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I’d advise you to work for a big established company, with western management and a strong HR department with more than 1 mandoob (fixer for government matters).This is from the perspective of a educator from a western background and a Canadian passport in a highly privileged position.I was incredibly privileged in Qatar because I had a big western education organization, with lots of experience and a strong HR department that could handle most issues. I didn’t need to justify my requests for letters for an alcohol permit, a driving permit or exit permits.Under Kafala, your sponsor has direct legal responsibility for you and has to issue official letters on company letterhead approving most official interactions with government institutions. In our case, I was sponsored by my employer, and I sponsored my kids and my wife.I entered Qatar before independent clinics were allowed to certify the medical and fingerprinting paperwork, so I had to have that done at a government clinic. The clinic involved lots of pushing and shouting to actually get ones paperwork taken. The fingerprinting was, to put it bluntly, in a cattle shed with brand-new shiny electronic fingerprint computers.With formal paperwork out of the way, it took about 4 months to get all the drivers licenses, bank accounts and alcohol permits sorted, with numerous official letters requested from HR.As for what it’s ‘like’, it’s like being watched. Basics like driving, hiring a cleaner or a nanny, buying alcohol and leaving the country require a form of formal notification to your employer. Don’t underestimate the stress this will place on you if you grew up in a Western culture. I had significant culture shock moving to a suburb of Toronto.Having a smart, experienced employer who understand the region minimizes the work you have to do. If you do have to do the work yourself, pick your most pessimistic estimate on how long it will take, and double it. There are often multiple conflicting rules for getting basic things done. We called that being ‘Dohaed’.

I did from IIT Delhi. So I can enlighten you about the criteria there.Only employees of Public Sector Undertakings or Government Departments or Research and Development Organizations or Private Industries (approved by Faculty Boards) are eligible for admission to these programmes.Employees of only those organizations which are located within 50 km radius of IIT Delhi are eligible to be considered for admission to part-time M.Tech. programmes.The minimum experience (Full Time) required after qualifying degree and as on date of registration is 6 months for students from CFTIs and 1 Year for other students having B.E/B.Tech from other institutions.The minimum CGPA required is 6.00 on a 10 point scale or 60% of marks.All Part-time and Full-time Sponsored candidates will be interviewed (through Video conferencing due to COVID, else face to face), if shortlisted.Part-time candidates are required to submit a “No Objection Certificate” on a proper letterhead from the appropriate authority in the organization clearly stating the following:-the candidate is permitted to pursue studies on a part-time basis-that his/her official duties permit him/her to devote sufficient time for studies-that he/she will not be transferred to any other place during the period of study.Source: IIT Delhi Website

Costa Rica.... and why can they get away with this ?Because of -The police forces have some paramilitary training, and they are really close friends with the United States, especially the the CIA.And because of this gentleman....Jose Figuereshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jos%C3%A9_Figueres_FerrerThis wikipedia article reads like a part of a Hollywood fantasy - it's a fun read.here are some excerpts...Figueres happily cooperated with North American military plans. After the United States established the School of the Americas in the Panama Canal Zone to train Latin American officers in Anti-Communist techniques, more Costa Rican "police" graduated from the School between 1950 and 1965 than did officers of any other hemispheric nation except Nicaragua.8Political connectionsFigueres connection with the CIAThe CIA gave Figueres money to publish a political journal, Combate, and to sponsor the founding meeting of the Institute of Political Education in Costa Rica in November 1959. The institute was organized as a training school and a center for political collaboration for political parties of the democratic left, principally from Costa Rica, Cuba (in exile), the Dominican Republic (in exile), Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua (in exile), Panama, Peru, and Venezuela. The CIA concealed its role from most of the participants except Figueres. Its funds passed first to a shell foundation, then to the Kaplan Fund of New York, next to the Institute for International Labor Research (IILR) located in New York, and finally to San José. Socialist leader Norman Thomas headed the IILR. After the CIA connection was revealed, Thomas maintained that he had been unaware of it, but the IILR's treasurer, Sacha Volman, who also became treasurer of the institute in San José, was a CIA agent. The CIA used Volman to monitor the institute, and Cord Meyer[1][better source needed] collaborated directly with Figueres.11Mr. Figueres himself acknowledged in 1981 that he had received help from the Central Intelligence Agency."At the time, I was conspiring against the Latin American dictatorships and wanted help from the United States", he recalled. "I was a good friend of Allen Dulles.""Anyway", Mr. Figueres went on, "the C.I.A.'s Cultural Department helped me finance a magazine and some youth conferences here. But I never participated in espionage. I did beg them not to carry out the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, which was madness, but they ignored me." 4Cord Meyer came to San José sometime in the summer of 1960. He and Figueres created the Inter-American Democratic Social Movement (INADESMO), which was nothing more than a front. A flier describing the idealistic purpose of INADESMO carried the same post office box as Figueres's personal letterhead. The INADESMO setup enabled Meyer to disburse funds more directly, without having to bother with conduits or the accounting procedures of the institute. For example, INADESMO contributed $10,000 to help finance the First Conference of Popular Parties of Latin America in Lima, Peru, in August 1960.The following May, Meyer returned to San José for a more urgent purpose. In the wake of the Bay of Pigs failure, he provided Figueres with INADESMO funds to sponsor a meeting at his estate, 'La Lucha', (12–20 May) between the leaders of the principal Dominican exile movements, Juan Bosch and Horacio Ornes. With Figueres as sponsor, Bosch and Ornes agreed to form a coalition government in anticipation of the overthrow of dictator Rafael Trujillo. As the United States moved to rally the hemisphere against Fidel Castro, Trujillo had become expendable, because the United States needed to demonstrate that it opposed all dictators, not just those on the left.For over a year, the CIA had been in contact also with dissidents inside the Dominican Republic who argued that assassination was the only certain way to remove Trujillo. The CIA station in Ciudad Trujillo (now Santo Domingo) had encouraged the dissidents and actually delivered to them three pistols and three carbines "attendant to their projected efforts to neutralize Trujillo." Because the Bay of Pigs failure created an uncertain situation, the United States tried to put the brakes on this operation and refused to pass along additional weapons to the dissidents which the Dominican station already had, specifically M-3 machine guns. The U.S. National Security Council, meeting on 5 May, "noted the President's view that the United States should not initiate the overthrow of Trujillo before [knowing] what government would succeed him."On 30 May, Trujillo was ambushed and assassinated. The same "action group" with whom the CIA had been in contact and to whom it had delivered pistols and carbines carried out the attack. According to the 1975 report of the Church Committee, there was "no direct evidence" that CIA weapons had been used in the assassinations and the effect of the Bosch-Ornes pact upon the events that transpired remains a matter for speculation. Nonetheless, the CIA described its role in "changing" the government of the Dominican Republic "as a 'success' in that it assisted in moving the Dominican Republic from a totalitarian dictatorship to a Western-style democracy." Bosch himself was elected president of the Dominican Republic. Sacha Volman followed him there, establishing a new "research and publication center" and taking with him the CIA funding that used to go to Figueres in Costa Rica. Though one cannot prove that there was a coordinated link between the external and internal opposition groups, Cord Meyer[better source needed] was in a position to know what both elements were doing.11