General Laborer Resume Pdf: Fill & Download for Free

What's in a name? A lot, actually.There are a number of field experiments on discrimination that focus on the effects that a name alone can have.Probably the best-cited research on this topic looks at discrimination in labour markets. Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan sent out nearly 5,000 realistic resumes to prospective employers. Half the resumes were sent out with WASPy names, while the other half were sent out with African-American sounding names. Across just about every job and industry you can name, applicants with White names got about 50% more callbacks for interviews than applicants with African-American names. Have a look at the ungated PDF for the study. Fascinating (and scary!) stuff.Bertrand, M. & Mullainathan, S. Are Emily and Greg more employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A field experiment on labor market discrimination. American Economic Review 94(4), 991-1013. Ungated PDF: http://econ.duke.edu/~hf14/teaching/povertydisc/readings/bertrand-mullainathan2004.pdf

There are a lot of things to consider when you're looking for a new job. Here are the most important.Disable LinkedIn notifications. Before you even start sending out your resume or calling companies, you need to go into stealth mode. You don't want your current employer knowing that you're job hunting because they just noticed that you connected with a recruiter on LinkedIn. Here's how you do it:Log in to LinkedIn.Click on "Manage Privacy & Settings".Click your "Profile" tab.Click "Select who can see your activity feed".Uncheck the box.Click "Save changes".Update Your Resume. This is a lot more work than it sounds like. The words you decide to use can mean the difference between your resume not even getting looked at to getting filtered right to the top. That's because most big companies and recruiting firms use software to weed out inadequate candidates simply based on key words. It doesn't necessarily mean you're not qualified, it just means you haven't used the words they're looking for in your resume. Read the job description and pull out keywords that they're using and find a way to insert them into your experience, skills, or education sections.For example: if the job description calls for a manager that has had international experience you should actually include the word "international" and/or "global" in your resume.Create two formats of your resume. Some hiring managers will want a standard PDF, while some will want a Word Document. Be prepared for either. After you've updated your resume, save the exact same version in both .DOCX and .PDF formats so you have them ready to send at a moments notice.Practice your interview. Your alma mater will likely have a Career Center that offers career services and interview help is likely one of those services, so check with your school. If they don't have something like or your school is in another state, there are some organizations in New York City that offer help with interviews. High-end practice interview packages can be as high as $2,000. But unless you’re applying for an executive or director position, I don’t think you need to pay more than $100 for a practice interview. Meetup.com has some great classes and most of them are free. Check out the New York City Department of Labor for a list of commonly asked interview questions and tips on how to answer them. Here are some general tips for interviewing:Arrive 15 minutes before your start timeMake sure your handshake is firmSay ‘please’ and ‘thank you’Answer questions directly; don’t go on about a topicAsk questions that are relevant to the job that you're applying toFollow up with a ‘thank you’ email the next day.Save your resume. Save the PDF version of your resume to your phone in iBooks so you can send it out immediately if you get an email from a recruiter and you’re not at work or home near a computer. Do not use capitals. Do not use spaces; use dashes instead. Capitals can cause issues with some old computer systems. So can spaces. Always start the file name with your first and last name because the Hiring Manager needs to locate your resume in their virtual pile of 1,000 resumes. They're likely searching Outlook for your resume. What if everyone sent in a file called "resume.docx"? How do you expect the Hiring Manager to differentiate between your file and the other 999 files? You don't want to take any chances. Save your resume in the following format:Do this: firstname-lastname-resume.docxDon't do something weird like this: RESUME_Alexandra 01142015 FINAL VERSION 02Don't do this: companyname.pdfDefinitely do not EVER do this: resume.pdf

