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What should Joe Biden do in the Middle East?

Ioe Biden has made no secret of his frustration with Saudi Arabia. A “pariah” with “very little social redeeming value”, he called its government in 2019. One of his first acts as president was to end American support for the Saudi-led war in Yemen. Last week he released an intelligence report that blamed the kingdom’s crown prince, Muhammad bin Salman, for the murder of a journalist in 2018. But at that point Mr Biden’s ideals collided with America’s national interest. The prince may be a brute, but he is also in charge of an important American ally. In the end Mr Biden decided that the cost of punishing him would have been too high.This is all part of a larger cost-benefit analysis taking place in the White House. Mr Biden has signalled that he wants to make the Middle East less of a priority. He has good reason to pull back. America has thousands of soldiers spread across Arab countries, yet its interventions have produced dismal results. Many Americans argue that their country should instead focus on countering China’s growing global influence. The question facing the Biden administration is how to lighten America’s burden in the Middle East while still protecting its vital interests there. That will not be easy.As US President Joe Biden takes office and confronts the mire of interlocking crises that afflict the Middle East, he has an opportunity to score some early successes and avoid familiar minefields that loom ahead. In a first project of trilateral collaboration, the directors and strategists from leading think tanks in the United States, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Israel have submitted nine recommendations on issues that deserve priority treatment from the new administration. They range from fighting the COVID-19 pandemic and restraining Iran’s nuclear program, to resuscitating Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts.Leveraging a new regional landscape of cooperation made possible by the Abraham Accords, the Atlantic Councilin Washington, the Emirates Policy Center in Abu Dhabi, and the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv formed a strategic partnership in October 2020. The three institutions will tap the expertise of their researchers in the fields of government, diplomacy, security, intelligence, business, and media to offer guidance to policymakers over the coming years. Through joint reports, conferences, and online seminars, the partners intend to reinforce regional stability and promote mutually beneficial ties between Israel and the Arab world.The alignment of many Arab, Israeli, and American visions represents a new architecture in the Middle East. It signals a tectonic shift that creates new diplomatic options and geopolitical levers. While brokered by the Donald Trump White House, the Abraham Accords offer valuable new tools of economic statecraft, which the Biden team should embrace.Implementation of these recommendations can be kicked off during the first half of 2021.1. Develop a Middle East regional response to the COVID-19 pandemic for controlling the virus’s spread and distributing vaccines. Addressing the impact of the coronavirus continues in 2021 to be the world’s most pressing need and requires coordination throughout the Middle East and North Africa. Cooperation in vaccine research by Israel and the UAE sets one good example. The Biden administration should work with the World Health Organization, the World Bank, and other agencies to ensure that poorer countries in the region can make the vaccine available to their populations as well.2. Consult closely with Middle East allies while working to curtail Iran’s nuclear ambitions and regional aggression. Drawing lessons from the conflicting approaches of the Barack Obama and Trump administrations, the United States should establish an official channel for multilateral dialogue with the Gulf states and Israel, perhaps adding Egypt and Jordan, with the expressed goal of finding ways to mitigate threats from Iran—which include nuclear proliferation, hostile intervention within the region and beyond, ballistic missiles, cyber operations, and disinformation campaigns. Initiate planning toward building necessary military, intelligence, and civilian security resources in Israel, the UAE, and Bahrain for the sake of collaboratively addressing the threats posed by Iran and its proxies. Returning to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) should be done only in conjunction with aligned efforts to secure Iran’s commitment to correct the outstanding points of contention.3. Make a declaration that eases concerns about US military withdrawal from the Middle East. The Biden administration should authorize an independent panel drawn from the United States, European allies, and other regional partners to review the US presence in the Middle East and recommend how Arab-Israeli normalization can help secure the region. The presence of US military forces contributes to stability in the region and the advancement of normalization. The panel should also address US concerns about Chinese and Russian efforts to gain access to its technologies and databases. The review should examine how to ensure the flow of energy through essential maritime routes such as the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandeb. The United States should maintain its naval and air capabilities in Bahrain and Qatar but not require additional manpower. The panel should direct a dialogue with regional partners on cooperation in scientific and technological fields with the aim of elevating both US and regional sectors and reducing attempts by America’s competitors to dominate markets in the region.4. Promote Arab-Israeli cooperation as a catalyst for peace, security, and prosperity in the Middle East and beyond. Encourage countries across the region to establish open ties with Israel, providing incentives and including steps towards regional peace. Boost multilateral efforts that promote peace and prosperity in the region, including through continuing funding for the Middle East Desalination Research Center (MEDRC) in Oman. Senior leaders of the United States, Israel, and Arab states should resolve to air differences discreetly and avoid enabling spoiler narratives that undermine normalization.5. Restructure Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts. Work to rehabilitate a durable two-state outcome that establishes political, territorial, and demographic separation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) through transitional arrangements. The Biden administration should work to create a pathway for diplomatic engagement between Israel and the PA, and offer assurances that Israel’s security will not be harmed by Palestinian statehood. The United States should restore Palestinian economic and humanitarian assistance, address the crisis in Gaza, and reinstate the Jerusalem consulate. Arab states should be helpful in supporting Palestinian participation, politically and materially. Israel should take constructive steps to improve conditions for peace and limit actions that undermine progress between the parties. The PA should resume full security cooperation with Israel and end policies that reward violence against Israelis. All parties should work to address the threat posed by Hamas’ continued control of Gaza.6. Coordinate counterterrorism and civilian security efforts with NATO, Israel, and Arab partners through training local allies, addressing the threat of violent extremists such as ISIS. Establish a mechanism for military, intelligence, and civil security cooperation to advance joint priorities regarding counterterrorism, missile defense, intelligence sharing, and operational planning that includes the United States, Israel, and Arab states. Begin joint military exercises and training with Israel and Arab partners on naval de-mining, and defending against unmanned aerial vehicles and improvised explosive devices. Open discussion with nations of the Abraham Accords and countries of strategic importance to the United States in the region like Saudi Arabia about a regional security order.Refrain from immediate decisive action on the Saudi relationship but do start the process of diplomacy with the kingdom, as the kingdom’s near complete revision of its stance on the sponsorship of religious extremism can make it an important partner going forward in preventing and countering terrorism and radical recruitment in the region and beyond. Saudi Arabia has the ability to lower energy prices to a point that could set back the Biden energy diversification agenda. Balancing America’s interests against its differences with Saudi Arabia is a foreign policy puzzle for every US administration.7. Address humanitarian disasters stemming from armed conflict in Yemen, Syria, Libya, and Iraq. Create a “consultation only” security roundtable with the United States, European allies, Israel, and Arab or Muslim-majority states to discuss how regional conflicts could spill over to participating nations. Current priorities could include Libya, Syria, Lebanon, Somalia, Sudan, and the changing role of Turkey. Promote stabilization, religious tolerance, backchannel dialogue, and political transition efforts.8. Channel interest from the business community and civil society within Israel and the Gulf states to reinforce political links. Bringing together US, Israeli, and Emirati technological aptitude with resources and manpower can drive all parties forward on vital projects that traverse the region—including multinational rail lines, fiber-optic networks, and oil and gas pipelines. Authorize a joint commission of experts to draft recommendations for improved intra-regional energy infrastructure to reduce dependence on adversarial providers exploiting their neighbors’ energy vulnerabilities.9. Encourage people-to-people contacts between the United States, Israel, and Arab countries that have diplomatic ties with Israel. The Biden administration has made a positive step in signing an executive order to reverse the restriction on citizens of several Muslim-majority countries traveling to the United States. Use this moment to create a positive trajectory. Encourage Middle Eastern students to enroll in US universities. Establish an exchange program to promote people-to-people ties. Institute an official exchange scholarship—with US federal funds and similar to the Fulbright program—in each nation, celebrating the Abraham Accords. Explore cooperative synergies in areas such as education toward tolerance, the environment, and opportunities for youth and the disabled.

