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1520 SAT (760/760)34 ACT (35/35/33/34)4.39 GPARejected from:HarvardYalePrincetonDartmouthCornellAmherstUniversity of Pennsylvania — WhartonStanfordBrownWashington University in St. LouisWarwickUniversity College LondonLondon School of EconomicsAccepted:OxfordJust comes to show how random this all is. Good luck!

Aha… One of my favorite subjects: bookkeeping!Well, we do have quite a bit of information from the very detailed tax registers (tahrir defterleri) of the 16th Century to draw some conclusions but as a general ballpark estimate, let us give Vryonis’ figure, which he derived from the legendary Ottoman historian Barkan’s Essai (Table 1 below), and say 7.9% around 1520, and probably lower by the 17th Century:He reaches his estimate by summing the number of households in the provinces a-e above to give 903,997 households for Muslims and 77,869 households for Christians in Anatolia.Two caveats of this system are:He does not count the Arap Province (f) and more importantly,He uses a multiplier of 5 (which is the one Barkan used) to convert households into population.The discounting of Arap Province is justified as it includes most of the Levant such as Gaza, Damascus, Hama, Homs. But it also includes parts of modern Turkey such as Antep (Ayıntab), Adana, Tarsus. This is not a major problem in my opinion, however.The second issue, using a multiplier of 5, in the words of Barkan who introduced it, “has not been established scientifically” [1 ; p. 21] However, it is more than a back-of-the-envelope estimate since it results in a population of around 5,7 million inhabitants for Asiatic Turkey between 1520 and 1535.This is in agreement with Baudel’s estimate in his book La Méditerranée et le monde Méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II (Paris, 1949), which using a “rich bibliography” [2 ; p. 15] comes to around 8 million inhabitants for Asiatic Turkey for the second half of the the 16th century. Given the population increase in the Mediterranean basin during the 16th century, the number makes sense.In Table 4 below are the estimates for the population of major Ottoman cities for the periods in question (where major increases can be seen for most of them):In Table 5, you can see the number of Muslim and Christian inhabitants of different Ottoman sub-provinces (i.e. livas) in the Ottoman province of Anatolia for 1520–35 (columns A), and 1570–80 (columns B). The population of Christians increased in this period in almost all of the livas but less than the increase in Muslim households.In the next table (Table 7), Barkan gives the number of inhabitants by religion in Major Ottoman cities in the same period:Here, the Christians are a minority in almost all Anatolian cities (as well as most Balkan cities - with Larissa being a particularly striking example with 693 Muslim households vs. 75 Christian ones, as the city was established by the Ottomans less than a century prior as Yenişehir, at a location that had been abandoned for a few generations).The exceptions to this trend in Anatolia (modern, not the Ottoman province) are Tokat where there is a near parity between Muslims and Christians with 818 Muslim and 701 Christian households and Sivas where the Muslims are the minority with 261 Muslim and 750 Christian households.All-in-all, the Christian presence in Anatolia had declined to an all-time low during the 16th-17th Centuries. The remaining Greek speakers were concentrated in a few areas:Trabzon and vicinity (i.e. Pontus)North Cappadocia around KarahisarA few Grecophone villages in the regions of Nigde and KayseriFor 2–3, I want to share a couple of pictures from my trip to Çorum last summer to visit the site of the Bronze Age city Hattuša, where I also had the opportunity to visit the Çorum Ethnography Museum (partying hard… Çorum style) And came across these wooden moldings (I have a thing for wood carvings):The text is from John 15: Ἐγώ εἰμι ἡ ἄμπελος ἡ ἀληθινή, καὶ ὁ Πατήρ μου ὁ γεωργός ἐστιν…Anyways, like your girlfriend’s boring dad, I love sharing my holiday pictures!Of the three locations of Christian habitation in the 16th Century, the Trabzon area was the most important and sizable:It was spared the disruption of the Turkish conquest throughout Anatolia… When the Turkish conquest did come to Trebizond [Trabzon] it was a relatively rapid affair, and though the Greek ruler and many aristocrats were taken away, the inhabitants of the kingdom were incorporated into the well-developed Ottoman system with far less upheaval than had been the case in many other areas. [5 ; p. 451]Further, looking at the numbers,In the early sixteenth century the province - which stretched from Giresun in the west ro Rize in the east - was almost entirely Christian; the Muslim population amounted to less than 10 percent… In the capital city, Trabzon, the Christian population (mostly Greek) was 85 percent of the total.