There was never a "before".German forces committed atrocities from the very first day of the invasion of the USSR. There were numerous cases of killing of Soviet troops following surrender, and also cases of Wehrmacht units killing civilians in reprisal for actual or presumed hostile acts, to which they were "entitled" according to the Fuhrer Decree on Disciplining of German Troops and Handling of Resistance in District Area "Barbarossa", 13 May 1941. Excerpts from that decree:1. Punishable offenses committed by enemy civilians do not, until further notice, come any more under the jurisdiction of the courts-martial and the summary courts-martial.2. Guerillas are to be killed ruthlessly by the troops in battle or during pursuit.3. Also all other attacks of enemy civilians against the Wehrmacht, its members and employees are to be fought by the troops at the place of the attack with the most extreme means until annihilation of the attacker.4. In cases where measures of this kind were neglected or not immediately possible, elements suspected of offense will be brought at once before an officer. He decides whether they are to be shot.Against villages from which the Wehrmacht was insidiously and maliciously attacked, collective punitive measures by force will be carried out immediately under command of an officer with the rank of at least a battalion commander, if the circumstances do not permit an immediate identification of individual perpetrators.[…]1. For offenses committed by members of the Wehrmacht and its employees against enemy civilians, prosecution is not compulsory, not even if the offense is at the same time a military crime or violation.The killing of Jewish males by mobile killing squads behind the front line also began quite early. One particularly notorious case of such early killings later became the subject of the Ulm Einsatzgruppen Trial, which sort of awakened the criminal justice authorities and the public in the German Federal Public as concerns NS-crimes and the need of bringing to trial the many so far untried participants in such crimes. The massacres committed by the defendants at this trial (members of the Gestapo and the Security Service), in what was then the German-Lithuanian borderlands, commenced on 24 June 1941 with the killing of male Jews from the town of Gardsen, which had previously been defended to the last man by the Soviet garrison (only a few prisoners were taken, and German casualties were heavy).Another question is how much Soviet troops who had not yet been confronted with such atrocities, and the Soviet public, knew about these atrocities. Molotov’s note about German atrocities in Occupied Soviet Territory dated 7 February 1942 suggests that knowledge of German crimes against prisoners of war and the civilian population was still sporadic and imprecise at that time, and much of it came from what Soviet troops found as they began reconquering territory from the Germans starting December 1941 and Soviet cameramen filmed graphic scenes such as those later shown at the Nuremberg Trial of the Major War Criminals.Yet another question is the extent to which the Soviet general population in the territories occupied by Germany even minded the German atrocities they were initially confronted with, insofar as they were directed only against the local Jewish population. For instance, after the Babi Yar Massacre on 29 & 30 September 1941, the following was noted in Operational Situation Report USSR No. 106 dated 7 October 1941:The population agreed with the plan to move the Jews to another place. That they were actually liquidated has hardly been made known. However, according to the experience gained so far, this would not meet with any opposition.Then there is the question to what extent captured Soviet servicemen (insofar as they had survived German captivity) and the civilian population of the occupied territories were prepared to accept German rule as the better alternative to Soviet rule, notwithstanding knowledge of German atrocities even where these did not target the Jewish population alone.It is indisputable that in many places, especially in the territories annexed by the USSR in 1941, German troops were received with flowers. Such scenes can be seen in the installment "The Fight From Within" of the "Russia’s War: Blood Upon The Snow" documentary series.The NKVD prisoner massacres may have contributed in no small measure to such welcome scenes in places where such massacres took place.Equally indisputable is the fact that a great many former Soviet servicemen and other Soviet citizens served the German armed forces or in the German armed forces. Besides the many who collaborated in the genocide of the Jews, especially in Lithuania, there were also the Hilfswillige voluntary assistants, who mostly performed menial tasks in German service, and there were former Soviet troops who fought against the Red Army alongside German troops. As mentioned in Breaking Down Soviet WWII Losses 1.0.1.pdf, an estimated 215,000 Soviet citizens in German service lost their lives in battles against Soviet forces. Soviet citizens in German service didn’t even shrink from taking part in atrocities against non-Jewish civilians in the course of anti-partisan operations, as graphically shown in the 1985 Soviet film Come and See (a must see indeed - in my opinion the best World