How do I make $1,000 from Google AdSense?

HOW TO START MAKING MONEY ONLINE WITH GOOGLE ADSENSE !Using Google AdSense to monetize your website or app traffic with display ads is one of the simplest & most effective monetization methods. However, although it’s a relatively simple concept, you need to understand some specifics for success.In this article, we’d like to show you how to start making money with Google AdSense. Keep in mind that we’ll only be focusing on AdSense and optimizing your ads. We’re not going to discuss creating a website that generates traffic.To effectively use this guide, you’ll already need a website that’s generating traffic, or you should be busy building one.WHAT IS GOOGLE ADSENSE AND HOW DOES IT WORK?AdSense is an ad network that connects publishers and advertisers. Publishers connect their websites to the ad network, thereby allowing advertisers to bid for displaying their ads on those websites. If a website visitor clicks or views an ad, the publisher gets paid a specific portion of the advertiser’s bid for the ad. Google takes the difference as the fee.HOW TO APPLY FOR AN ADSENSE ACCOUNT, WHAT DO YOU NEED?Google is very particular about who they allow into their ad network. They want to keep the quality of websites high and maintain the integrity of their ad network.There are some basic requirements every publisher needs to adhere to. You need to be:-18 years old.-Have an active Gmail account that’s not linked to an AdSense account.-Have a website that meets all of Google’s terms of service.You need to comply with the Google program policies, but we also recommend a few additional requirements to ensure you get accepted. This includes having a website with at least 30 pages of unique content, that’s three months old and generating some traffic. The more traffic your website generates, the better and the higher your earning potential.We’re not going to go into too much detail about the process of getting an account as we’ve already written a complete guide about it here.HOW LONG DOES IT TAKE TO GET APPROVED?Usually, publishers get accepted within 24-48 hours, but it can even take up to 1-2 weeks to get approved.DIFFERENT TYPES OF ADSENSE ADSOnce you are approved, you’re ready to start running AdSense ads and generate ad revenue. Before you do that, it’s best to understand the different types of ad units. There are five different types of AdSense ad units. These include display, in-feed, in-article, matched content, and link ads.Display ads: Typical display ad units that are responsive and fit in most screen sizes. These ads work well almost anywhere. This type of ad can be responsive and automatically adapt to the screen size of the device where it’s being served. It can also be configured to have fixed sizes and is compatible with AMP (Accelerated Mobile Pages).In-feed ads: Native ads that fit in a feed, sidebar, or list. They flow naturally and provides a better user experience.In-article ads: Native ads that fit within the content of an article without disrupting the reading experience.Matched content ads: Ads that recommend your website content to users, which help increase pageviews, user time on page, and their potential to click on your ads.Link ads: Ads in a text link format that can be responsive or with a fixed size. It displays topics relevant to your page content.CREATING YOUR FIRST AD UNITAd units refer to the advertisement space within a specific web page or mobile app where you display your ads. To do so, you first need to create an ad unit and then add the code wherever you want that ad displayed within your website.Creating your first ad unit is relatively easy, and we recommend that you start with display ads.There are many ways of adding ad units to your website. Depending on the website platform you use, you might need to edit the website code to add your ad units. Some platforms have built-in functionality that supports ads and make it a lot easier to add your ad unit code.With platforms like WordPress, you can make use of various plugins, website widgets, and sitewide settings through themes to display your ads. You can find out about the multiple ways of implementing ad code here.Find out how to create an ad unit here.THE MINDSET YOU NEED TO BE SUCCESSFULSuccess doesn’t happen overnight. Give the system time to adapt and show you its potential. It could take at least a couple weeks for the numbers to start climbing – if you are doing the right thing. “Doing the right thing” means:You comply with the policiesYour ads are highly viewable (IAB recommends at least 70% viewability)You publish high quality and engaging content which results in longer session durationYou don’t flood your site with too many adsYou make changes one at a time and monitor the impact on performanceWhen deploying changes, your goal is to find out which of them has negative versus positive results. If you don’t have the discipline and you launch an army of changes at once, if something goes wrong, there’s no way you can pinpoint which one caused it.During the initial launch, give it time – at least two weeks. Once the numbers are fully adjusted, go ahead, and experiment with your ad optimization strategies. A few things to consider optimizing or experimenting with:Ad placements. Check out our guide to ad placements here.Ad sizesAd format or colorsNumber of ads per pageAuto ads (on versus off)Running AdSense as backfill on Google Ad Manager to compete in real-time with other demand partners you have in your stackRunning AdSense hardcoded (not using an ad server)Again, experiment with one strategy at a time – give it a couple of weeks. Run your reports and focus on the most important key performance indicators: viewability % and CTR, plus the overall impact on revenue and CPMs.Filter out bad strategies or those that are not working. Keep optimizing until you’re satisfied with the numbers. Take note of seasonality, having the first quarter of the year as the lowest in advertising, so you certainly cannot compare performance in March versus April. Just like the first month of each quarter, the first week of any month is usually not that great either as it’s when advertising budgets are still being adjusted.The bottom line – have a plan, set a timeline, evaluate results.EASY ADSENSE AD OPTIMIZATION TECHNIQUES TO TESTNow that you’ve started to get the hang of Google AdSense and you’re generating some ad revenue, you can look into ad optimization techniques. Here are two very powerful techniques for you to consider:Auto ads – AdSense auto ads are an easy way to optimize your ad revenue while allowing Google to do all the heavy lifting for you. With auto ads, Google uses machine learning to automatically inject ad units into your website and optimize them without overriding pre-existing ad units. You can also select which type of ad you want to use with auto ads. We’ve written a guide on how to implement them here.Sticky ad units – Sticky ads or anchor ads are designed to stay in a fixed position while the user scrolls down the page. When implementing ads this way, it results in a higher viewability and increased ad revenue for publishers. There are some restrictions when implementing them via Google AdSense. Find out how to implement sticky ads for AdSense here.PROTECTING YOUR ACCOUNT AGAINST INVALID TRAFFIC & WHAT NOT TO DOInvalid traffic can result in revenue clawbacks and publishers getting their banned from AdSense. With revenue clawbacks, AdSense withholds a part of the ad earnings due to invalid click activity, which means you don’t get paid for clicks on your ads.If you thought getting a clawback was bad, an invalid traffic ban is even worse. If you get your account banned, it means that AdSense stops serving ads on your site. It’s also an uphill battle to get your account reinstated.You can find out more about how Google defines invalid traffic over here. Invalid traffic includes publishers clicking on their ads (don’t ever do that), accidental clicks, click bots, and more.You don’t want to mess around with invalid traffic since it can ruin your business. So many AdSense publishers are oblivious to it. That’s why MonetizeMore has developed a service called Traffic Cop! Traffic Cop protects publishers from the effects of invalid traffic, receiving revenue clawbacks, and getting their ad accounts banned.Traffic Cop detects all forms of invalid traffic and, at the same time, prevents invalid traffic from seeing and clicking on your ads. We highly recommend that you use some measure to protect your business from invalid traffic, of which Traffic Cop is a highly effective and very affordable solution.Find out more about Traffic Cop here.HOW TO RAMP UP YOUR ADSENSE AD REVENUE?In the ad optimization world, AdSense is seen as the beginner stage to earning ad revenue. Many publishers make great deals of money or full-time incomes with AdSense alone. However, often these publishers have a lot of traffic and/or very high-quality traffic but also use advanced ad optimization techniques and additional ad networks to take their ad revenue to the next level.We’ve created an in-depth AdSense course called PubGuru University: School of AdSense. There we teach publishers how to master their ad inventory and maximize their ad revenue using a step-by-step over-the-shoulder video teaching approach. Students earn an AdSense Certification when they finish the course & pass the final exam!Ready to master AdSense like the pros? Become an ad ops guru with PubGuru University! Get access to our School Of AdSense, Ad Exchange, and Google Ad Manager courses for only $199. Click Here To Enroll!WHAT IF YOU DON’T GET ACCEPTED INTO ADSENSE OR WANT TO TEST OUT DIFFERENT AD NETWORKS?AdSense can be very strict, and sometimes publishers don’t get accepted into the ad network. It might seem like all is lost, but there are some alternatives available. AdSense remains one of the best ad networks out there, but we’ve identified some great AdSense alternatives to try out.You need to have a testing mindset when it comes to monetizing your website with ads and ad optimization in general. Not all ad networks are equal. Some focus on specific niches or verticals, while others focus on traffic from specific geographical locations. It will be different for every publisher.Our list of ad networks and AdSense alternatives will be the best place to start and figure which ad networks suit your specific needs the best.CONCLUSIONFinally, now you’re ready to take on the world of AdSense and ad monetization! Do you need help optimizing your AdSense ads and maximizing ad revenue? Our ad optimization teams are standing by, ready to help take your business to the next level. Sign up to MonetizeMore today!GET MY AD OPTIMIZATION TIPS AND TACTICS DELIVERED TO YOUR MAILBOX.FULL NAMEEMAIL*WEBSITE ADDRESS*MY WEBSITE'S CONTENT IS MOSTLY*User-generatedNews-basedCurated/AggregatedListiclesApps & GamesDownloadable mediaOthers (please specify in the box below)IF OTHERS: DESCRIBE YOUR TYPE OF CONTENTSUBSCRIBEKEAN GRAHAMCEO AND FOUNDER AT MONETIZEMOREKean is the resident expert in Ad Optimization covering areas like Adsense Optimization, DFP Management, and third-party ad network partnerships. Kean believes in the supremacy of direct publisher deals and holistic optimization as keys to effective and consistent ad revenue increases.

What ruler in history would you consider to be the most successful?

