Oromo Phonology: Fill & Download for Free

Afro-Asiatic is a deservedly widely accepted family. It is the oldest identifiable family. In spite of the great time depth of the family along with the extensive lexical, phonetic, and, to some extent, grammatical diversification of the Afro-Asiatic languages, the widespread and unique grammatical canons and paradigms allow one to see a faint, but truly genuine genetic relationship that is not easy to ascribe to chance or simple contact.Update***:I’m currently in the process of modifying this answer so that it can be in line with some illuminating information that I’m now privy to. The modifications in the answer will, overall, not be especially significant, particularly for the discussion of common and/or diagnostic Afro-Asiatic features. However, for one section (the discussion of the Omotic languages), the modifications will likely be notably significant, as I have loosened my stance a fair deal regarding its inclusion (or, rather, much of it) within Afro-Asiatic since my publishing this answer; my reassessment of Omotic, again, stems from the information I have access to now.With that said, the current discussion concerning Omotic in the answer will remain, as the information is still important to consider, particularly concerning African historical linguistics tradition, in which a conventional preference for lumping has contributed to the stark lack of diversity of Africa’s language families relative to many other parts of the world. Please bear this all in mind when reading through the answer.Above: Rough approximations of the traditional geographic range of Afro-Asiatic languages. [1][1][1][1][2][2][2][2]At first glance, there are plenty of differences throughout the family. For example, Chadic languages, have developed tonal systems, Cushitic and Ethiosemitic languages have SOV constituent word orders, and Egyptian’s grammatical morphology became rather divergent from that of most other Afro-Asiatic languages. Additionally, each branch’s lexicon is usually very different from that of its other relatives. Sometimes, that’s the case even if two languages fall within the same subfamily (e.g., Cushitic [3][3][3][3] ). This places limitations on the comparative method, especially as it pertains to establishing robust sound correspondences. [4][4][4][4] Nevertheless, the broader genetic unity of Afro-Asiatic languages is not really in question.Above: Age of written traditions of various Afro-Asiatic languages/sub-families. [5][5][5][5]What helps is the long written histories of many Afro-Asiatic languages. Akkadian and Egyptian’s written histories extend into the 4th and 5th millennia (possibly even 6th millennium) B.C.E., respectively.There are many features of Afro-Asiatic that help to forge this link. For example, they tend to have grammatical gender stability. That’s to say that words very often have the same gender across the branches, even if the words themselves may not all be related across the branches. [6][6][6][6]Above: Gender stability across the various branches. [7][7][7][7]So, in the table above, the words for “mouth” and “blood” are all masculine regardless of which branch of Afro-Asiatic. As these don’t pertain to sex-gender, the stability is even more telling. Widespread grammatical gender stability isn’t always seen in members of other phyla that more easily form a genetic unit, such as Indo-European, which may make one think that the stability might have arisen from an early sprachbund, but since there’s symmetry not only in the gender stability, but also the gender markers both in nouns and verbs, a sprachbund is a less likely alternative.Across the phylum, there’s ubiquity in the gender system gender paradigms and canons that are truly remarkable. The verbal systems are fusional and, with regards to gender, have the feminine third-person singular marked with /t/ usually as a prefix, but also sometimes as a suffix, especially depending on the tense. For the masculine third-person singular, the marker is most often realized as /j/.third-person feminine singular verbal prefix /t-/:HAUSA (Chadic):tá-sàyáa → “she buys/bought”AMAZIGH (Berber):t-dawa → “she healed”ARABIC (Semitic):ʾaḵaḏu (“take”) becomes taʾaḵaḏu (تَأْخُذُ) (“(she) takes”)AMHARIC (Semitic):ትበላለች (tibelalechi) → “she eats”Corresponding verbal feminine suffix:ARABIC: -at (past feminine)ʾaḵaḏu (“take”) becomes ʾaḵaḏat (أَخَذَتْ) (“(she) took”)EGYPTIAN: -ti (stative feminine) [8]rḫ (“to know”) becomes rḫ-ti (“(she) knows”)third-person singular masculine prefix /y- (IPA: /j/)/:HAUSA:ya-ci → “(he) eats/ate”ARABIC:يكتب (ya-ktub) → ”(he) writes”AMHARIC (Semitic):ይበላል (yi-belali) → “(he)eats”KABYLE (Berber):Yenna-yas → “(he) said it to him”BEJA (Cushitic):yi-danbīl → “(he) collects” [9]Note: All these languages above have distinct pronouns for “he,” “she,” and sometimes “it,” but each verb has a subject prefix and attached that codes for things like gender (masculine/ feminine) or number (e.g., singular).Nouns are also coded for gender, too, with parallels across the phylum. Nouns are either masculine or feminine, and they are either coded with /t/ as a suffix, especially when making an ordinarily masculine noun feminine, or as a separate word.EGYPTIAN: -t (IPA: /at/)sn = “brother”snt[10] (IPA: /saːnat/ or /sɛnɛt/)= “sister”ḥmt (IPA: ħiːmat) = “woman”mwt (IPA: /muːt/ or/muʔwat/) = “mother”nwt (IPA: /nuːt/ or /nuːʔat/) = “town (feminine)The -t suffix began falling out of use in word-final positions as early as the 6th Dynasty. So, snt (IPA: *sánat) “sister” became “sána” (cf., Coptic sōne/sōni ((ⲥⲱⲛⲉ/ⲥⲱⲛⲓ) “sister”) [11] . Likewise, the word ḥmt evolved into Coptic hime (ϩⲓⲙⲉ) [12] , and mwt became mau (ⲙⲁⲩ).ARABIC: -athabib (حَبِيب) = “beloved, sweetheart” [13]habibi (حَبِيبِي) = “my love (male)”habibati (حَبِيبَتِي) = “my love (female)”Note: the suffix -i is the first person singular possessive suffix (i.e., “my”)AMHARIC: -tityop̣p̣yawi (ኢትዮጵያዊ) = “Ethiopian (male)”ityop̣p̣yawi-t (ኢትዮጵያዊ) = “Ethiopian (female)”nəgus (ንጉስ) = “king”nəgəs-t (ንግሥት) = “queen”TIGRINYA: -t[14]käfati = “man who opens”käfatit = “woman who opens”BERBER: t…t [15]amghar = old man/leadertamghart = old woman/leader (female)HAUSA: “ta (feminine marker)” and “ya (masculine marker)” [16]Note: the markers must appear with the noun even if the gender isn’t specifically necessary.kare “dog” = masculine, “-n” = masculine definite markerkaren ya tsaya can(lit., dog-the(masc.) masc. marker stand there)→ The dog stands theretafiya “cap” = feminine, “-r” = feminine definite markertafiyar ta tsaya anan(li., cap-the(fem.) fem.marker stay here)→ The cap stays hereThere is also a shared n/t/n 'masculine/feminine/plural' gender and pluralization agreement canon throughout the Afro-Asiatic phylum mostly in Cushitic, Chadic, Berber, and with traces in Semitic and Egyptian: [17][17][17][17][18][18][18][18]BEJA (Cushitic) : n/t/n for demonstratives“this (masculine singular)” = ben“this (feminine singular)= bet“these” = balīnOUARGLA (Berber): n/t…t/n pattern“other”:“other (masculine singular) = wididen“other (feminine singular) = tididet“other (masculine plural) = ididənin“other (feminine plural) = tididəntinHAUSA (Chadic): /n/ for masculine and plural agreement copulas, /t/ for feminine agreement: [19][20][21]“ne” = masculine/plural copula, “ce” (from earlier *te) = femininekàré né = It’s a dogmótà cé = It’s a carmótàci né = They’re cars“my father” = ùbábá ná“my mother” = úwá tá“my parents” = íyàyé náThere’s also strong evidence for the locative, agentive, and instrumental being marked with the prefix /m/ throughout the family.locative/agentive/instrumental marker /ma-/: [22]EGYPTIAN: [23]m-ṯwn (IPA: /mɛt͡ʃuːn/) → “arena,” which is based on the verb “ṯwn (“to gore”)”m-nḫt (IPA: /mɛnxɛt/) → “clothing,” based on the verb “wnḫ (“to clothe”)” + feminine suffix -tm-ẖnt (IPA: /mɛçnɛt/) → “ferryboat,” based on the verb “ẖnj (“to row, to ferry”)” + the feminine suffix -tHAUSA:má-háif-áa → “womb,” based on the verb to procreate/give birthmá-hàif-íi → “father (the begetting one)”ARABIC:ma-drasa (مدرسة)→ “academy (lit., “the place where one learns/studies”) [24]mu-katib-un → “the corresponding one”AKKADIAN:ma-škan-u(m) → “deposit”AMHARIC:mä-lhəq (መልህቅ) → “anchor”BERBER:əmə-gər → “thief”Pan-Afro-Asiatic cognates are rather few in number, which is owed to the great age of the family. For instance, when comparing the lexica of Egyptian and