The government is one single unit”, emphasizes Kola Banwo of Abuja-based Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Center. “Institutions have roles but usually, with the nature of patronage and corrupt party system we operate, corruption is endemic. The NNPC has internal mechanisms and systems to prevent fraud. The relevant National Assembly Committees have oversight roles and could have prevented this. The Office of the Auditor-General could also have made some difference. The EFCC, ICPC, etc. However, these all formed part of the problem and so did nothing then. Some action from one or all of these, could have reduced if not prevented what happened during that period.”Those in the know say it was the impunitywith which Mrs Alison-Madueke broke the rules that set her apart from those before her. There were times when she stopped receiving visitors at the office and made them come to her in the comfort of her official residence. She would keep governors waiting for hours, dodge calls from CEOs and chairpersons of multinationals, employ domestic staff on the bill of the corporation and more.Mrs Alison-Madueke requested kickbacks from her collaborators to approve dubious contracts and the infamous oil swaps which Buhari ended in November 2015. Mr Aluko for instance, admitted paying rent for Mrs Beatrice Agama’s luxury home in Parkwood Point, St. Edmund’s Terrace, St. John’s Wood, London, describing it as “simply gifts to a friend, given long after Atlantic had signed its deal.”Under her, the NNPC ran accounts that CBN and Ministry of Finance were unaware of. The president would regularly send people to her with odd financial requests and she became the nation’s unofficial treasury with the state corporation as her petty cash ATM. As a result, she was not remitting funds and records to the Ministry of Finance which as in turn unable to remit to the CBN.In the run-up to the 2015 elections, pressure mounted again on Mrs Alison-Madueke to deliver funding and then something happened. In October 2014, Bernard Otti a director at the NNPC was appointed deputy group managing director (Finance and Accounts), a position created entirely out of thin air. The press release justified his appointment as needed to transform NNPC into a commercially-driven entity but the truth was that he had to close some deals to secure election funding.After the Mr Buhari’s inauguration, he ran to the UK after reportedly entering a plea bargain with the EFCC; With his help, the EFCC traced monies allocated for the Ekiti gubernatorial elections and other issues. His retirement was later announced by Kachikwu in August 2015.Audits by both PwC and KPMG showed that the NNPC had at its discretion, spent an average of $6 billion annually from 2011 to 2013 and there were no watertight records. A similar amount had also not been remitted on a yearly basis by NNPC to the CBN.After studying the patterns and making calculations, Mr Sanusi cried out in a September 2013 20-page memo to Jonathan that $20 billion was missing. The NNPC claimed the money had been spent on subsidy payments for kerosene and pipeline maintenance even though Mr Yar’adua had ended the payments in July 2009. Another audit by PwC was submitted before the 2015 elections but never released by the government.“Civil society has always suspected that there was corruption in the oil sector”, reveals Banwo. “When information of extravagant spending for maintain jet emerged, civil society raised alarm, called for investigations and her immediate resignation or removal, which the then president ignored. The NASS set up a committee to probe but nothing came out of it.”“When in 2015, the then CBN Governor alleged that she was responsible for the missing $20 Billion from the NNPC coffers, civil society also initiated a campaign for her investigation and removal. The impunity in the then government allowed her get away with the deeds.”If Mrs Alison-Madueke was Princess Di, then Mr Aluko, who was last seen in Porza-Lugano, Switzerland, in 2016, was The Fresh Prince. He owned quite a few private jets and an $80 million yacht, Galactica Star; in September 2013, it was rented to Jay-Z and Beyoncé at the cost of $900,000 a week for two weeks for the latter’s 32nd birthday party. A big fan of Ayrton Senna, he is also a car racing enthusiast and placed third with a Ferrari 458 GT2 at Rome’s Vallelunga circuit in December 2012. Mr Aluko was also the owner of the eighth most expensive condo in New York, costing a mere $50 million.Omokore likewise had expensive lovers including Porsha Williams of; Sanomi and co would reportedly send jets to different cities to pick random girls for weekend parties in cities in another continent. It was the good life.The US Department of Justice (DOJ) has filed a lawsuit under its Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative against the trio asking for the forfeiture of assets worth $144 million,proceeds from the oil contracts. Mr Aluko remains elusive while Omokore has been arraigned in court since July 2016. Mrs Alison-Madueke herself has been arrested even though she is yet to be tried in court. The proverbial mills of God that grind slowly, seem to at last be grinding well“She kept saying ‘when we come back’, says Mr Bassey. “She did not think that Jonathan would lose the elections. Maybe the opaque deals would have continued till now.”Beyond Mrs Alison-Madueke and her oil men, perhaps the biggest fear of stakeholders in the industry is that there could be deja vu in this administration or another. As the salacious details of her time in government circulate, the loopholes that made this possible remain open. The NNPC currently remains more of a political financing tool than a truly national oil company like her peers globally. Newcomers to the party will be happy to take notes – literally.This report was made possible by the BudgIT Media Fellowship 2017 with support from Natural Resource Governance Institute.http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/242769-special-report-diezani-men-deals-bled-nigeria.html