In history hm tough one one i really admire was the ruler of a very small state that did very well very quickly Lee Kuan YewGCMG CH SPMJ李光耀Lee Kuan Yew in 20021st Prime Minister of SingaporeIn office5 June 1959[1]– 28 November 1990PresidentYusof IshakBenjamin ShearesDevan NairWee Kim WeeGovernorSir William GoodeDeputyToh Chin ChyeGoh Keng SweeS RajaratnamGoh Chok TongOng Teng CheongPreceded byLim Yew Hock (as Chief Minister)Succeeded byGoh Chok TongMinister Mentor of SingaporeIn office12 August 2004 – 21 May 2011Prime MinisterLee Hsien LoongPreceded byPosition establishedSucceeded byPosition abolished2nd Senior Minister of SingaporeIn office28 November 1990 – 12 August 2004Prime MinisterGoh Chok TongPreceded byS. RajaratnamSucceeded byGoh Chok Tong1st Secretary-General of the People's Action PartyIn office21 November 1954 – 1 November 1992Preceded byPosition establishedSucceeded byGoh Chok TongMember of Parliamentfor Tanjong Pagar GRCTanjong Pagar SMC (1965–1991)In office9 August 1965 – 23 March 2015Preceded byParliament establishedSucceeded byIndranee Thurai RajahMember of the Legislative Assembly for Tanjong PagarIn office2 April 1955 – 9 August 1965Preceded byConstituency establishedSucceeded byLegislative Assemblyrenamed to Parliament of SingaporeMember of the Malaysian Parliament for SingaporeIn office2 November 1963[2]– 9 August 19651st Leader of the Opposition of SingaporeIn office22 April 1955 – 31 March 1959Preceded byPosition establishedSucceeded byLim Yew HockPersonal detailsBornHarry Lee Kuan Yew16 September 1923Singapore, Straits SettlementsDied23 March 2015 (aged 91)Singapore General Hospital, SingaporeCause of deathPneumoniaResting placeMandai CrematoriumCitizenshipSingaporeanNationalitySingaporeanPolitical partyPeople's Action Party (1955–2015)Spouse(s)Kwa Geok Choo(m.1950; died 2010)ChildrenLee Hsien Loong (son)Lee Wei Ling (daughter)Lee Hsien Yang (son)MotherChua Jim Neo (mother)FatherLee Chin Koon (father)Alma materRaffles InstitutionLondon School of EconomicsFitzwilliam College, CambridgeLee Kuan YewLee's name in Chinese charactersChinese李光耀showTranscriptionsLee Kuan Yew GCMG CH SPMJ (16 September 1923 – 23 March 2015), commonly referred to by his initials LKY and sometimes referred to in his earlier years as Harry Lee, was the first Prime Minister of Singapore, governing for three decades. Lee is recognised as the nation's founding father, with the country described as transitioning from the "third world country to first world country in a single generation" under his leadership.After attending the London School of Economics, Lee graduated from Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, with double starred-first-class honours in law. He became a barrister of the Middle Temple in 1950, and practised law until 1959. Lee co-founded the People's Action Party (PAP) in 1954 and was its first secretary-general until 1992, leading the party to eight consecutive victories. After Lee chose to step down as Prime Minister in 1990, he served as Senior Minister under his successor Goh Chok Tong until 2004, then as Minister Mentor (an advisory post) until 2011, under his own son Lee Hsien Loong. In total, Lee held successive ministerial positions for 56 years. He continued to serve his Tanjong Pagar constituency for nearly 60 years as a member of parliament until his death in 2015.From 1991, he helmed the five-member Tanjong Pagar Group Representation Constituency and remained unopposed for a record five elections.Lee campaigned for Britain to relinquish its colonial rule, and eventually attained through a national referendum to merge with other former British territories to form Malaysia in 1963. However, racial strife and ideological differences led to its separation to become a sovereign city-state two years later. With overwhelming parliamentary control at every election, Lee oversaw Singapore's transformation from a British crown colony with a natural deep harbour to a developed economy. In the process, he forged a system of meritocratic, highly effective and incorrupt government and civil service. Many of his policies are now taught at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. Lee eschewed populist policies in favour of long-term social and economic planning. He championed meritocracy and multiracialism as governing principles, making English the common language to integrate its immigrant society and to facilitate trade with the West, whilst mandating bilingualism in schools to preserve students' mother tongue and ethnic identity.Lee's rule was criticised for curtailing civil liberties (media control and limits on public protests) and bringing libel suits against political opponents. He argued that such disciplinary measures were necessary for political stability which, together with the rule of law, were essential for economic progress,once saying: "Anybody who decides to take me on needs to put on knuckle-dusters. If you think you can hurt me more than I can hurt you, try. There is no other way you can govern a Chinese society".He died of pneumonia on 23 March 2015, aged 91. In a week of national mourning, 1.7 million residents and guests paid tribute to him at his lying-in-state at Parliament House and at community tribute sites around the island.Contents1Family background2Personal life3Education4Early life5Early political career (1951–1959)5.1Fajar trial5.2Formation of the People's Action Party5.3In opposition6Prime Minister, pre-independence (1959–1965)6.1Self-government administration (1959–1963)6.1.1PAP split of 19616.2Merger with Malaysia (1963–1965)6.2.1Lead up to merger6.2.2From merger to separation7Prime Minister, post-independence (1965–1990)7.1Decisions and policies7.1.1National security7.1.2Economy7.1.3Anti-corruption measures7.1.4Population policies7.1.5Corporal punishment7.1.6Water resources in Singapore7.2Relations with Malaysia7.2.1Mahathir Mohamad8Senior Minister (1990–2004)9Minister Mentor (2004–2011)10Retirement11Failing health and death12International organisations13Personal views13.1LGBT rights13.2Religious views14Legacy14.1Political legacy15Controversies15.1Devan Nair15.2Eugenics15.3FEER defamation case15.4International Herald Tribune defamation case15.5Islam16Population planning17Cultural depictions18Memoirs19Awards20Additional honours21See also22References23Further reading23.1Primary sources23.2Other sources24External linksFamily background[edit]Lee was a fourth-generation Singaporean of ethnic Chinese ancestry of mostly Hakka and Peranakan descent.His Hakka great-grandfather, Lee Bok Boon, born in 1846, emigrated from Dabu County, Guangdong, China, to Singapore in 1863.He married a shopkeeper's daughter, Seow Huan Nio, but returned to China in 1882, leaving behind his wife and three children. He died just two years after his return.Lee Kuan Yew's grandfather Lee Hoon Leong, was born in Singapore in 1871. He was educated in English at Raffles Institution, and graduated with the top mark among Malay and other Singaporean students in the school. Lee Hoon Leong then worked as a dispenser, an unqualified pharmacist, and later as a purser on a steamship of the Heap Eng Moh Shipping Line, then owned by a Chinese Indonesian businessman, Oei Tiong HamWhile working as a purser, Lee Hoon Leong, aged 26, married 16-year-old Ko Liem Nio, an Indonesian Peranakan,in Semarang, Java, Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia).It was an arranged marriage, as was then the custom. Both families were middle-class, and the bride and groom were both English-educated. Lee Hoon Leong's maternal grandfather owned the Katong market, a few rubber estates and houses at Orchard Road.Lee Hoon Leong eventually became managing director of the Heap Eng Moh Steamship Company Ltd.Lee Hoon Leong had two wives, which was common at that time, and fathered five daughters and three sons. His son Lee Chin Koon was educated in English too. He married Chua Jim Neo, a Peranakan,who gave birth to Lee Kuan Yew, their first