Semitic, there are some similarities, but the lexical differences are vast, and one may be hard-pressed to find similar words at times; for that reason, if trying to justify the family by lexical data, the similarities will usually not be enough to prove the relationship with complete certainty. Now, there are such words that speak to a link in the distant past, but as a caveat, it is important to know that some words across any family/phyla are due to chance resemblance or borrowing. Below is an example: [25][25][25][25]Chance Resemblance: Hausa “haka ('dig')” and English “hack, dig”Shared Borrowing: Hausa “mangwaro (“mango”)” and English ‘mango‘ = both borrowed from Tamil via Portuguese.Lexical likenesses across Afro-Asiatic, especially in modern languages, are usually loanwords instead of true cognates (e.g., widespread Arabic and/or modern Semitic loanwords or even nativized loans), which speaks to the difficulty in establishing their relatedness with even lexical data. [26][26][26][26]Nevertheless, there are words across the phylum that are so widespread and have such similar meanings that they are indicative of some kind of early relationship, which, when combined with the totality of both the grammatical canons and paradigms heightens the chance of these words stemming from the same root.Common shared lexical canons include, but are certainly not limited to, the following:Above: Common Pan-Afro-Asiatic roots. [27][27][27][27]Below are some words that are reconstructable to Proto-Afro-Asiatic that form the basic wordstock of most or even all branches of the family. Please bear in mind that while these words appear to be reconstructable, there are still issues in Afro-Asiatic linguistics pertaining to what’s called “Semitic Bias,” which has unduly given the Semitic languages more influence over the understanding of early Afro-Asiatic than should be expected. There are also potential issues with reconstructive methods by such linguists as Ehret, who has helped to establish much of the Afro-Asiatic reconstructions. Basically, one should understand the current reconstructions are fairly or sometimes even very reasonable, but the reader should not take these to be set-in-stone reconstructions, just good ones that give an understanding of what the original words or word roots in early Afro-Asiatic likely were.Note: If you’re unable to read the Akkadian and Coptic scripts on your computer (you likely can read them on your phone), you can use the links below to show you how to very simply and quickly download the fonts onto your computer:Akkadian FontCoptic (Source 1)Coptic (Source 2)*m- (“what? (interrogative)”): [28][28][28][28]ARABIC (Semitic): madha (ماذا)/ma (ما) → “what (interrogative)HEBREW (Semitic): ma (מה)HAUSA (Chadic): meBERBER: maEGYPTIAN: m/mj (IPA: /mi/)RENDILLE (Cushitic): maḥ*m-t/*m(w)-t (“die”): [29][29][29][29]HAUSA (Chadic): mutuARABIC (Semitic): mat (مات)/mut (موت)HEBREW (Semitic): מת (met)EGYPTIAN: mt (IPA: /mɛt/)Coptic: mou (ⲙⲟⲩ) [30]RENDILLE (Cushitic): mutTUAREG (Berber): yemmutSOMALI (Cushitic): mōd*s-n (“know”): [31][31][31][31]MIYA (Chadic): sənHAUSA (Chadic): saniEGYPTIAN: swnTUAREG (Berber): əssən*s-m (“name”): [32][32][32][32]BERBER: isəmHEBREW (Semitic): shem (שם)ANGAS (Chadic): súmAGAW (Cushitic): səm*f-d (“four”): [33][33][33][33]HAUSA (Chadic): hudu/huɗufrom Proto-Chadic *fuɖuEGYPTIAN: fdwBEJA (Cushitic): faḍigOROMO (Cushitic): afur*d-m/*dam (“blood”): [34][34][34][34]MAAKA (Chadic): domARABIC (Semitic): damma (دم)BERBER: idammǝn [35]*l-s/*lis– (“tongue/lick”): [36][36][36][36][37][37][37][37]AMHARIC (Semitic): ləsan (ልሳን) → “language/tongue”ARABIC (Semitic): lisan (لسان)BERBER: iləsHAUSA (Chadic): harsheEGYPTIAN: ns (IPA: nɛs)From reconstructed Egyptian /lis/ or /les/COPTIC: las (ⲗⲁⲥ) [38]*** KAFA (“Omotic”): mi-laso [39]*ti/ *t(y) or *ta (“eat”): [40][40][40][40][41][41][41][41]AKKADIAN (Semitic): ta’u (𒋫𒀪𒌑 )HAUSA (Chadic): cifrom Proto-Chadic *tiSOQOTRI (Semitic): teKabyle (Berber): teṭṭ*ma (“water”): [42][42][42][42]TUAREG (Berber): amanDAHALO (Cushitic): maʔaEGYPTIAN: mw (IPA: /maw/)AKKADIAN (Semitic): mu-u/mûTIGRINYA (Semitic): may (ማይ)*ˀanāku (“I/me”):AKADDIAN (Semitic): anāku (𒀀𒈾𒆪)EGYPTIAN: jnk (IPA: /inɛk/ or /ʔaˈnak/)Coptic: anok (ⲁⲛⲟⲕ)TARAFIYIT BERBER: nəššfrom Proto-Berber *ənakkʷARABIC (Semitic): ana (أنا)HEBREW (Semitic): anokhi (אנוכי)OROMO (Cushitic): ani*mVt- (“husband, man”): [43][43][43][43] [44][44][44][44]AKKADIAN (Semitic): mutu → “man, husband”HAUSA (Chadic): mutum → “person”OROMO (Cushitic): maatii (possibly) → “family”EGYPTIAN: mtwt → semen, son [45]*san-/*sin- (“brother”): [46][46][46][46]EGYPTIAN: sn (IPA: /san/)COPTIC: san (ⲥⲟⲛ)CAGU (Chadic): šǝnBEJA (Cushitic): saan*yamin- (“right, right hand):EGYPTIAN: jmnt (from “jmn” (IPA: jaːmin/) → “west, the right side”COPTIC: èment (ⲉⲙⲉⲛⲧ) → “west”HAUSA: yamma → “west”AKKADIAN: imnu (𒍠)HEBREW: yámin (ימין) → “right side of body, right hand”*kum- (“black”): [47][47][47][47]EGYPTIAN: km (IPA: kem)cf., kmt (“Egypt (“black land”)”)Coptic: kemə (ⲕⲏⲙⲉ) → “Egypt”)BUDAMA (Chadic): kaimē → “shadow”GAWWADA (Cushitic): kumma → “black”The pronominal systems also strongly point to such a connection. Pronouns are particularly resistant to borrowing or change. Of course, it is still technically possible for such words or pronominal forms to be borrowed, and similarities in pronouns can easily be down to chance due to a phenomenon called closed-set phono-symbolism; for the former, however, that is very rare. In the case of the Songhay languages, for example, the Northern Branch has very extensive Berber influence, such that, beyond a few hundred words, none of the words come from Proto-Songhay. [48][48][48][48] Nevertheless, even with all the external influence, the pronouns are resolutely Songhay in origin.So, when returning to Afro-Asiatic, there are strong pronominal similarities that are very well represented across the phylum that are hard to ascribe to chance or borrowing:Above: Correspondences in Afroasiatic dependent personal pronouns (cf. Sasse 1981a: 144). [49][49][49][49]Above: Pronominal Reference in Afro-Asiatic (Dimmendal 2011). [50][50][50][50]Now, when looking at the grammar once again, one sees more similarities in the canons and paradigms. For example, save for Chadic, in all non-controversial branches of Afro-Asiatic, the causative marker is marked with a sibilant (usually /s/, but also /ʃ/). The reconstructed forms are *-s-/-š-: [51][51][51][51][52][52][52][52]EGYPTIAN: ʿnḫ ‘to live’→ ś-ʿnḫ ‘to cause to live’KABYLE (Berber): ffeɣ "to go out"→ ss-uffeɣ "to make to go out"HIGHLAND EAST CUSHITIC (Cushitic): imm- ‘to give’imm-is- “to cause to give”OROMO (Cushitic): [53] dammaq- “to wake up”dammaq-s - “to awaken”ASSYRO-BABYLONIAN (Semitic): labāšu “to be clothed” [54]→ uš-albiš → “he clothed”Note: This is used when someone does something to have an action performed or a state to be produced.*** KOYRA (“OMOTIC”): book ‘to dig’ [55]book-us “cause to dig’”This is indeed widespread, but this isn’t the best diagnostic evidence. In the unrelated Volta-Congo languages, for example, the causative is also frequently marked with an -s. [56][56][56][56]DEGEMA (Volta-Congo, Edoid):-ɛsɛ [57]tʊ ‘be burnt’ → tʊ-ɛsɛ ‘cause to be burnt’There is also a common presence of /n/ as the genitive linker (i.e., “of, -’s”) in many Afro-Asiatic branches, most notably Berber, Egyptian, and parts of Chadic. [58][58][58][58]KABYLE (Berber): [59]a-qjun n wǝqʃiʃ (lit. “dog gen. marker boy”)“The boy’s dog”EGYPTIAN: [60][61][62]kꜣ n st (IPA: ka n sɛt (lit., “soul gen.marker her”))her/the woman’s soulCOPTIC: rem-n-khēmi (ⲣⲉⲙ-ⲛ̀-ⲭⲏⲙⲓ) (lit., person gen.marker Egypt)“An Egyptian (person of Egypt)”HAUSA (Chadic):karen yaron (lit., “dog gen. marker boy-the(masc.)”“the boy’s dog”karen yinyar (lit., “dog gen.marker girl-the(fem.)”