… conversion to Islam proceeded swiftly after 1525; by the middle of the century, half of the population was Muslim. At mid-century Muslims were gaining on the Christians in the countryside as well; in the district of Of, Muslim households now accounted for 15 percent of the total, up from just 2 percent in 1515…Conversion would continue apace in the Pontos, in both the cities and the villages but unlike almost everywhere else in the Greek world, where conversion also led to the loss of the Greek language, Greek Speaking Muslims were a prominent feature of the region until very recently. [4 ; loc. 2097]But I hear you saying, “What about Western Anatolia, in places such as Izmir, Muğla, etc.?“ Well glad you asked, the voice in my head (and thank you for taking a break from repeatedly telling me to “KILL THEM ALL”):Smyrna [Izmir], a city that of course figures so prominently in the history of the Greeks in the late Ottoman period, was still an insignificant port. Fewer than 5,000 souls were living there as late as 1600, and the Greeks were a small minority within that. The massive growth of the Greek population later on was the result of in-migration, from the nearby Aegean islands as well as from other areas of Anatolia, and was not continuous with the pre-Ottoman past. [4 ; loc. 2121]…which brings us to:17–18th Century Greek Colonization and the Increase in the Number of Christians“Three thousand years ago tiny, daring ships pushed out from the Peloponnesus, the southern part of the Greek peninsula, crossed the Aegean Sea, and landed on the shores of Asia Minor. From them debarked thousands of adventurous spirits who, seizing the central section of the 750 miles of coast line, founded city after city… From that day to this Greeks have shared the western part of what we now call Anatolia with Persians, Turks and whoever happened to be there.” (Lane 1923: 18)Probably under the spell of Greek irredentist myths, Lane wrongly assumed that the Greek presence in western Anatolia has been continuous for three thousand years…In the third decade of the sixteenth century Smyrna was a small town of 207 households, of which 14 percent were Christian. [4 ; loc. 2518]Or as Vryonis notes:The Greek-speaking Christians who lived in Anatolia prior to the exchange of populations in 1923 were of two types. There were the Greek speakers who were descended from the Byzantine population resident in Asia Minor prior to the Turkish conquest, and there was a second group of Greek-speakers who came to Asia Minor after the Ottoman conquest. The latter were heavily settled on the western coastal and riverine regions… [5 ; p.448]By the end of the 16th Century, the Ottoman Empire had fully conquered the Aegean Sea from Genoa and Venice. This allowed for the reunion, for the first time in centuries, of this area under one state and one Church. Speaking of Rhodes, for instance,… the island sits in the middle of a continuum stretching from the Thracian islands, where the Latin Church was never able establish a serious foothold, to places such as Crete, Cyprus, and the Cyclades, where the Orthodox Church was actively persecuted. [4 ; loc. 1796]Following Ottoman conquests, the Patriarch was able to appoint metropolitans and construct churches and monasteries in many of these areas for the first time in centuries. Under this peace and newly established unity, many Greeks as well as Armenians, immigrated to Western Anatolia to establish new communities:Many of the Greek residents of the city had migrated from Chios which in this period [17th Century] lost its status as the entrepôt for international trade. Nevertheless, in this period the Greeks were not yet the high-profile merchants they would become. It was the Armenians who were the traders, bringing in luxury goods from the east, while the Greeks were shopkeepers, selling rather mundane items such as straw, lime, and homespun woolens. [4 ; loc. 2543]By the end of the 17th Century, as Western, and especially French merchants began making ways into the Eastern Mediterranean, the Greeks rose to prominence and took over a lot of the mercantile activity, and actually thrived:Lacking control over the retail price of their own goods as well as the pricing of raw materials they would accept in exchange, European merchants were quite clearly at the mercy of local traders who monopolised three of of the most crucial components of the market: information, distribution, and pricing.