child, in 1923, in Singapore. Lee Kuan Yew had three younger brothers: Dennis Lee Kim Yew (1925–2003; lawyer and member of Lee & Lee), Freddy Lee Thiam Yew (1927–2012; former Chairman of stockbroker J Ballas and Company)and Dr Lee Suan Yew (President of Singapore Medical Council); and one younger sister, Monica Lee Kim Mon.Like Lee Kuan Yew, his brother Dennis read law at the University of Cambridge, and they set up a law firm, Lee & Lee. Edmund W. Barker, Lee's close friend, also joined the law firm. Lee and Barker later left the law firm to enter politics. Lee's brother Freddy became a stockbroker; another brother, Suan Yew, read medicine at the University of Cambridge and opened a successful practice.Lee Kuan Yew's grandfathers' wealth declined considerably during the Great Depression. However, his father had a secure job as a shopkeeper at Shell, where he was eventually promoted to depot manager and provided with a chauffeured car and houseHis aunt, Lee Choo Neo, was the first female doctor to practice in Singapore.Lee Kuan Yew once described his father as a man who affected his family negatively due to his nasty temper, and Lee learned from a young age to keep his temper in check.Personal life[edit]Lee's English-educated parents named him 'Kuan Yew', which stands for 'light and brightness', with an alternate meaning 'bringing great glory to one's ancestors'. His paternal grandfather gave him the English name 'Harry'.Lee and his wife, Kwa Geok Choo, were married on 30 September 1950. Both spoke English as their first language; Lee first started learning Chinese in 1955, aged 32.He learned Japanese as an adult, and worked as a Japanese translator during the Japanese occupation of Singapore.Lee and Kwa had two sons and a daughter.Lee's elder son Lee Hsien Loong, a former Brigadier-General, became Prime Minister of Singapore in 2004. Several members of Lee's family hold prominent positions in Singaporean society. His younger son Lee Hsien Yang is likewise a former Brigadier-General, and former President and chief executive officer (CEO) of SingTel. He was the Chairman of the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore (CAAS).Lee's daughter, Lee Wei Ling, is the head of the National Neuroscience Institute. Lee Hsien Loong's wife, Ho Ching, is the Executive Director and CEO of Temasek Holdings.Kwa Geok Choo died on 2 October 2010.His grandson, Lee Hsien Yang’s second son, Li Huanwu, is openly gay, having married his partner, Heng Yirui, at a ceremony in South Africa on 24 May 2019.showLee Kuan Yew family treeEducation[edit]In 1931, Lee Kuan Yew studied at Telok Kurau English School in Singapore. He described his schoolmates at Telok Kurau as generally poor and not very bright. He then attended Raffles Institution in 1935, where he had difficulties keeping up because he met the top 150 students from all over Singapore. Lee joined the Scouts for three years, played cricket, tennis, and chess, and debated for the school. He obtained several scholarships, and came top in the School Certificate examinations in 1940, gaining the John Anderson scholarship to attend Raffles College (now Raffles Institution Junior College). Lee's future wife, Kwa Geok Choo, was his classmate and the only girl at Raffles Institution at that time. Kwa, who was a brilliant student herself, was the only one to beat his scores in the English and economics subjects.Another classmate at Raffles was Malaysian tycoon Robert Kuok.Lee's university education was delayed by World War II and the Japanese occupation of Singapore from 1942 to 1945. After the war, Lee went on to study in England. He briefly attended London School of Economics as enrolment at University of Cambridge had already closed. He related that London overwhelmed him and he sought the more pleasant surroundings of Cambridge, where he read law at Fitzwilliam College. A fellow Raffles College student introduced him to the Censor of Fitzwilliam House, W. S. Thatcher, who admitted him for the 1947 Lent term. He matriculated in January 1947.Lee graduated First Class in both parts of the Tripos with an exceptional Starred-First (perfect score) for Part II Law in 1949; this placed him at the very top of his cohort, and he was awarded the Fitzwilliam's Whitlock Prize. The college said he was placed above two contemporaries who later became Professors of Law in Cambridge. Lee was called to the Bar at the Middle Temple in 1950. In 1969, he was elected an honorary fellow of Fitzwilliam College and was the most senior of the College's Honorary Fellows for many years. In 1971, Lee gave the Foundation Lecture – "East and West: the twain have met".Early life[edit]Lee experienced hardship during the Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1945. During the war, Lee learnt Japanese and first worked as a SAS (Singapore Administration Service) officer in Sentosa islands where he listened to Allied radio stations and wrote down what they were reporting in the Hodobu office (報道部 – a Japanese propaganda department).Towards the end of the war, by listening to Allied radio stations, he realised the Japanese were losing the war, and fearing that a brutal war would break out in Singapore as the Japanese made their last stand, he made plans to purchase and move to a farm on the Cameron Highlands with his family. However, a liftboy in his office told him his file had been taken out by the security department, and he realised he was being followed by Japanese security personnel (which continued for three months), so he abandoned those plans as he knew if he went ahead, he would be in trouble. Lee set up private small enterprises during the war to survive; among which was one that manufactured stationery glue, branded as "Stikfas".Lee had a near-miss with a Japanese Occupation atrocity. The Japanese army was rounding up Chinese men for questioning and Lee was told to fall in and join the segregated Chinese men. Sensing that something was amiss, he asked for permission to return home to collect his clothes first, and the Japanese guard agreed. It turned out that those who were segregated were taken to the beach to be shot as part of the Sook Ching massacre.The Japanese occupation had a profound impact on the young Lee, who recalled being slapped and forced to kneel for failing to bow to a Japanese soldier. He and other young Singaporeans "emerged determined that no one—neither Japanese nor British—had the right to push and kick us around ... (and) that we could govern ourselves." The occupation also drove home lessons about raw power and the effectiveness of harsh punishment in deterring crime.After the war, whilst studying in England, Lee campaigned for a friend named David Widdicombe, who was in the Labour Party. He drove Widdicombe around in a lorry and delivered several speeches on his behalf. Widdicombe lost the election in 1950, but went on to become a member of the Inner Temple with Lee.After seeing how the British had failed to defend Singapore from the Japanese, and after his stay in England, Lee decided that Singapore had to govern itself. He returned to Singapore in 1949.He also decided to omit his English name, Harry, and simply be known as Lee Kuan Yew,although until the end of his life, old comrades and English friends would still refer to him as Harry Lee.Early political career (1951–1959)[edit]In his memoirs, Lee recounted that he had intended to return to Singapore to work as a lawyer. Upon his return, Lee worked in John Laycock's law firm for $500 per month (equivalent to about $2500 in 2017). He also worked as a legal advisor to the trade and students' unions.His first experience with politics in Singapore was his role as election agent for Laycock under the banner of the pro-British Progressive Party in the 1951 legislative council electionsFajar trial[edit]Lee was the junior counsel for the Fajar trial in May 1954 when members of the University Socialist Club were arrested for publishing an article considered