“the girl’s dog”Afro-Asiatic languages also show a fairly widespread pattern of noun pluralization whereby the final vowel is lengthened with the possible addition of the semivowel /w/. [63][63][63][63]Above: External masculine plural marking by w(ū). [64][64][64][64]Another of the many ways nouns can be pluralized in Afro-Asiatic languages has to do with the dichotomy between /a/ as the singular, but /i/ as the plural marking form: [65][65][65][65]Above: /a/ v. /i/ as a singular v. plural indicating method in Berber and Chadic. [66][66][66][66]Afro-Asiatic languages also have suffixed pronominal forms that are canonically very similar across the phylum. This is most easily seen in the possessive suffixes, for example. [67][67][67][67]Note: The forms in the red boxes below are the comparable suffixed possessive forms.Above: Egyptian Pronominal Paradigms. [68][68][68][68]Above: Common Berber Pronominal Paradigms. [69][69][69][69]Above: Hausa (Chadic) Pronominal Paradigms. [70][70][70][70]Above: Arabic Pronominal Paradigms. [71][71][71][71][72][72][72][72]Those aren’t even all of the non-typological similarities across the phylum, but I believe the reader should get the impression that the consistency of the grammatical paradigms and canons coupled with the lexical similarities gives a rough, but a clearly identifiable and rather remarkable genetic unit. When taking into account the millennia-old ancient members of Afro-Asiatic or the reconstructed sub-families, the similarities draw the subgroups slightly, but steadily closer.Even with all the strong evidence for the genuineness of the family, that doesn’t mean that there are not controversial inclusions that are actually largely lacking in diagnostic justification. Contrary to popular belief, the Omotic languages fall into this category.Above: Distribution of Omotic languages and the “branches.” (Güldemann, 2018). [73][73][73][73]Note: Bear in mind that specialists have slightly differing opinions on the subcategorization of Omotic, as you’ll see below.Omotic languages have long been recognized as the most distinctive languages in the Afro-Asiatic domain, and for good reason. [74][74][74][74] There are indeed similarities seen between Omotic languages and non-Omotic Afro-Asiatic languages, such as the causative -s shown in previously mentioned Koyra language and some similarities in the pronominal systems, but the similarities aren’t pronounced or as stable as they are amongst the non-controversial members of Afro-Asiatic.For example, in Omotic languages, the personal affixes that code for gender and number are either seldom seen at all (e.g., Maale) or are present, but manifest differently to unquestioned Afro-Asiatic languages (e.g., Wolaytta). [75][75][75][75][76][76][76][76] Below is an example of this lack seen in Maale:mukk-é-ne = ‘I, you, (s)he (etc). came” [77]come-perfective marker-declarative marker.In the case of nominal gender with uncontroversial members of the family, the gender goes beyond sex-gender (i.e., man, woman, child, sow, hen) and includes things where the gender is not inherent (blood, mouth, sun). [78][78][78][78] Additionally, as shown earlier, there’s gender stability for the non-controversial members. For Omotic languages, this gender stability is not seen, and with regards to nouns, if grammatical gender is expressed, the gender focuses on the sex-gender of the noun (i.e., literally male or female), but there can be some figurative extension of these based on things like size. The paradigm and canons for the masculine and feminine also do not fall into the /j/ ~ /t/ dichotomy previously mentioned. [79][79][79][79] [80][80][80][80]Additionally, the other n/t/n canonical paradigm isn’t expressed in Omotic languages.From a lexical standpoint, many or even most of the common Afro-Asiatic words are largely not present, either. One does see some lexical similarity, such as in the pronominal systems, but this is expressed to different degrees across Omotic, and the lexical connection is even more scanty than the already scanty, but still useful, lexical evidence for the unity of Afro-Asiatic. Traditionally, specialists in Afro-Asiatic have assumed that the heightened differences are as a result of the ancestor of Omotic breaking away from the phylum much earlier than the other branches and due to contact interference. [81][81][81][81] That can make sense oftentimes, as is seen with the Anatolian languages relative to the rest of Indo-European, but there are big limitations with this possibility when looking at Omotic vis-à-vis the rest of Afro-Asiatic.One of the biggest limitations with linking Omotic pertains to the age of Afro-Asiatic at large and the time-depth at which these languages diversified from one another. When looking at the readily reconstructable branches or the earliest