War II film ever made).Such widespread collaboration with the German enemy led some contemporary German observers to condemn oppressive occupation policies as wasting a potential of sympathy that the Germans could have used in their favor to a far larger extent than they did. One of them was the author of the Memorandum by Brautigam Concerning Conditions in Occupied Areas of the USSR, 25 October 1942, from which the following excerpts are taken.As we all know, the peoples of the S. U. (Soviet Union) have gone through the hardest times. Consequently, they are of a simplicity inconceivable to us, even in the political sphere. A form of government which was not intent only on plundering and exploitation and which put aside the Bolshevist methods would have kindled the greatest enthusiasm and put at our disposal a mass of millions. And the enthusiasm in the occupied Eastern territories would have had its reaction on the force of resistance of the Red Army. It would have been easily attainable to have the Red Army man say to himself: "I fight for a system that is throughout worse than that which awaits me in the case of a defeat. I will be better off in every respect among the Germans than I have been until now". If the Red Army man had become convinced of his general well-being, the war would have been at an end very soon.[…]Of primary importance, the treatment of prisoners of war should be named. It is no longer a secret from friend or foe that hundreds of thousands of them literally have died of hunger or cold in our camps. Allegedly there were not enough food supplies on hand for them. It is especially peculiar that the food supplies are deficient only for prisoners of war from the Soviet Unions, while complaints about the treatment of other prisoners of war, Polish, Serbian, French and English, have not become loud. It is obvious that nothing is so suitable for strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army as the knowledge that in German captivity a slow miserable death is to be met. To be sure the Main Department for Politics has succeeded here by unceasing efforts in bringing about a material improvement of the fate of the prisoners of war. However this improvement is not to be ascribed to political acumen, but to the sudden realization that our labor market must be supplied with laborers at once. We now experienced the grotesque picture of having to recruit millions of laborers from the occupied Eastern territories, after prisoners of war have died of hunger like flies, in order to fill the gaps that have formed within Germany. Now the food question no longer existed. In the prevailing limitless abuse of the Slavic humanity, "recruiting" methods were used which probably have their origin only in the blackest periods of the slave trade. A regular manhunt was inaugurated. Without consideration of health or age the people were shipped to Germany, where it turned out immediately that far more than 100,000 had to be sent back because of serious illnesses and other incapabilities for work. This system in no way considered that these methods would of necessity have their effect on the power of resistance of the Red Army, since these methods were used only in the Soviet Union of course, and in no way remotely resembling this form in enemy countries like Holland or Norway. Actually we have made it quite easy for Soviet propaganda to augment the hate for Germany and the National Socialist system. The Soviet soldier fights more and more bravely in spite of the efforts of our politicians to find another name for this bravery. Valuable German blood must flow more and more, in order to break the resistance of the Red Army. Obviously the Main Department for Politics has struggled unceasingly to place the methods of acquiring workers and their treatment within Germany on a rational foundation. Originally it was thought in all earnestness to demand the utmost efforts at a minimum cost of the biological knowledge has led to an improvement. Now 400,000 female household workers from the Ukraine are to come to Germany, and already the German press announces publicly that these people have no right to free time and may not visit theaters, movies, restaurants, etc. and may leave the house at the most three hours a week apart from exception concerning duty.In addition there is the treatment of the Ukrainians in the Reichs Commissariat itself. With a presumption unequalled we put aside all political knowledge and to the glad surprise of all the colored world treat the peoples of the occupied Eastern territories as whites of Class 2, who apparently have only the task of serving as slaves for Germany and Europe. Only the most limited education is suitable for them, no solicitude can be given them. Their sustenance interests us only insofar as they are still capable of labor, and in every respect they are given to understand that we regard them as of the most minute value.