seditious in the club's magazine The Fajar. One story is that it was Lee who invited the lead counsel D. N. Pritt to defend the students, although this was denied by Club members. Lee gained a widespread reputation through the victory of the trial, the first sedition trial in Colonial post-war Malaya. The Straits Times on 26 August 1954 proclaimed this a "tremendous victory for freedom of speech". At the same time, Lee was accepted by most Singaporeans as the "hero of high". Furthermore, the co-operation between Lee and the Club members strengthened their relationship which was significant for Lee's future political career and the founding of the PAP.Formation of the People's Action Party[edit]Lee Kuan Yew's opportunity to formally enter politics came when members of the Singapore Chinese Middle Schools Union launched anti-colonial, non-violent protests against the enactment of the national service ordinance law on 13 May 1954.Forty-sixto sixtystudents were arrested after an initial use of violence by members of the police riot squad. The student arrests gave rise to Lee's reputation as a "left-wing lawyer"which provided a path for Lee into Singaporean politics through the Communist Party of Malaya.Coincidentally, the People's Action Party (PAP) was officially inaugurated on 12 November 1954.Together with a group of fellow English-educated middle-class men whom he described as "beer-swilling bourgeois", Lee formed the socialist PAP in an expedient alliance with the pro-communist trade unionists. This alliance was described by Lee as a marriage of convenience since his English-speaking group needed the Chinese-speaking majority's mass support base.Their common aim was to struggle for self-government and put an end to British colonial rule.An inaugural conference was held at the Victoria Memorial Hall, attended by over 1,500 supporters and trade unionists. Lee became secretary-general, a post he held until 1992, save for a brief period in 1957.In opposition[edit]Lee Kuan Yew won the Tanjong Pagar seat in the 1955 elections. He became the opposition leader against David Saul Marshall's Labour Front-led coalition government. He was also one of PAP's representatives to the two constitutional discussions held in London over the future status of Singapore, the first led by Marshall and the second by Lim Yew Hock, Marshall's hardline successor. It was during this period that Lee had to contend with rivals from both within and outside the PAP.Lee's position in the PAP was seriously under threat in 1957 when pro-communists took over the leadership posts, following a party conference which the party's left wing had stacked with fake members.[Fortunately for Lee and the party's moderate faction, Lim Yew Hock ordered a mass arrest of the pro-communists and Lee was reinstated as secretary-general. After the communist "scare", Lee subsequently received a new, stronger mandate from his Tanjong Pagar constituents in a by-election in 1957.[53]Prime Minister, pre-independence (1959–1965)[edit]Self-government administration (1959–1963)[edit]In the national elections held on 30 May 1959, the PAP won 43 of the 51 seats in the legislative assembly. Singapore gained self-government with autonomy in all state matters except defence and foreign affairs, and Lee became the first Prime Minister of Singapore on 5 June 1959, taking over from Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock.PAP split of 1961[edit]In 1961, former PAP minister and Mayor of Singapore after PAP's victory in the 1957 Singapore City Council election, Ong Eng Guan resigned his parliamentary seat of Hong Lim, filing the famous "16 resolutions" in the legislative assembly against the government and challenged the PAP to defeat him there after his sacking from the cabinet. He had been expelled by the party after making open disputes with his Cabinet colleagues, including over the abolishment of the City Council when he was the last Mayor. Two other PAP members had followed him to join his faction and resigned from the party but did not resign their seats with Ong. Ong stood as an independent and he won the Hong Lim by-election defeating PAP candidate Jek Yeun Thong, which proved a blow to the PAP for the leaders had campaigned non-stop for Jek but Ong was too popular in the Chinese community and so Jek lost the elections.Later that year another by-election was held after the death of the incumbent PAP member Baharuddin Mohammed Ariff in the constituency of Anson on 15 July 1961 which saw the political return of former Labour Front chief minister David Marshall, now Workers' Party (WP) leader.Two days after the Anson result, Lee assumed full responsibility for the two election setbacks and resigned as prime minister to PAP chairman Toh Chin Chye, only for Toh to reject it.On 21 July 1961, Lee then moved a motion of confidence in his own government five days after the Anson by election. The motion was agreed to with 27 "Ayes", 8 "Noes" and 16 abstentions. The members who voted "No" included David Marshall and members of the Singapore People's Alliance. 13 allegedly pro-communist PAP members and 3 members of Ong Eng Guan's UPP abstained.Lee's view was that the PAP members who did not vote for his motion would be expelled for breaking ranks and pulling support away to Communist opponents and he did so, sacking the 13 abstainees and reducing his assembly majority to 1. Together with six prominent left-leaning leaders from trade unions, the breakaway members established a new party, the Barisan Sosialis. 35 of 51 branches of the PAP and 19 of 23 branch secretaries defected to Barisan.Merger with Malaysia (1963–1965)[edit]Main article: Singapore in MalaysiaLee Kuan Yew declaring the forming of the Federation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963 in SingaporeLead up to merger[edit]Independence of Singapore from Britain through merger with the Federation of Malaya had been the PAP's platform since its founding in 1954. Merger was supported both by the non-communists and the communists in the PAP. So when the PAP won a strong mandate in the 1959 General Election, it pursued merger vigorously.After Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman proposed the formation of a federation which would include Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak in 1961, Lee began to campaign for a merger to end British colonial rule. The communists made a startling about-turn and were determined to derail merger, even though they had all along insisted that Malaya and Singapore were one entity. Chin Peng, leader of the Malayan Communist Party made it clear that the it wished to sabotage merger or delay its implementation at that stage.Lee explained in a series of radio broadcasts in 1961 that the communists and Barisan Sosialis opposed merger because they wanted to establish control over Singapore so they could subsequently subvert and take over Malaya. The radio talks won over public opinion in favour of merger on the terms proposed by Lee's government. Lee would use the results of a referendum held on 1 September 1962, in which 70% of the votes were cast in support of his merger proposal, to demonstrate that the people supported his plan; most of the other votes were blank, as Lee had not allowed a "No" option.From merger to separation[edit]On 16 September 1963, Singapore became part of the new Federation of Malaysia. However, the union was short-lived. The Malaysian central government, ruled by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), became worried by the inclusion of Singapore's Chinese majority and the political challenge of the PAP in Malaysia.The 1964 race riots in Singapore followed, such as that on 21 July 1964 near Kallang Gasworks in which 23 people were killed and hundreds injured as Chinese and Malays attacked each other. It is still disputed how the riots started, and theories include a bottle being thrown into a Muslim rally by a Chinese, while others have