… the overall conditions of trade point to a dominant-dominé type relation with the only difference that the dominés seem to have been European merchants rather than local traders as would have been expected. [ 3 ; pp.35–36]Many of these merchants would also act as money lenders, tax farmers and investors in the Anatolian hinterland, and use their wealth to fund religious and scholastic activities of their coreligionists, leading to a vibrant and growing community. Their efforts appear to have paid off by the 19th Century, when the proportion of Christians in the Anatolia increased from a low point of 7.9% (and perhaps even lower) to a 19.2%, of whom 8.3% were Greek Orthodox:Of the estimated 12,254,459 inhabitants, 9,676,714 (78.96 percent) were Muslim, and 2,350,272 (19.2 percent) were Christian. The Greek Orthodox element amounted to 1,016,722 or 8.3 percent. In these statistics the Muslim element again appears pre-ponderant, but the percentage of Christians has almost tripled when compared to the early sixteenth century. [5 ; p.448]ConclusionAnd this brings me to the end of the answer. To sum, in the early 16th Century the proportion of Christians was around 7.9%, but given other population trends almost certainly dipped below that by the beginning of the 17th Century. However, the fortunes of the Anatolian Christians turned and their proportion increased to 19.2% by the end of the 19th Century. Following the First World War, the ethnic cleansing and the population exchange with Greece in 1922, the numbers today have dwindled to negligible.And this brings me to a minor issue I have with the question: what proportion was still Christian. This presupposes the unchanging existence of a Christian population, but as we have seen their fortunes were apt to change. It also brings out a second problem - that the Christians were always the natives against the Muslim intruder. This is understandable but incorrect. It also, with the advent of the 19th Century and the behavior of the Western missionaries, gets a somewhat sinister undertone: in the 18th and 19th Centuries, the Christian nations across the Ottoman Empire “discovered” that they were the children of Ancient Hellenes, of Assyrians, of Phoenicians, of the Kemet - autochthonous and the only legitimate owners of the land, whereas the Muslims who lived on it, to quote Lane, simply “happened to be there”.Of course, that this nationalization of religion in the 19th century has created many of the modern national identities in the region cannot be denied but it also had disastrous consequences.So rather than how many Christians were still living in Asiatic Turkey at such and such time, it may be more appropriate to ask about the situation of the different religious communities, identities and civilizations across time, which were in a state of flux — ebbing and flowing sometimes haphazardly, sometimes through force, but sometimes willingly — until they were petrified into place as essential qualities in the 19th Century. As for the Christian presence in Anatolia:If the Ottoman conquests had, more or less, ended the Greek presence in Anatolia (with the notable exception of eastern Black Sea), the seventeenth century witnessed the revival of Greek life there. Much later, in the nineteenth century, cultural missionaries would head out from Smyrna into the interior, with the professed goal of Hellenizing the Anatolian Orthodox populations. From now on, the heavy weight of the Balkans in Greek history under the Ottomans would be somewhat tempered by the rising fortunes of western Anatolia. [4 ; loc. 2556]BibliographyBarkan, Ömer Lûtfi. “Essai sur les données statistiques des registres de recensement dans l’Empire ottoman aux XVe et XVIe siècles”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Aug. 1957)Barkan, Ömer Lûtfi. “‘Tarihi Demografi’ Araştırmaları ve Osmanlı Tarihi”, Türkiyat Mecmuası. Osman Yalçın Matbaası, 1953.Eldem, Edhem. “French Trade and Commercial Policy in the Levant in the Eighteenth-Century”, Oriente Moderno, nuova serie, Anno 18(79), nr. 1, THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, 1999.Green, Molly. The Edinburgh History of the Greeks 1453 to 1768 The Ottoman Empire. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2015. Kindle editionVryonis, Speros. The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process is Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971

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