[…]If we do not accomplish this change of course at once, then one can say with certainty that the power of resistance of the Red Army and of the whole Russian people will mount still more, and Germany must continue to sacrifice her best blood. Yes, it must be openly stated that the possibility of a German defeat approaches in a tangible proximity, all the more so if the partisan movement for which Stalin is striving with every means, should spread over a greater part of the Ukraine.Could the potential of sympathy that the Germans wasted by their brutality, as the author of the above-quoted report alerted (in vain), have been turned into a wholesale revolt against the Soviet regime? Could Soviet troops have been made to abandon the fight altogether, as they predecessors had done in the end in World War I?There are several reasons to consider this unlikely.One is the firm, even suicidal fight put up by Soviet troops on a number of occasions throughout Operation Barbarossa, like in above mentioned town of Gardsen, in the Defense of Brest Fortress, the Yelnya Offensive, the Siege of Odessa (1941), and, especially, the Battle of Moscow, the subject of Rodric Braithwhite’s book Moscow 1941: A City and Its People at War. As mentioned above, Soviet troops encountered evidence of German atrocities as they reconquered territory, but the troops and militiamen who had previously fought the Germans to a standstill cannot have known much about those atrocities.It’s not like the German attack had caused a wholesale skedaddle among the Red Army’s forces before German atrocities became widespread knowledge. Quite the contrary. Operation Barbarossa was hard going from the very start (as any surviving German veteran will tell you), and the Germans suffered their highest casualties of the Barbarossa operation in July and August 1941, according to the Appendix 1 to Robert Kershaw’s book War Without Garlands. In Chapter 11 of that book, about the Battle of Kiev, Kershaw quotes a German soldier’s statement that "We will have to annihilate everything before this war is going to end." Excerpts from that chapter [pp. 347–350]:On the right wing of the 45th Infantry Division, Infantry Regiment 133 experienced a ‘lunatic and reckless cavalry attack which rode through our machine gun fire’. They were followed by ‘mass human-wave attacks, which we had not experienced until now’. Cossacks galloped through German outposts with drawn sabres, slashing down with such force that troops caught in the open had their helmets cleaved through to the skull. A segment of this epic Tolstoyian charge reached as far as the division headquarters at Yagolin before it was stopped. Behind the cavalry came a tightly compact triple-wave infantry assault, supported by heavy artillery fire. Four tank and three lorry-mounted infantry platoons were amongst them, suicidally driving directly against the division line. As they dismounted when blocked by a railway line atop an embankment facing the German positions, they were subjected to a withering storm of fire from co-ordinated artillery, anti-tank, machine gun and small arms fire. ‘The dead,’ according to the division report, ‘covered the length of the embankment in countless masses.’ Among them were women in uniform.[…]The 6th Artillery Battery of Artillery Regiment 98, occupying high ground as point 131, fired directly into the waves of attacking Russian infantry, creating huge gashes in the advancing crowds. Undeterred, the remorseless mob swept into the German gun positions, where furious hand-to-hand fighting developed. One German artillery piece was captured and hauled around to fire at its own division headquarters, wounding horses but missing personnel.[…]Fearful losses on both sides became increasingly apparent as the pocket was compressed. ‘I could not avoid seeing the truckfuls of young corpses,’ recalled Max Kuhnert following the advance. They were Germans. ‘It was just ghastly, and those were only a few from our immediate area. Blood was literally running down the side from the floorboards of the trucks, and the driver was, despite the heat, white as a sheet.’Strewn along the roadsides were dismembered corpses. German soldiers were visibly affected by at the sight of uniformed female Russian casualties.[…]The reduction of the Kiev pocket was a battle of annihilation. As the Soviet divisions were cut to pieces, German casualties rose also. ‘Whose turn would it be today?’ was the unasked question vexing tired infantry as they roused themselves from a few hours’ sleep, often in woodland, before resuming the advance. ‘Pain, hunger and thirst took second place now,’ said one soldier, ‘with the ice-cold breath of death brushing our cheeks and sending shivers down our spines.’ It took five days to reduce the pocket. On the fourth day, 45th Infantry Division was attacking a heavily wooded feature in the Beresany area, pushing westwards towards Kiev. Heavy hand-to-hand fighting developed against Soviet soldiers unusually armed with sub-machine guns and automatic weapons. There was no surrender.Bundles of grenades were bound together and hurled at the German attackers for maximum effect. One concentrated charge wiped out an entire machine gun crew. All night long the Russians repeatedly tried to break out. By first light about 100 corpses could be counted, sprawled round the perimeter of one of the lead companies. A body inspection revealed 25 were officers and commissars and another 25 were NCOs. The wood where the enemy had been concentrated was raked by heavy artillery fire time and again until all resistance ceased: 700 PoWs including a Soviet army corpse general emerged.Even areas already overrun had to be systematically combed. It was a slow, methodical and remorselessly bloody process. ‘Survival became the only thing that mattered,’ declared Kuhnert. ‘One could actually become jealous of others who got wounded, not badly mind you, but just enough to get them home or away from this place of slaughter, stench and utter destruction.’ All the countless haystacks and straw huts that dotted the landscape had to be laboriously checked. Hiding inside were cut-off enemy groups who continued to pick off single German soldiers or vehicles. A ‘reconnaissance by fire’ was instituted to overcome the problem. The shelters were shot into flames.As concerns the Soviet civilian population, the strongest argument against the notion that the Soviet government could have been overthrown by a popular revolt, had it not been for German atrocities, is the behavior of the citizens of besieged Leningrad.To be sure, Hitler and the Wehrmacht High Command had a genocidal plan to wipe out the city’s population by starvation so as not having to feed it at the expense of what General Quarter Master Eduard Wagner called the Germans’ "food supply wallet". But the citizens of Leningrad didn’t know that. Neither did they know much about what efforts were being made to get them out of their death trap. What they knew was that the Soviet government had put them in harm’s way by not evacuating the city in due time, and that anyone with privileges due to status and/or party connections continued to live quite well even as their fellow Soviet citizens died like flies around them - a contrast epitomized by the below photographs featured in Anna Reid’s book Leningrad: The Epic Siege of World War II, 1941-1944.If ever a population in desperate straits could perceive a reason to rise against its leaders so as to put an end to their plight, it was the population of Leningrad during the German siege. Yet I don’t remember having read about any instances of widespread revolt or indications that such might occur, be it in the memoirs that literary scientist Dmitry Likhachov wrote for his daughters or in any book I have read about the siege of Leningrad, including Anna Reid’s.The Germans, who were closely monitoring the mass dying inside the city, apparently expected such revolt to happen. German soldiers on the Leningrad front had orders to fire on civilians trying to leave the city in the direction to the German lines, and at least one of their commanders was severely concerned about the moral burden that carrying out such order would place on his men. From the War Diary of the General Command of L. Army Corps, 18.9.1941 - 6.5.1942 (Bundesarchiv/Militärarchiv, H 24/5015), my translation:The commanding general visited a number of firing positions of heavy and light batteries of artillery regiment 269. The commanding general viewed the installations for the winter and the construction of emplacements and then discussed with the commanders and battery leaders the use of the artillery in case of the Russian civilian population trying to break out of Leningrad. According to army order of 18.9.1941 Nr. 2737/41 secret, such attempts are to be prevented, if necessary by force of arms. It is the task of the artillery to fend of any such undertaking as far away as possible from our own lines by opening fire at an early stage, so that the infantry is as far as possible spared having to shoot on civilians.Yet no such breakout attempt ever occurred. Caught between the German enemy and the callousness and incompetence of their own government, the citizens of Leningrad stoically endured a horror that has few parallels in the history of war.Considering these examples, I would say that the resistance of the Soviet armed forces and the Soviet people against the German invasion and partial occupation, especially when things were at their worst for them, didn’t have much to do with fear of or revulsion at atrocities committed by the Germans. They also had little to do with loyalty to the Soviet system, or with Soviet repression (the Not One Step Back - Order 227 was issued only on 28 July 1942). People fought and endured hardship, most of them without protesting, simply because they felt that this was the right and proper thing to do.Below are a documentary about the siege of Leningrad and the third installment, "Between Life And Death", of the "Russia’s War" series, in which the siege of Leningrad is quite impressively addressed. Both are worth watching.