argued that it was started by a Malay. More riots broke out in September 1964, as rioters looted cars and shops, forcing both Tunku Abdul Rahman and Lee to make public appearances to calm the situation.Unable to resolve the crisis, Tunku Abdul Rahman decided to expel Singapore from Malaysia, choosing to "sever all ties with a State Government that showed no measure of loyalty to its Central Government". Lee refused and tried to work out a compromise, but without success. He was later convinced by Goh Keng Swee that the secession was inevitable.Lee signed a separation agreement on 7 August 1965, which discussed Singapore's post-separation relations with Malaysia in order to continue co-operation in areas such as trade and mutual defence.The failure of the merger was a blow to Lee, who believed that it was crucial for Singapore's survival. In a televised press conference that day, he fought back tearsand briefly stopped to regain his composure as he formally announced the separation and the full independence of Singapore to an anxious population:[E]very time we look back on this moment when we signed this agreement which severed Singapore from Malaysia, it will be a moment of anguish. For me it is a moment of anguish because all my life. [...] [Y]ou see, the whole of my adult life [...] I have believed in Malaysian merger and the unity of these two territories. You know, it's a people connected by geography, economics, and ties of kinship.On that same day on 9 August 1965, just as the press conference ended, the Malaysian parliament passed the required resolution that would sever Singapore's ties to Malaysia as a state and the Republic of Singapore was created.Singapore's lack of natural resources, a water supply that was derived primarily from Malaysia and a very limited defensive capability were the major challenges which Lee and the nascent Singaporean government faced.Prime Minister, post-independence (1965–1990)[edit]Lee Kuan Yew and Frank Kitts, Mayor of Wellington City in 1965Despite the momentous event, Lee did not call for the parliament to convene to reconcile issues that Singapore would face immediately as a new nation. Without giving further instructions on who should act in his absence, he went into isolation for six weeks, unreachable by phone, on a Singapore island. According to Dr. Toh Chin Chye, the parliament hung in suspended animation until the sitting in December that year.Lee Kuan Yew and his wife Kwa Geok Choo with United States President Ronald Reagan and his wife Nancy Reagan on 8 October 1985In his memoirs, Lee said that he was unable to sleep. Upon learning of Lee's condition from the British High Commissioner to Singapore, John Robb, the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, expressed concern, in response to which Lee replied:Do not worry about Singapore. My colleagues and I are sane, rational people even in our moments of anguish. We will weigh all possible consequences before we make any move on the political chessboard.Lee began to seek international recognition of Singapore's independence. Singapore joined the United Nations on 21 September 1965, and founded the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 8 August 1967 with four other South-East Asian countries. Lee made his first official visit to Indonesia on 25 May 1973, just a few years after the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation under Sukarno's regime. Relations between Singapore and Indonesia substantially improved as subsequent visits were made between the two countries.Singapore has never had a dominant culture to which immigrants could assimilate even though Malay was the dominant language at that time.Together with efforts from the government and ruling party, Lee tried to create a unique Singaporean identity in the 1970s and 1980s—one which heavily recognised racial consciousness within the umbrella of multiculturalism.Lee and his government stressed the importance of maintaining religious tolerance and racial harmony, and they were ready to use the law to counter any threat that might incite ethnic and religious violence. For example, Lee warned against "insensitive evangelisation", by which he referred to instances of Christian proselytising directed at Malays. In 1974 the government advised the Bible Society of Singapore to stop publishing religious material in Malay.Decisions and policiesNational securityThe vulnerability of Singapore was deeply felt, with threats from multiple sources including the communists and Indonesia with its confrontational stance. As Singapore gained admission to the United Nations, Lee quickly sought international recognition of Singapore's independence. He appointed Goh Keng Swee as Minister for the Interior and Defence to build up the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) and requested help from other countries, particularly Israel and Taiwan (ROC), for advice, training and facilities.In 1967, Lee introduced conscription whereby all able-bodied male Singaporean citizens age 18 and above are required to serve National Service (NS) either in the Singapore Armed Forces, Singapore Police Force or the Singapore Civil Defence Force. By 1971, Singapore had 17 national service battalions (16,000 men) with 14 battalions (11,000 men) in the reserves.In 1975, Lee managed to convince then-Premier Chiang Ching-kuo of Taiwan (ROC) to permit Singaporean troops to train in Taiwan, under the codename "Exercise Starlight".EconomyOne of Lee's most urgent tasks upon Singapore's independence was to address high unemployment. Tourism helped but did not completely resolve the unemployment problem. Together with his economic aide, Economic Development Board chairman Hon Sui Sen, and in consultation with Dutch economist Albert Winsemius, Lee set up factories and initially focused on the manufacturing industry. Before the British completely withdrew from Singapore in 1971, Lee also persuaded the British not to destroy their dock and had the British naval dockyard later converted for civilian use.After years of trial and error, Lee and his cabinet decided the best way to boost Singapore's economy was to attract foreign investments from multinational corporations (MNCs). By establishing First World infrastructure and standards in Singapore, the new nation could woo American, Japanese and European entrepreneurs and professionals to set up base there. By the 1970s, the arrival of MNCs like Texas Instruments, Hewlett-Packard and General Electric laid the foundations, turning Singapore into a major electronics exporter the following decade.Workers were frequently retrained to familiarise themselves with the work systems and cultures of foreign MNCs. The government also started several new industries, such as steel mills under 'National Iron and Steel Mills', service industries like Neptune Orient Lines, and the Singapore Airlines.Lee and his cabinet also worked to establish Singapore as an international financial centre. Foreign bankers were assured of the reliability of Singapore's social conditions, with top-class infrastructure and skilled professionals, and investors were made to understand that the Singapore government would pursue sound macroeconomic policies, with budget surpluses, leading to a stable valued Singapore dollar.Throughout the tenure of his office, Lee always placed great importance on developing the economy, and his attention to detail on this aspect went even to the extent of connecting it with other facets of Singapore, including the country's extensive and meticulous tending of its international image of being a "Garden City",something that has been sustained to this day.Anti-corruption measuresSingapore had problems with political corruption. Lee introduced legislation giving the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) greater power to conduct arrests, search, call up witnesses, and investigate bank accounts and income-tax returns of suspected persons and