attested members (e.g., Proto-Semitic, Proto-Chadic, Akkadian, and Ancient Egyptian, the similarities with one another do increase with time depth, but their relationships only become as close as, say, the relationship between Hindi and English; that’s to say that their relationship is beyond reasonable doubt the farther back in time that one goes, but their common ancestor must have been spoken much farther back prehistory than the reconstructed branches and even most identifiable independent phyla. That means the differences in the lexica would have piled up. As you can see above, in the list below, only two words (in red) are thought to be definitively related. Some sources list the words “sn” and “šina,” both meaning two, are cognates based on sound correspondences, however. [82][82][82][82]Above: Comparison of basic lexicon in Egyptian and Akkadian. Cognates are shown in red. [83][83][83][83]Proto-Semitic alone is slightly younger than Proto-Indo-European (>6,000 ka), [84][84][84][84] yet it still doesn’t show an overwhelming degree of similarity with, say, Proto-Chadic or Proto-Berber. Mind you, Proto-Chadic is, itself, thought by some to be slightly over 5,000 years old [85][85][85][85]or, by others, about 7,000 years old. That means these proto-languages could be anywhere from an additional 3,000 to 5,000 years removed from one another depending on the rate of innovation, thus pushing the age of their shared ancestor up to and likely beyond 10,000 years ago. When throwing Omotic into the discussion, it’s distinctiveness would have to allow for a connection to the rest of Afro-Asiatic that is possibly many millennia older.Update (09/02/20): I previously said that the possible 18,000-year estimation for Afro-Asiatic was partly due to the inclusion of Omotic, but that was based on my misreading of one of my sources. So, I have taken out that part.The problem with this is that having enough evidence to prove genetic relationships going beyond 10,000 years is ordinarily rather hard. The closer one gets to 10,000 years ago, the relationships amongst any languages would usually be so obscured by innovation, lexical retention decay, and contact such that they may not appear to be anything more than two unrelated phyla.In the case of Hausa, for example, besides the divergence age of Chadic (its parent subfamily) from Afro-Asiatic, it has changed rather substantially from its other Chadic relatives due to contact with neighboring Volta-Congo (specifically Benue-Kwa) languages, such that even some rather basic vocabulary has been replaced. [86][86][86][86] For example, the word “biyu (“two”)” comes from an unattested Benue-Kwa language and displaced the original Chadic word for “two” (*sər) which itself is thought to be reconstructable to Proto-Afro-Asiatic. [87][87][87][87]When returning to Omotic and its lexical situation, it also appears to show a higher lexical similarity with Cushitic languages (12% on average), which speaks to contact-induced lexical similarity, particularly because the lexical similarity with non-Cushitic Afro-Asiatic languages is never more than 5%. [88][88][88][88] That should be no coincidence, since at one point, Omotic languages were thought of as divergent members of Cushitic in a way similar to Armenian was thought to be an Iranic language before being excised. Some linguists formerly thought that Omotic and Cushitic share a slightly more recent common ancestor with Cushitic instead of Omotic being descended from Cushitic, as is shown in the chronological map below:Above: Age and divergence of Afro-Asiatic according to G. Starostin (2010) and (A. Militarev 2005). [89][89][89][89]Note: The tree above should not be taken literally. There is no consensus on what branches of Afro-Asiatic are genetically closer to one another, and the age, while reasonably over 10,000 years ago, is still not verified yet.This closer genetic link between Omotic and Cushitic, of course, hasn’t been substantiated, not least for the reasons I described above. Another problem worth noting is that for many of the Omotic languages, linguists such as Fleming (1974) and Christopher Ehret have tried to link some of the Pan-Afro-Asiatic lexica to those seen