their families.Lee believed that ministers should be well paid in order to maintain a clean and honest government. On 21 November 1986, Lee received a complaint of corruption against then Minister for National Development Teh Cheang Wan.Lee was against corruption and he authorised the CPIB to carry out investigations on Teh but Teh committed suicide before any charges could be pressed against him.In 1994, he proposed to link the salaries of ministers, judges, and top civil servants to the salaries of top professionals in the private sector, arguing that this would help recruit and retain talent to serve in the public sector.Population policies[edit]See also: Population planning in SingaporeIn the late 1960s, fearing that Singapore's growing population might overburden the developing economy, Lee started a "Stop at Two" family planning campaign. Couples were urged to undergo sterilisation after their second child. Third or fourth children were given lower priorities in education and such families received fewer economic rebates.In 1983, Lee sparked the "Great Marriage Debate" when he encouraged Singapore men to choose highly educated women as wives.He was concerned that a large number of graduate women were unmarried.Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by his views.Nevertheless, a match-making agency, the Social Development Unit (SDU),was set up to promote socialising among men and women graduates.In the Graduate Mothers Scheme, Lee also introduced incentives such as tax rebates, schooling, and housing priorities for graduate mothers who had three or four children, in a reversal of the over-successful "Stop at Two" family planning campaign in the 1960s and 1970s.Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by the views of Lee, who had questioned that perhaps the campaign for women's rights had been too successful:Equal employment opportunities, yes, but we shouldn't get our women into jobs where they cannot, at the same time, be mothers...our most valuable asset is in the ability of our people, yet we are frittering away this asset through the unintended consequences of changes in our education policy and equal career opportunities for women. This has affected their traditional role ... as mothers, the creators and protectors of the next generation.—Lee Kuan Yew, "Talent for the future", 14 August 1983The uproar over the proposal led to a swing of 12.9 percent against the PAP government in the 1984 general election. In 1985, especially controversial portions of the policy that gave education and housing priorities to educated women were eventually abandoned or modified.By the late 1990s, the birth rate had fallen so low that Lee's successor Goh Chok Tong extended these incentives to all married women, and gave even more incentives, such as the "baby bonus" scheme.Corporal punishment[edit]Main article: Caning in SingaporeOne of Lee's abiding beliefs was in the efficacy of corporal punishment in the form of caning.In his autobiography The Singapore Story, Lee described his time at Raffles Institution in the 1930s, mentioning that he was caned there for chronic lateness by the then headmaster, D. W. McLeod. He wrote: "I bent over a chair and was given three of the best with my trousers on. I did not think he lightened his strokes. I have never understood why Western educationists are so much against corporal punishment. It did my fellow students and me no harm".Lee's government inherited judicial corporal punishment from British rule, but greatly expanded its scope. Under the British, it had been used as a penalty for offences involving personal violence, amounting to a handful of caning sentences per year. The PAP government under Lee extended its use to an ever-expanding range of crimes.By 1993, it was mandatory for 42 offences and optional for a further 42.Those routinely ordered by the courts to be caned now include drug addicts and illegal immigrants. From 602 canings in 1987, the figure rose to 3,244 in 1993and to 6,404 in 2007.In 1994, judicial caning was intensely publicised in the rest of the world when an American teenager, Michael P. Fay, was caned under the vandalism legislation.School corporal punishment (for male students only) was likewise inherited from the British, and this is in widespread use to discipline disobedient schoolboys, still under legislation from 1957.Lee also introduced caning in the Singapore Armed Forces, and Singapore is one of the few countries in the world where corporal punishment is an official penalty in military discipline.Water resources in Singapore[edit]Singapore has traditionally relied on water from Malaysia. However, this reliance has made Singapore subject to the possibility of price increases and allowed Malaysian officials to use the water reliance as a political leverage by threatening to cut off supply. To reduce this problem, Lee decided to experiment with water recycling in 1974.However, the water treatment plant was closed in 1975 due to cost and reliability issues. In 1998, the Public Utilities Board (PUB) and the Ministry of the Environment and Water Resources (MEWR) initiated the Singapore Water Reclamation Study (NEWater Study). The aim was to determine if NEWater was a viable source of raw water for Singapore's needs. In 2001, PUB initiated efforts to increase water supplies for non-potable use. Using NEWater for these would help reduce the demand on the reservoirs for potable water.The Singapore International Water Week was started in 2008; it focused on sustainable water solutions for cities. The Lee Kuan Yew Water Prize was introduced in recognition given to outstanding contributions towards solving global water crisis. The prize has become an international award given out to individuals and groups worldwide.Relations with Malaysia[edit]Mahathir Mohamad[edit]Lee looked forward to improving relationships with Mahathir Mohamad upon the latter's promotion to Deputy Prime Minister. Knowing that Mahathir was in line to become the next Prime Minister of Malaysia, Lee invited Mahathir (through Singapore President Devan Nair) to visit Singapore in 1978. The first and subsequent visits improved both personal and diplomatic relationships between them. Then UMNO's Secretary-General Mahathir asked Lee to cut off all links with Democratic Action Party; in exchange, Mahathir undertook not to interfere in the affairs of Malay Singaporeans.[citation needed]In June 1988, Lee and Mahathir reached an agreement in Kuala Lumpur to build the Linggui dam on the Johor River.[90]Following Lee's death, Mahathir posted a blog post that suggested his respect for Lee despite their differences, stating that while "I am afraid on most other issues we could not agree [...] [h]is passage marks the end of the period when those who fought for independence lead their countries and knew the value of independence. Asean lost a strong leadership after President Suharto and Lee Kuan Yew".[91]Senior Minister (1990–2004)[edit]Lee Kuan Yew (middle) meets with United States Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen and Singapore's Ambassador to the United States Chan Heng Chee in 2000After leading the PAP to victory in seven elections, Lee stepped down on 28 November 1990, handing over the prime ministership to Goh Chok Tong.[92]At that point in time he had become the world's longest-serving prime minister.[93]This was the first leadership transition since independence. Goh was elected as the new Prime Minister by the younger ministers then in office.[94]When Goh Chok Tong became head of government, Lee remained in the cabinet with a non-executive position of Senior Minister and played a role he described as advisory. In public, Lee would refer to Goh as "my Prime Minister", in deference to Goh's authority.Lee subsequently stepped down as Secretary-General of the PAP and was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong in November 1992.

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