in the various branches of Omotic. An example of this is the Proto-South Omotic word *zumɓ/*dzumʔ (“blood”) to the word for “blood” in secure Afro-Asiatic languages, such as Proto-Semitic *dmm, Berber “i-damm-әn” and Maha “dom.” As the linguist Rolf Theil in his works “Is Omotic Afro-Asiatic? A Critical Discussion” and “Omotic” points out, the forms for the word “blood” are completely different in the North Omotic languages (cf., Wolaytta “suutta,” Koorete “súutse,” etc.), and there have been no arguments for suggesting that the South Omotic form is somehow more conservative and has a common Afro-Asiatic link.One can also run into the issue of chance resemblances again. Omotic languages and even Indo-European have lexical and even grammatical similarities, for example. Some words commonly thought to link Omotic languages to Afro-Asiatic are comparable with Indo-European: [90][90][90][90]Proto-Omotic *ʔarf-/ʔarp (“moon”) v. PIE *H₃érbhis (“circle”)Proto-North Omotic *kan- (“dog”) v. PIE *kʸwon-~*kʸun- (“dog”)Proto-Omotic *ačč/ats (“tooth”) v. PIE *H₁d-ént-~*H₁d-ónt-~*H₁d-nt- (same root as *H₁ed- 'eat').cf., Proto-South Omotic *its (“eat”)Besides this, there have also been issues with establishing firm sound and semantic correspondences with the words seen in the broader Afro-Asiatic family. Usually across unquestioned Afro-Asiatic members, there are maybe three to five words that can help to show a sound correspondence, which is already low. [91][91][91][91] Additionally, since many old Afro-Asiatic languages like Egyptian and Akkadian didn’t represent vowels, it limits some of the correspondence methods. With Omotic sharing even fewer potential cognates, it makes it even harder to substantiate. Some correspondences have been assumed with Omotic, but were later found to be ununiform. [92][92][92][92] So, forming sound correspondences, which is already difficult amongst Afro-Asiatic languages due to the lack of, is much less fruitful an endeavor if looking at the Omotic languages.Bender (2003) made a rather telling statement concerning his own opinion about Omotic:I can say from my experience with Nilo-Saharan and the findings of Bender 1989, 1991, and 1996, that Omotic isomorphs do not fit well with Nilo- Saharan . . . Pending further work on ∗ Afrasian lexicon, I am forced to the conclusion that lexicon alone cannot serve to establish Omotic as Afrasian. Omotic has a very innovative and mixed lexicon with many areal intrusions from Afrasian languages, especially Cushitic, and also from Nilo-Saharan. Morphological retentions establish Omotic as an Afrasian family. (Bender 2003: 314) [93][93][93][93]With that all said, many linguists, such as Theil, are understandably not content with seeing the Omotic languages as part of Afro-Asiatic with current data. Some others are inclined to see the data for its inclusion inconclusive, since the languages in question are also not very well studied. Others yet are willing to see Omotic’s relationship to Afro-Asiatic as tentative, but still unproven, with only some members being possibly Afro-Asiatic, as is the case with Tom Güldemann (2018). [94][94][94][94] [95][95][95][95]Yet one more issue is the fact that some members traditionally included under Omotic, namely Dizoid and Aroid, may in fact, at least according to Theil’s findings, not even be Omotic or even related to each other.Above: Comparison of Aroid, Dizoid, Core Omotic, and Cushitic vocabularies (Theil).According to Rolf Theil, The Dizoid languages have many words resembling words in what he calls Core Omotic languages, but most of the vocabulary is not similar. On the whole, Dizoid words resembling Core Omotic words closely resemble Bench words. An example is Sheko “kjànù (“dog”)” and Bench “kjān (“dog”).” This cognate is found throughout Core Omotic languages, such as Koorete “kàna (“dog”)” and Bambassi “kánǝ (“dog”),” and is generally thought to be inherited from Proto-Omotic.For Dizoid and Bench (Core Omotic) to be distantly related Omotic languages, the cognates in the two groups should be very different from one another, not nearly identical and even sharing phonological innovations. Thus, the likelihood of borrowing is high. In Theil’s own words:When a Bench word resembling a Dizoid word is related to a word in other CO languages, it is most plausibly interpreted as a loanword from Bench. Examples are ‘dog’ and ‘breast’ in (2). When a Bench word resembling a Dizoid word is unrelated to a word in other CO languages, it is most plausibly interpreted as a Dizoid loanword in Bench, or possibly a loanword in both cases. [96][96][96][96]Intermarriage and multilingualism can also be an explanation for such similarities. For instance, Sheko is under pressure from both Amharic and Bench, Sheko speakers and Bench also frequently intermarry, and Sheko people are usually bilingual or trilingual in the aforesaid. Consequently, Dizoid languages may not actually be Omotic under further scrutiny. The same situation can be seen with the Aroid languages, too, as they share plenty of features with nearby Core Omotic languages.Even likenesses in the personal pronouns, case endings, which are common throughout the Ethiopian highlands area, and even similarities in the numerals do not necessarily prove a relationship, either. Various suspicious similarities can be seen between Core Omotic languages and neighboring Cushitic languages (e.g., Oromo).Above: Personal pronouns and cases in Aroid, Dizoid, Core Omotic, and Cushitic. [97][97][97][97]With this all said, this casts a great deal more doubt on whether Omotic should truly be considered Afro-Asiatic. For some, like Aroid and Dizoid, the link to Afro-Asiatic simply looks too suspicious to be tenable.Update (09/02/20): I previously said that for the inclusion of even “Core Omotic,” which looks the least suspicious, still looks a bit too suspicious to be tenable. However, to be fair (I was being too absolutist before), some members are much more promising members of Afro-Asiatic than others, such as the North Omotic (Ta-Ne) languages. Since most of them are understudied as well, there may be information gleaned from further studies that could help steer the overwhelming consensus of Omotic as Afro-Asiatic away from controversial to solidly beyond reasonable doubt, like with other Afro-Asiatic branches. However, even the more promising status of some Omotic languages as Afro-Asiatic does not mean that the inclusion is conclusive yet, as some linguists, like Güldemann, have recently stated.Few of the common Afro-Asiatic features appear to be well represented in Omotic languages, which are themselves highly diverse, and the common Afro-Asiatic lexical paradigms are greatly lacking as well. With grammatical information formerly used to try to link Omotic to Afro-Asiatic is also varyingly shaky. Pronominal affixes that mark for person, number, and gender are not particularly similar to the generalized Afro-Asiatic forms. For lexicon shared with the secure Afro-Asiatic members, many do appear, but many have an asymmetrical relationship with, for example, Cushitic, which has long been spoken in the Horn of Africa region.At best, if there is indeed a link to Afro-Asiatic, which is still possible, it might be beyond the horizon for now, so to speak, or at least until there’s further convincing information. Even though the case with Omotic is controversial, the broader evidence for Afro-Asiatic is enough to establish that the other subgroups are distantly but truly related to one another.Footnotes[1] Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages U N C O R R E C T E D P R O O F S JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY. - PDF Free Download[1] Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages U N C O R R E C T E D P R O O F S JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY. - PDF Free Download[1] Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages U N C O R R E C T E D P R O O F S JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY. - PDF Free Download[1] Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages U N C O R R E C T E D P R O O F S JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY. - PDF Free Download[2] The Oxford Handbook of African Languages[2] The Oxford Handbook of African Languages[2] The Oxford Handbook of African Languages[2] The Oxford Handbook of 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